Potter David. Henry VIII and Francis I
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450 chapter ten
possessions on the coast. ey were also asking for the fortications at
Boulogne to be stopped.
87
e English needed specic answers to each of the articles, however,
and these were not to hand by 18th. Troubles accumulated; Paget had
been down with fever which had le him very low and unable to work,
Annebault was becoming more impatient at the delay and, anxious
about his absence from court, threatened to leave (he too was ill).
88
e English army had been stirred to mutiny by the foreign mercenar-
ies.
89
Meanwhile, there were fresh rumours that the French were pre-
paring a coup should the negotiations fail, while the English Council
ordered Lisle to sea again to clear the Channel.
90
Monluc seems to have
lost his temper and warned that the Admiral would not risk losing his
reputation as the Constable had done in 1540.
91
Altogether, the situ-
ation seemed to be on the point of collapse, agreement having been
closer than for three years. No wonder Paget claimed his fever had
been brought on by ‘hope, desyre and care.’
In fact the English commissioners did not have a full set of instruc-
tions until the day xed for the next meeting, the 23rd. In his rst
instruction, of the 20th, the King required the harbour of Boulogne
and the whole river up to its source. Use of the haven could only be
granted to the French as a courtesy and not written into the treaty.
But in a subsequent modication the King was willing that the river,
from the Pont de Bricque up to its source, should be held in common.
If the French were to demand land for a free passage to Ardres, Lisle
and the others were to agree an area where they could move an suer-
ance. It is unlikely that the English received a third instruction dated
23rd – which provided for a deferment of the rst French payment –
87
Paget to Petre, 18 May 1546, St.P. XI, pp. 167–168.
88
Alvarotti to Ercole II, 26 May 1546, ASM, Francia, B 22, fasc. 3.
89
Paget to Petre, 18 May 1546, NA, SP1/218, fo. 173r (L&P, XXI, i, 856); Lisle to
Paget, 18 May 1546, Guînes, NA SP1/218, fo. 174 (L&P, XXI, i, 857). Letters to the
French Court dated 19 May reported that Bernardo had been sent that day by Lisle
to Ardres ‘per fare con soa Ex. utio di iscusatione se anchora non era ritornato il
gentilhuomo stato mandato in Anglia, con la scrittura et capitoli, simile appunto a
quella che porto Monsignor di Monluch a questa Maestà.’ (ASM, Francia, B 22, fasc. 3,
fo. 216).
90
Ibid., Somerset Herald to Paget, 19 May 1546; NA SP1/218, fo. 181r (L&P, XXI,
i, 851); Council to Lisle, 19 May 1546, NA SP1/218, fo. 178r–v (L&P, XXI, i, 860);
Lisle, Paget and Wotton to Petre, 19 May 1546; St.P., XI, pp. 169–170; Paget to Petre,
19 May 1546, NA SP1/218, fo. 185r (L&P, XXI, i, 863).
91
Lisle, Paget and Wotton to Henry VIII, 21 May 1546, NA SP1/219, fos. 5–6 (L&P,
XXI, i, 871).
the admirals
’
peace 451
until aer their meeting.
92
Meanwhile, Paget and his colleagues had
decided not to allow the extradition of French traitors.
93
e French had, as has been seen, been told to agree on the sum of
money and on the Scottish question. On other matters, however, it is
obvious that they had been told to drive the best bargain they could.
ey therefore pushed hard to give the rst article the meaning that
the French might have Boulogne any time within the eight years if they
could make the payment. On the boundary question and almost every
other point they held out for the best terms. So the meeting broke up
in disagreement, except that there was an understanding to communi-
cate, via Bernardo, on each article aer further consideration.
us, on 24th Bernardo brought the French to agree on the rst
article, payment to be completed at Michaelmas 1554. en, aer
nearly breaking o, Monluc was induced to concede the harbour at
high water up to the Pont de Bricque. Next came an agreement for the
rst pension payment to be made in the following November and then
for the French to use the Boulogne harbour facilities in time of war.
Finally the Emperor’s inclusion was worded as Henry had wished it, a
form to which the French had put up some opposition. Agreement had
therefore crystallised at least around the articles agreed by Bernardo
and Monluc with the modications desired by Henry VIII and it is
easy to see why. Henry, as Lisle pointed out, had safeguarded his pos-
session of Bou1ogne and the French, as Monluc said to the Venetian
Secretary, thought they had got a good bargain in nancial terms.
