Potter David. Henry VIII and Francis I
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80 chapter one
whom the people murmure, and specially the Brittaynes and Normans,
redy to ght in the querell, if they wist how; the one for losing their trade
of salt, which was their lyving, and thother being enforced to excessive
and newe impositions.
203
Early in 1543, Paget reported the reaction at Paris to the solde des
gens de guerre: ‘his people murmureth marvelously, not only here, but
universally throught his realme, whereas we have gone; and let not to
speke many sherewd wordes.’
204
Ironically, with hope virtually exhausted for drawing Henry into the
French alliance, Marillac was able to report July 1542 that preparations
for war in England had cooled, except by sea.
205
With Francis, Annebault
and the King’s sons on campaign at Perpignan and in Luxemburg
during August 1542, cardinal de Tournon remained at Lyon to deal
with matters of state. On 23rd, he received a despatch from Marillac
warning that Cheyney and Southampton had crossed to Calais with
troops. He added that the imminent sending of Sir Anthony Browne
to Francis might be to demand the pension as a justication for war.
Browne he described as ‘the worst of those who are ill-disposed to
your cause.’
206
He advised delaying an audience until the campaigning
season was over, an alarming change from his previous view that the
English would not declare war in 1542. Francis approved Tournon’s
advice to defer the audience:
And so that their arrival can be delayed, if you see that they desire to
obtain boats to travel here by water, you will not allow anyone to give
them any.
For his part, Francis was now assured of English ill-will but did not
think they would declare war before the end of the year.
207
ough
203
Paget to Henry VIII, 13 June 1542, St.P., IX, p. 51 (L&P, XVII, 400).
204
Paget to Henry VIII, 2 Feb. 1543, St.P., IX, p. 285 (L&P, XVIII, i, 106).
205
Marillac to Francis, 2 and 16 July 1542, Kaulek, pp. 428, 432 (L&P, XVII, 453,
500).
206
Marillac to Francis, 16 August 1542, Kaulek, pp. 451–452: ‘le pire de ceulx
qui sont mal enclinés à vostre dévotion.’ (Browne had been poorly treated on a spe-
cial embassy to France in September 1538 (Scheurer, Correspondance du Bellay, III,
p. 143)); Tournon to Marillac, 24 July 1542, Kaulek, p. 457: ‘et pour ce que le dict
seigneur m’a donné charge de veoir toutes les lettres qui passeront par icy addressées
à luy.’
207
Paget was told by told the Ferrarese ambassador da iene ‘I assure you of one
thing,’ quod he, ‘when so ever you shall ask your pension ernestly, looke to make a
breche with them.’ St.P., IX, p. 116. Da iene in fact reported that Browne’s mission
would be to persuade the French to make peace with the Emperor (to Ercole II, 30
Aug. 1542, ASM, Francia, B 18); Francis I to Marillac, 25 Aug. 1542, Kaulek, p. 458.
the road to war
81
Marillac was cheered by news of the war sent by L’Aubespine on his
return to France, he had little good news to oer.
208
Paget reported,
on the basis of secretary Bayard’s view, that Francis ‘doth no longer
dowbt that Your Majestye wil make warre agaynst Him’ and had conse-
quently allocated garrisons under Vendôme in Picardy. ey expected
Browne to move peace with the Emperor and demand the pensions.
209
To other envoys, Francis was putting on a brave face, however.
210
From
Jersey, Cornish reported certainty in France that there would be war;
there was general disinclination to war in Normandy and Brittany but
the Saint-Malo merchants were taking steps to recover their debts at
Southampton before it began.
211
At his post in Guînes, Wallop was
expecting war any day and asked to be informed in time.