94
Wotton and Remon were to draw up the articles in Latin as agreed,
while Bochetel and Paget were to ride over the boundaries and settle
an agreeable line; a truce for a few days was drawn up and the two
Admirals were to go hunting together.
95
Already, Paget was thinking
92
Instructions of 20, 22 and 23 May 1546, St.P., XI pp. 170–172, 173–175, 175–176.
e Cardinal of Ferrara told Alvarotti that letters from Ardres of 22nd said that the
English gentleman who had taken the articles over to Henry had returned and on that
day ‘il Bernardo era stato in Ardres a dir la medesima venuta del prefatto gentilhuomo
di Anglia allo Ex. Armiraglio di Francia, alla cui Ex. haveva anchora detto, da se pero,
che le cose in Anglia erano state trovate buone, di modo che dona buona speranza di
presenta conclusione’ (ASM, Francia, B 22, fasc. 3, fo. 16).
93
Paget to Petre, 23 May 1546, NA SP1/219, fos. 43r–44r (L&P, XXI, i, 891).
94
Lisle to Henry VIII, 24 May 1546, NA SP1/219, fo. 64 (L&P, XXI, i, 904): ‘leav-
ing your moste noble actes and conquestes a memory to the world to your majesties
perpetuall renoone.’ Alvarotti, 18 May 1546 (see above), p. 193v: ‘se non passarano
dui millioni, ne haverano buono mercato.’
95
Lisle, Paget and Wotton to Henry VIII, Guînes, 24 May 1546, St.P., XI, pp. 176–178;
452 chapter ten
in terms of suggesting Wotton for the post of resident ambassador and
Cheyney as special messenger to Francis I on the conclusion of the
treaty.
96
Bernardo, who returned to England with the despatches, was
commended as an ‘honest witty gentleman’ who, if ‘he had not ben
with us to tempre these Frenchmen, the Devil woold have made them
to marre all.”
97
Van der Del’s reports to the Emperor from London
make it clear that the peace was publicly assured, though he was wide
of the mark in his understanding of the terms agreed.
98
As for the reaction at the French Court, Alvarotti had heard by the
26th that Mme. d’Etampes was claiming the King had received a letter
from Annebault to say that Bernardo assured them that Henry agreed
to the articles and that Monluc was on his way with the agreement.
99
At the same time, Tournon’s withdrawal from the court with ‘sciatica’
indicates his possible discontent with the agreement. e same day,
the Cardinal of Ferrara, who was on a hunting expedition with the
King near Fontainebleau, described Monluc’s return to Alvarotti:
he was quickly summoned to His Majesty and, when they had spoken
long together, His Majesty turned to my lord the serene Dauphin, the
Cardinal de Lorraine and me who were eating with him and said that
peace could be considered concluded; Monluc had come to learn his
decision on one article which alone remained unagreed. is was now
Lisle to Henry VIII, 24 May 1546, NA SP1/219, fo. 64; Lisle to Petre, 24 May 1546,
SP1/219, fo. 66r: ‘to morro he and I metith to gyther a huntinge in the feldes and so
we shalle be occupyed of all handes.’
96
Paget to Petre, 24 May 1546, NA SP1/219, fo. 68r (L&P, XXI, i, 906): ‘for which
oce Mr Wotton wer mete at the begyning though he taryed there the shorter while,
both bycause he has a personage of peax and for that also beyng a sobre discrete man
beaten now in these matters and not over hasty in practises, the French men, who no
doubt will strait be in hand with new devises, may with his demeureness and temper-
ance be put of the better.’ Henry agreed to this plan, cf. St.P., XI, p. 179.
97
St.P., XI, p. 178.
98
Van der Del to Charles V, 27 May 1546, L&P, XXI, i, 938. He thought that the
English would surrender Boulogne for 2 million crowns and that the French would
renounce their Scottish alliance. Word of the likelihood of peace had reached London
by 25 May: Lodovico Montio di Modena to Ercole II, London, 25 May 1546, ASM,
Inghilterra, busta 1, (on the taking of an English pinnace by the French, which is
expected to be returned: ‘la conclusione della pace o della guerra è ridotta a que-
sto giorno, che per ultimo se devono ritrovare insieme li due amiragli fra Guines et
Ardres, a la quale a nome di V. E. io ho confortato le Maestà hora a bocca, et per
lettere gli lo scrissi ancora; molte scaramuzze si sono fatte, et li Francesi porò guada-
gnano certo la Nostra Maestà ha ridotto il suo forte, che fa a buon termino che le navi
francese non haverano più ricorso là.’