212
e following months were fraught with imminent expectations
of war, especially with rumours of the Anglo-Imperial treaty of
February 1543. Henry may have taken the decision for war in June
or July 1542. He then sent agents to Germany to raise troops and told
omas Seymour and Heideck that he would have need of them early
in the new year, though the objectives of their campaign were still
Francis I to Tournon, 28 Aug. 1542, crs. Bochetel (Villebon, liasse, 20 orig.): ‘Et an
qu’ilz y puissent arriver plustart, sy vous voyez qu’ilz ayent envye de recouvrer bat-
teaux pour eulx en venir par eaue, vous ne sourirez point qu’il leur en soit baillé.’
with a covering letter to be produced for the English: ‘Mon cousin, pource qu’il est
bien necessairement requis pour ces nouvelles que j’ay eues d’Angleterre pourveoir
à mon pays et duché de Normandye à ce que par surprise ne autrement il ne puisse
venir inconvenient à ma ville et Havre de Grace . . .’ (ibid., letter sold by Pierre Bergé
auction, Drouot, 22 Nov. 2010, lot 90).
208
Marillac to L’Aubespine, 23 Aug.[1543], BnF, fr. 6621, fo. 153: remarked enig-
matically that ‘si ne puis asseure que le papegaud soit pour se tenir en sa cage, tant y
a que s’est bien qui fera merveilles si ses papillons ne peuvent le vol aultre part, car il
semble au mouoir de leurs ayles qui le soyent deliberee de veoir que font leurs plus
prochains voysins.’
209
Paget to Henry VIII, Pézenas, 7 Sept. 1542, St.P., IX, p. 150. Vendôme to Francis,
19 Sept. 1542, BnF, fr. 20521, fo. 32, was condent that he had enough troops. He had
been most concerned with Imperial garrisons during the summer.
210
Da iene to Ercole II, 18 Sept. 1542, reporting the complaints of the Admiral
that Henry’s actions in Scotland and at sea ‘non esser conformi li eetti alla buona
amicitia et fratellenza che era fra queste due Maestà . . . con molte altre parole dette
con grandissima colera. ’ Paget had told da iene that Henry ‘non ha mala opinione
ne animo di fare la guerra’ (ASM, Francia, B 18, p. 7 of decipher) same to same, 25
September 1542 (Ibid., p. 3 of orig. and 3 of decipher): Francis had said that ‘Sua Mae-
stà publicamente spese de gagliarde parole che . . . non dubitava che quel Re li potesse
punto nocere, perche non havea amici, nè fora nè nel suo proprio regno’ and that he
could defend himself at sea and aid Scotland. Paget reported these ‘assai notorie’ words,
24 Sept. 1542, St.P., IX, pp. 173–174.
211
Cornysshe to Hertford, 4 Dec. 1542, HMC Bath MSS, IV, p. 85.
212
Wallop to Council, 19 Sept. 1542, L&P, XVII, 809.
82 chapter one
very vague.
213
In March 1543, letters of reprisal were issued for those
who claimed they had not been able to get justice in France for losses
at sea.
214
Despite military clashes around the Calais Pale, it was pro-
claimed at Boulogne in February 1543 that war with England was not
to be spoken of.
215
French policy suered a severe setback by the defeat of the Scots at
Solway Moss and the death of James V. France began to try to oset
the Scots’ defeat by drawing them into a closer alliance (see chapter 2).
At the French court, those such as Chabot who had promoted under-
standing with England were thinking again. e Admiral, in any case,
was increasingly ill and had to withdraw to his estate near Bourges,
leaving Tournon in charge of aairs late in 1542.
216
e protagonists of
the Cleves alliance, La Planche and Longueval, were momentarily out
of favour.
217
Paget continued to oer fair words but the French were
under no illusions.
218
However, their priority was to delay the break
as long as possible and it was this reason and that Paget and his close
condant, the Ferrarese Da iene, were the only ambassadors allowed
within striking distance of the court while Francis was in the south on
campaign.
219
is explains Marillac’s surely rather weary revival of the
marriage negotiations alongside proposals for a spring summit.
220
213
omas Seymour to Henry VIII, 29 Dec. 1542, St.P., IX, p. 253– (L&P, XVII,
1246); Henry to Seymour, 14 Jan. 1544, L&P, XVIII, i, 42, troop raising suspended
until knowledge of the king’s pleasure.
214
NA, SP1/176, fo. 157 (L&P, XVIII, i, 329), letters for R. Burroughs, 28 March
1543 to arrest the French King’s subjects, ships and goods ‘in any place on the sea.’
215
Wallop to Council, 27 Feb. 1543, NA, SP1/176, fo. 80 (L&P, XVIII, i, 216); same
to same, 5 March 1543, NA, SP1/176, fo. 115 (L&P, XVIII, i, 249).
216
Da iene to Ercole II, 12 and 17 Oct. 1542 (ASM, Francia B 18, p. 2 of des-
patch) ‘il malo suo de quelche importancia, et molto periculoso.’ Before his with-
drawal, Chabot had a row with Paget over naval conicts (St.P., IX, p. 153). He did
not return to court until February (St.P., IX, p. 289) and then fell ill again.
217
Paget to Henry VIII, 20 Jan. 1543, St.P., IX, p. 272. La Planche had not been
trusted by Marguerite of Navarre since 1541, cf. Saulnier, ‘Recherches sur la corre-
spondence de Marguerite de Navarre,’ no. 861. Du Boys to Duke of Cleves, 5 Nov.
1541, SAD, Julich-Berg II, 1940, fo. 336–339.
218
Paget, 7 Sept. 1542, St.P., IX, pp. 150–151.
219
Da iene to Ercole II, 29 Aug., 25 Sept. 1542, ASM, Francia, B 18; Paget to
Henry VIII, 24 Sept. 1542, St.P., IX, p. 173.
220
Council to Paget, 1 Dec. 1542, St.P., IX, pp. 226–227, same to same, 29 Jan. 1543,
ibid., pp. 277–284, drawn up by Wriothesley at rst as a royal letter and then amplied
by him as a council letter, NA, SP1/175, fos. 98–108.
the road to war
83
Henry formally recalled Paget on 20 February 1543, with a prom-
ise to appoint a successor in the form of Richard Layton. Francis,
shocked at the news and on Tournon’s advice, tried to delay the nal
break with England by refusing to release Paget, who found himself at
Boulogne on 6 March virtually a prisoner of du Biez, who was under
orders not to let him go until his successor arrived. Francis even sent
a successor for the, by now, impossibly unpopular Marillac in the
person of somewhat improbable Roger d’Aspremont, protonotaire
d’Orthe. Marillac himself was held up at Calais until Paget could be
released, which was only done in late April.
221
Admiral Chabot died
on 1 June and marshal d’Annebault, seconded by Tournon, given the
maniement des aaires. e arrest on the frontier helped to delay the
English declaration of war until late June, by which time it was too late
for a serious joint Anglo-Imperial campaign. Henry in any case may
have been reluctant to move immediately.
222
It was planned to make a
joint declaration of war in highly traditional style by the heralds Garter
(Christopher Barker) and Toison d’Or (François de Phallaix) but this
was delayed at the frontier when du Biez, governor of Picardy and
Boulogne, acting on orders, refused to receive them.
223
e joint ulti-
matum required Francis – as pregured in the Anglo-Imperial talks of
the previous year – to desist from his aid to the Turks, compensate the
Emperor and pay the English pension and answer within twenty days.
224
Francis sent du Biez a letter in which he professed not to believe that
the harsh English demands recently sent really came from Henry VIII
and demanded a signed copy with safe-conduct for a negotiator. Du
Biez forwarded this letter on the King’s instructions to the Deputy
of Calais and Maltravers promised to send Henry’s reply but nothing
221
L&P, XVIII, i, 182, 183, 361, 403. Paget to Henry VIII, 27 Feb. 1543, St.P., IX,
pp. 322–327. e new ambassador has sometimes been confused with this brother the
vicomte d’Orthe. Roger’s title was a papal one and he is found on mission to Rome in
1545 (ANG III, no. 212) but otherwise was little employed in diplomacy. Presumably,
he was expendable. On Marillac at Calais, L&P, XVIII, i, 354.2.