99
Alvarotti to Ercole II, 26 May 1546, ASM, Francia, B 22, fasc. 3, fo. 217.
the admirals
’
peace 453
claried so that, if the English agree and the decision put into eect, with
this last diculty solved, the matter can be considerd concluded.
100
e negotiations were prolonged for another two weeks, partly by
Henry’s desire for better terms at the last moment and partly by fail-
ure to agree over the boundaries. Henry ordered his representatives to
use Bernardo in obtaining from the French an agreement which would
allow the continuance of English fortications in the Boulonnais but
prohibit the French.
101
e trouble over the boundary was that the
Liane had six possible sources, this meant a great deal of exploration
and Paget had been led through so many woods and marshes that
he had fallen out with Bochetel and had been mocked by the guide;
both had gone home with frayed tempers. Only the tributary which
rose near Queques and la Fontaine-Sainte-Marguerite would give the
French sure access to Ardres over their own territory, while the English
claimed the more southerly stream which rose near Vielmoutier and
included the village of Lotenghen.
102
Chagrin and frustration brought
out of Paget one of his most bellicose letters:
Mr Peter, in stede of the grace and peax which I sent to you last help to
send unto us now on thisside fyre and sworde, for other thing cannot
bring these false dogges to reason . . . god gyve them a pestilence, false
traitors.
e French, he said, had broken their agreement and he wished to
be recalled.
103
Another diculty arose when the French wanted a
clause for the restoration to French subjects of their property in the
Boulonnais and the French included this in the Latin articles they
100
Cardinal of Ferrara to Alvarotti, 26 May 1546, ASM, Francia, B 22, fasc. 3, fos.
228–232 (ciphered copy with decipher): ‘qual subito fu chiamato da Sua Maestà et
poiche hebbono parlato lungamente insieme, prefatta Sua Maestà si torno verso Mon-
signor Serenissimo Delphino, Cardinale di Lorena et me che mangiavanno seco et
ci disse che la pace si poteva tenere per conclusa perche se benedetto; Monluch era
venuto per intendere la sua volonta sopra un’articolo, che solo era restato sospeso. ella
pero havea di gia chiarito la mente sua del modo che hora si contentano gli Inglesi, et
che la risolutione era in camino, si che essendosi accomodata questa ultima diculta
la cosa si puo mettere per fatta.’ Already, according to this letter, the plan was on foot
for an English envoy to come to hold the Dauphin’s new daughter at the font.
101
Henry VIII to Lisle, Paget and Wotton, Greenwich, 26 May 1546, St.P. XI,
p. 180.
102
Paget and Wotton to Henry VIII, 27 May 1546, St.P., pp. 181–183; Council to
Wotton, 31 Aug. 1546, St.P., XI, p. 285.
103
Paget to Petre, 27 May 1546, Guînes, NA SP1/219, fo. 110r (L&P, XXI, i, 943).
454 chapter ten
submitted as a dra treaty on 29th. At rst, the English refused it but
were persuaded at last to let their King see it.
104
Bernardo worked feverishly in these last few days of the negotia-
tions – ‘almost out of his witt,’ Paget says – while Paget himself was
‘so moche unquieted as I think never man was.’
105
In fact, a resort to
arms was seriously considered, but, as has been seen, Francis I had
given his agreement and the French were holding out for the last time.
Annebault sent a message by Bayard’s son that, since Monluc’s return,
some diculties had arisen over nal terms:
From which it seems to my lord Admiral that the English, wishing to
get the greatest advantage they can, aim to spin out the negotations as
long as possible and threaten to leave, though it is doubtful they will
really do so.
He claimed that this had done the trick and that he had heard from
Remon, Bochetel and Monluc that ‘the English have accepted all that
we on our side have oered. With Bernardo’s return from England
with Henry’s decision on the article at issue peace would be made.
106
Clearly, Annebault was determined to show that the terms he had
obtained were the best possible, though this was hardly the case.
Francis seems nally to have been satised,
107
though it was believed
104
Lisle, Paget and Wotton to Henry VIII, 29 May 1546, St.P. XI, pp. 183–186.
e articles 9 to 18, in Yetsweirt’s and a French secretary’s hand, are to be found in
NA SP1/219, fo. 116. No. 15 is the oending clause; numbers 1 to 8 had already been
agreed (they were basically the earlier articles). e others are all in the nal treaty,
though in a dierent order.
105
Paget to Petre, 3 May 1546, NA SP1/219, fo. 125r–v. Bernardo had said to
Rosetto, the Cardinal of Ferrara’s servant, on his return from England on 2 June ‘che
se questa pace non si fara, sera per una piccola cosa.’ (Alvarotti to Ercole II, 7 June
1546, ASM., Francia, B 23, fasc. 1, p. 66 (deciph.). Bernardo had some connections
with Ferrara. Aer a cordial reception at the French Court in September 1546, he
returned to Italy and called at Ferrara to convey to Ercole II a suggestion of Lisle’s for
the marriage of the Lady Mary to Alfonso, the Duke’s son. (Instructions to B. Sala, 30
May 1547, ASM, Inghilterra, B 1, fo. 4).
106
Cardinal of Ferrara to A1varotti, Fontenay, 1 June 1546, copy, ASM, Francia,
B 23, fasc. 1, pp. 1–2: ‘Onde parendo a Monsignor Ammiraglio che li Inglesi con il
voler tirare le cose piu a loro vantaggio che ponno, cerchino di mandarle anchora
piu in longo che è loro possibile, mostro di volersene partire, onde essi dubitando
che non facesse da vero.’ . . . ‘li Inglesi haveano accettato tutto quello che essi nostri
haveano loro oerto.’
107
Horatio Farnese had heard Francis I say to the Dauphin on 1 June: ‘Mon ,
non accadera pui che restiate le armi contro Inglesi per che la pace si puo metter per
fatta; pero mettetevi in ordine per far di belle feste et cavalerie.’ (Alvarotti to Ercole II,
Me1un, 2 June 1546, ASM, Francia, B 23, fasc. 1, p. 5 (part cipher).
the admirals
’
peace 455
at the French Court that Gardiner was deliberately delaying the peace
because he did not want a renewal of the Anglo-French amity.
108
ough the English were actually instructed to stick at the restora-
tion of property and demand a whole new set of articles should the
French prove obdurate (Henry seems to have suspected that his repre-
sentatives had already agreed to French terms, and told Bernardo so),
it seems that they had not gone this far when an agreement was nally
reached with Remon’s secretary and Monluc on 4th, leaving out the
oending article and assuring the wording of the Emperor’s inclusion
as Henry had wished it.
109
A tacit agreement was made that, when
the commissioners met to settle the boundary, they should decide on
whichever of the two tributaries was the longer.
110
Henry’s consent to the signing of the treaty was now agreed was
sent on 6 June.
111
e central terms of the agreement were now xed:
article 9 restored the life and perpetual pensions of 1525 of 94,736 écus
d’or soleil p.a. plus to 10,000 salt money agreed under the 1527 treaty;
article 10 obliged the French to pay 2 millions écus sol. at Michaelmas
1554 for the restitution of Boulogne (this sum comprising the out-
standing pension arrears and Henry’s expenses in the last war; article
11 submitted the outstanding obligation of 1529 of 512,022 crowns to
negotiation; article 12 gave Henry possession of Boulogne and all its
county north of the Liane up to 1554; article 16 comprehended the Scots
in the Treaty but obliged Henry to make no war on the Scots without
new occasion. e next day (7th), in the evening, the treaty was signed
in the tents where the talks had taken place and preparations for a
renewal of normal diplomatic relations could begin.
112
Paget hastened
108
Cardinal of Ferrara told Alvarotti ‘che pare che Monsignor di Vincestre sia stato
lui causa del fare tanto tardare questa conclusione di pace, perche desiderava che
la non si facesse’ (Alvarotti to Ercole II, 10 June 1546, ASM, Francia, B 23, fasc. 1,
p. 27).
109
Henry VIII to Lisle, Paget and Wotton, 2 June 1546, St.P., XI, pp. 192–196; for
the English protocols with the articles in the same order as in the Treaty (corrected
by Gardiner), see NA SP1/219, fos. 154r–62v (including the oending article 15); for
the dra treaty (nal form) see NA SP1/219, fos. 164r–78v. Paget to Petre, 3 June
1546, NA SP1/220, fos. 1r–2v; Lisle, Paget and Wotton to Henry VIII, 4 June 1546,
SP1/220, fos. 7r–13r.