222
L&P, XVIII, i, 754, 754(3); D’Orthe to Francis I, 7 June 1543, L&P, XVIII, i, 622
(intercepted copy from Simancas).
223
Commission to C. Barker, Garter King of Arms and Instructions to Toison d’Or,
NA, SP1/178. Fo. 128 (L&P, XVIII, i, 622); Garter to Council, 11 June 1543, NA,
SP1/178, fo. 7 (L&P, XVIII, i, 730); Du Biez to Maltravers, 15 June, to Francis I, 20
June, Francis I to du Biez, 27 June 1543, D. Potter, Un homme de guerre au temps de
la Renaissance: la vie et les lettres d’Oudart Du Biez, maréchal de France, Gouverneur
de Boulogne et de Picardie (vers 1475–1553) (Arras, 2001), pp. 172–174.
224
NA, SP1/178, fo. 130 (L&P, XVIII, i, 622).
84 chapter one
further was heard until the French ambassador d’Orthe reported the
declaration of war.
225
Du Biez was told not to receive the English herald sent with the dec-
laration of war and, as for the English articles (or ultimatum) sent for
answer within 20 days, he was told to ‘gain time with the English and
spin things out.’ Du Biez even forbore to respond to English provoca-
tions which at other times he could not have allowed to pass.
226
Wallop
at Guînes was instructed to warn the French that Henry was obliged
to help the Burgundians.
227
e evil hour could no longer be avoided but the process of declar-
ing war was almost sedate. Chapuys and Henry’s Council (the King
himself was absent from London because of the plague) nally agreed
to make a joint ‘intimation of war’ to the French ambassador in the
Star Chamber at Westminster on 22 June. e assembly included
royal councillors and was led by Norfolk. eir declaration listed the
alliance with the Turk, failure to pay the pension for nine years, aid
to rebels and to the Scots (Blancherose was even dragged up again).
Henry demanded the arrears of pension and the delivery of Boulogne,
Ardres, Montreuil and érouanne as surety for it. Should Francis not
answer within 20 days, Henry would demand also the whole kingdom
of France and the duchies of Normandy, Gascony and Guyenne and
a state of war would exist. Astonishingly, news of this had arrived
at Francis I’s camp at Maroilles in the Ardennes by 28th, though
d’Orthe’s despatch probably took longer.
228
e Anglo-French war
technically began on 12 July. D’Orthe took his leave about 15 July
and was escorted to Calais by a herald, bearing a not unhandsome
present of plate. It took until 3 August for open war to be proclaimed
225
Ibid., nos. 176, 182, 183.
226
Potter, Du Biez, nos. 172, 176, 183: ‘gaigner temps avecques lesdictz Anglois et
remectre tousiours les choses à la longue.’
227
Council to Wallop, 18 June 1543, NA, SP1/179, fo. 63 (L&P, XVIII, i, 730); Du
Biez to Wallop, 21 June, Wallop to du Biez, 21 June, Du Biez to Francis I, 20 June, 29
June 1543, Potter, Du Biez, pp. 173–174, 175–177.
228
François de Bourbon to Matignon, camp of Maroilles, 28 June 1543, Correspon-
dance de Matignon, no.CXVII: of the English ‘puis qu’il nous a donné xx jours de
terme a respondre aux articles qu’il nous demande, nous semble que au boult desdits
xx jours que en pourrons bien avoir encores davantaige; mais nous ne nous en fyons
point et ferons ly[sic] mieulx que pourrons pour luy nuyre.’
the road to war
85
in London.
229
Not until May 1544 were non-denizened Frenchmen
expelled from the country, though this was rescinded soon aer the
fall of Boulogne.
230
229
St.P., IX, 408, 388 (L&P, XVIII, i, 754); Council in London to Council at Court,
21 June 1543, L&P, XVIII, i, 746; XIX, i, 368, v (present of plate to d’Orthe); Chapuys
to Mary of Hungary, 23 June 1543, ibid., 759. Du Biez to Francis I, 9 July 1543, Potter,
Du Biez, pp. 180–181. Wriothesley to Suolk [?], [16 July 1543], L&P, XVIII, i, 894.
Henry VIII’s declaration of war: For as moche as by credyble meanes (London: Berth-
elot, [1543], undated, was proclaimed in London on 3 August (Grey Friars Chronicle,
ed. J.G. Nicholls, 1852, p. 45). It was published in French at Rouen, no doubt because
it was needed by the merchant community there: see Déclaration de la guerre envers
le roi de France de par le roi d’Angleterre (Rouen, 1543) discussed in A. Pettegree, e
French Book and the European World (Leiden, 2007), p. 28 and L. Jee-Su Kim, ‘French
Royal Acts Printed before 1601: A Bibliographical Study’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis,
Saint Andrews, 2008).
230
Procl. 16 May 1544, Hughes and Larkin, I, no. 227 (L&P, XIX, i, 512); repeated
2 June 1544, ibid., no. 233 with the option of declaring their presence before the Lord
Chancellor (ibid., 613). Procl. allowing Frenchmen to stay in England, 30 Sept. 1544,
BL Harl. 442, fo. 208, Hughes and Larkin, I, no. 238 (L&P, XIX, ii, 332).
CHAPTER TWO
‘DANCING TO THE FRENCH TUNE?:’
SCOTLAND BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE
‘who entendyth Fraunce to wyn with Skotland let
him begyn’
1
Scotland and Henry VIII
Cromwell’s quotation of the famous adage in 1523 raises a number of
problems in the context of the Anglo-French War. Was the intention
of Henry VIII in 1543 to ‘win’ France or just make limited acqui-
sitions? In what sense would such a campaign involve Scotland and
what were the priorities between France and Scotland? e approach
of war on the mainland of Europe inevitably raised the question of
what role Scotland would play since, in previous Anglo-French con-
icts during Henry’s reign, the country had been activated by France
as a crucial diversion of English eorts.
2
is had not been eective
in the 1520s because of the internal state of Scotland but by 1540
James V was an adult monarch and his own man. Furthermore,
though nephew of Henry VIII, James was generally hostile to the
English connections of his mother, partly as a result of his hatred
for Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus, her second husband. He had
moved further, under the prompting of David Beaton, towards a pro-
French policy and this involved some serious ‘shopping around’ in
France for a wife. He wrote to the duke of Vendôme for the hand of
his eldest daughter in July 1535, had travelled to Picardy to see her in
the summer of 1536 (not exactly a convenient moment) but had not
found Marie de Bourbon to his taste.
3
He went on the French court,
1
Common saying quoted in a speech attributed to omas Cromwell in 1522,
R.B. Merriman, Life and Letters of omas Cromwell, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1902), I, pp.
34–43.
2
See J. Cameron, James V King of Scotland (East Lothian, 1998) and R.C. Eaves,
Henry VIII’s Scottish Diplomacy, 1513–1524 (New York, 1971); J.D. Mackie, ‘Henry
VIII and Scotland’ TRHS ser. 4, 29 (1947), 93–114.
3
Copy: BL Royal MS 18 B, fo. 19 r–v, 191v; another copy: NAS Edinburgh, GD
149/264, fo. 62; English summary: Letters of James V, ed. D. Hay (Edinburgh, 1954),
scotland between england and france 87
then at Lyon, and married Francis I’s daughter, Madeleine, instead in
January 1537. Aer her early death, he had taken as his second wife
Marie de Lorraine, daughter of the duke of Guise and relative of one
of the most powerful families of princes étrangers in France. is, by
any standards, represented a declaration of intent to distance himself
from his mother, Queen Margaret’s, dynasty. As Gardiner argued in
a paper of 1538, by the French marriage, James V ‘should with such
alliance be encouraged and made of a greater stomake’ and rendered
more unlikely to respond to demands for justice in border violations.
4
e instinctive sympathy in France for the interests of Scotland must
always be remembered. e correspondence of Marie de Lorraine
alone testies to a close and intensifying relationship between the
highest ranks of the French nobility and the rulers of Scotland in the
1540s.
5
e Scots guard placed a body of Scots military nobility at
the centre of the French court.
6
Nevertheless, French help to Scotland
was scarcely altruistic and not even reliable when the French were at
peace with England.
Early in 1540, Cromwell’s condant Ralph Sadler was despatched
to Edinburgh to explore the state of aairs there (at the same time as
Henry was gauging the temper of Francis and Charles V). Sadler’s brief
was partly to encourage a ri between James V and Cardinal Beaton
by suggesting that the Cardinal was trying to usurp secular jurisdiction
by seeking to protect certain men arrested for treason who were his
friends. Sadler also pressed the case for James to consider the iniquities
of the bishop of Rome and all his works, blandishments predictably
sidestepped by the Scottish King. He urged James to solve his nan-
cial problems by dissolving the monasteries, as his uncle had done,
since they were ‘a kind of unprotable people, that live idly upon the
sweat and labours of the poor.’ James countered that the sins of some
should not require the suppression of all. But Sadler came to the main
p. 295; L&P, t. VIII, no. 1137. Du Bellay, Mémoires, III, p. 809; AMA, CC 128,
fo. 82r–v; J. Bapst, Les mariages de Jacques V (Paris, 1889), pp. 241–308.
4
Gardiner, instructions for Bonner, 20 Aug. [1538], Muller, Letters, p. 84.
5
e Foreign Correspondence with Marie de Lorraine, Queen of Scotland, from the
Originals in the Balcarres Papers ed. M. Wood, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, SHS, 1923–1925)
(hereaer Balcarres Papers).
6
See list of the Scots guard, 17 April 1543, BL Add. Ch. 14042. On this subject in
general, F. Michel, Les Ecossais en France et les Français en Ecosse, 2 vols. (Paris, 1862),
I, pp. 429–465; E. Bonner, ‘Continuing the Auld Alliance in the sixteenth-century:
Scots in France and the French in Scotland, in G. Simpson (ed.), e Scottish Soldier
Abroad, 1247–1967 (Edinbugh, 1992), pp. 31–46.
88 chapter two
point, with a dash of subtle threat, when he suggested that it had been
reported that James, during the recent rumours of Franco-Imperial
invasion, had said ‘that look what the emperor or the French king
would do against your grace, he would do the same.’ At this, James
became vehement in his denials: ‘I am no bairn, neither emperor nor
French king can draw me to do what they list’ and insisted that Francis
had never meant any harm to Henry. But Sadler countered with a
long discourse meant to show what harm had come to James’ father
when he had danced to the tune of other rulers and that Henry, over
a reign of thirty years had found ‘how much better it is for a prince
to live within his own proper limits, with a just consideration of his
own quiet and commodity.’ is piece of erontery was, of course,
typical of Henry’s approach but soened in this case by the argument
that Henry was empowered to order the succession and could name
James aer his own son. Henry was ‘stricken in years’ and might have
no further children. James should therefore work to win the good will
of the English, whereas Francis could only oer him fair words. Sadler
nally raised the possibility of a personal meeting, which James had
claimed had been vetoed by his councillors in 1536, but which James
had never really wanted. In his letter apart to Cromwell, Sadler added
that the inadequacy of James’ councillors led him as a ‘prince being
given, as he is, to much pleasure and pastime’ to rely on clerics who
‘inculk to him, how catholic a prince his father was.’
7
Henry had not even bothered to write his sister Margaret a letter
when Sadler travelled to Edinburgh and the envoy’s interview with
her was perfunctory. She was considered a broken reed. But James
V and his intentions had to be part of Henry’s calculations. In terms
of dynastic right, James was very close to the succession in England.
Moreover, Scotland remained faithful to the Pope at a time when
Henry had been excommunicated. Scotland, as in the eenth cen-
tury, was a refuge for enemies of the English crown. James V’s par-
ticipation in any English conict with France could not be excluded,
indeed could be thought likely, but the question of what role Scotland
was to play in Henry’s calculations vis-à-vis France remains a dicult
one. Marcus Merriman argues forcefully that any plans on the part
7
On this embassy see e State papers and Letters of Sir Ralph Sadler, ed. A. Cliord,
3 vols. (Edinburgh, 1809) [hereaer Sadler State Papers] I, pp. 2–47 (L&P, XV, 248,
249).
scotland between england and france 89
of Henry to annex Scotland by dynastic union were a consequence of
James V’s death and the birth of Mary Stuart. ere was certainly no
real desire for Anglo-Scottish union in Scotland and little in England
until 1543. Besides this, the two kingdoms were socially and culturally
far apart. ough in England there was probably a degree of instinc-
tive xenophobia about the Scots,
8
there was little trade or intellectual
contact between Edinburgh and London, the distances were great and
there was a profound ignorance of Scottish geography in England.
9
Given the close alignment of France and Scotland, no doubt,
Norfolk was sent north in January 1541 to inspect the fortresses on
the frontier.
10
In March 1541, Henry informed Marillac that he had
told the Scots ambassador passing from Flanders that he knew James
was threatening to invade with 60,000 men by the advice of the King
of France and that James should take care not to dance to the French
tune (‘danser au son des Françoys.’) Francis, who had heard that
Henry was threatening the Scots, was careful that Henry should not
believe he was encouraging James and ordered Marillac to emphasise
this.
11
en came Henry VIII’s journey from June to September 1541
to York, where he waited for ten days from 18 to 27 September. is
has oen been seen as the moment that Henry decided on war, aer
his nephew James rebued him by failing to turn up. Certain points
need to be claried here, though. First, there were other reasons for
Henry to travel northwards, including a determination to stamp on
any potential enemies aer the recent revelations of the Lincolnshire
8
For example, Norfolk remarked on several occasions of his East Anglian tenants
‘I never saw men so well willyng to no jornay nor so desirous as they be universally
to be revenged of the Skottes.’ (Norfolk to Council, 6 Sept. 1542, Hamilton Papers I,
no. 149, p. 184. See also p. 172).
9
M. Merriman, e Rough Wooings of Mary Queen of Scots, 1542–1551 (East
Linton, 2000), pp. 58–61. News of the death of James V on 14 Dec. 1542 took 5 days
from Falkland to reach Alnwick in Northumberland but then travelled rapidly to
London by the post route by 23 Dec. (L&P, XVII, 1221). News by post could travel
between London and Abbeville in 36 hours if the crossing was fair (see chapter 1) with
another two days to Paris. A despatch from Paris of 13 March 1542 reached London
by 19th (L&P, XVII, 182); another, 9 July 1542, from Ligny in Champagne to London
by 15th
(L&P, XVII, 495); the reply to this reached Dijon
by 22 July. Travel times
for ordinary travellers were very dierent. Itineraries were still being used instead of
maps. See ‘An abstracte for Englisshe men to know the reaulme of Scottland through
out.’ NA SP1/174, fos. 64–66 (old, 54–55) (L&P, XVII, 1035.3).
10
Marillac, 12, 18 Jan. 1541, L&P, XVI, 459, 466.
11
Mémoire for Jean de Taix, 25 March 1541, Kaulek, pp. 281–282 (L&P, XVI, 650);
Marillac to Francis, 19 April 1541, Kaulek, pp. 290 (L&P, XVI, 737).