110
As is indicated by the Council’s letter to Wotton, 31 Aug. 1546, St.P., XI, p. 285
and Wotton to Henry VIII, 22 Sept. 1546, St.P., XI, pp. 306–307.
111
BL Cotton Calig. E IV, 169 (old no.), though at the same time the Council
ordered the maintenance of forces until the French could be trusted, cf. NA SP1/220,
fo. 36r.
112
Annebault to Mary of Hungary, Ardres, 8 June 1546: ‘hier au soir fut conclutte
456 chapter ten
to Dover where, recovering from sea-sickness, he wrote to his master
of the conclusion and ‘of the good newis for the whiche all we have
cause moost humbly and hartely to thanke god and Your Maiestie.”
113
Annebault returned to the French court to foster the arguments for
peace, bolstered perhaps by Marguerite of Navarre’s praise as ‘vostre
dèle et heureux admiral.’ ere he must have received Henry’s letter
requesting the continuance of his work for peace and shortly aer-
wards, he and Claude de L’Aubespine visited Tournon, who was ill.
114
‘He never brake in his hert nor never will:’
115
The Renewal of Amity
e peace was proclaimed simultaneously on 13 June at London and
Paris. e French capital was treated to a proclamation to the sound of
trumpets, 50 salvoes of artillery and a solemn procession, with bonres
in the evening, ‘though not very great res’ noted the Ferrarese ambas-
sador.
116
For the moment, ceremonial prevailed. While d’Essé was sent
to England, Sir omas Cheyney, Lord Warden, was sent to Paris to
receive Francis’ ratication of the treaty and to begin other arrange-
ments, such as the craing of Henry’s present to Francis, a gold salt.
117
On 25 June, Francis ordered the Paris municipality to receive him
honourably and make him as ne a present as any ambassador had
received.
118
From there, Cheyney was honourably escorted by river to
et arrestee bonne paix, alliance et renovation d’amytié entre le Roy et le Roy d’Angle-
terre.’ e Admiral had been told by Francis I to inform her of the Emperor’s inclu-
sion in the peace and the assumption that he would be glad for ‘le bien universel de
toute la Chrestienté’ and that Francis would remain ‘meilleur frere, amy et allyé’ to
the Emperor (HHSA, Frankreich, Varia 6, nachtrag).
113
Paget to Henry VIII, Dover, 8 June 1546, NA SP1/220, fo. 59r (L&P, i, 1024).
114
Génin, Lettres de Marguerite d’Angoulême II, no. 142, pp. 256–258; Henry VIII
to Annebault, 15 June 1546, St.P. XI, p. 218 (L&P, XXI, i, 1086); Alvarotti to Ercole
II, 20 June 1546, ASM, Francia B 23, fasc. 1, fo. 49r.
115
Words of Francis I to omas Cheyney, July 1546, NA SP1/221, fo. 97r (L&P,
XXI, i, 1200).
116
London: Wriothesley’s Chronicle, p. 163; Van der Del to Charles V, 14 June,
1546, L&P, XXI, i, 1058. Paris: Saint-Mauris to prince Philip, 17 June 1546, CSP Spain
VIII, no. 279, L&P, XXI, i, 1083; Alvarotti to Ercole II, 13 June 1546, ASM, Francia,
B 23, fasc. 1., fo. 41v: ‘ma non pero grossi fuoghi.’
117
Cheyney’s letters, 2 July, 3 July, NA SP1/221, fos. 70, 72–73 (L&P, XXI, i, 1184,
1185). One problem was the imminent duel between the Spanish captains in English
and French service, Romero and Mora (see Spanish Chronicle, pp. 127–142) which
Cheyney was required to defer.
118
Registres, Paris, III, pp. 64–65.
the admirals
’
peace 457
Melun and thence on horseback to Fontainebleau, his comportment
minutely observed by the Ferrarese ambassador.
119
As in the old days,
Cheyney was shown the King’s apartments and like his predecessors
was duly impressed – the chamber was ‘gloriose’ and the gallery ‘very
gallant and costly.’ Henry had agreed to be godfather to the Dauphin’s
(his godson’s) new daughter, Elisabeth, and this was duly conrmed at
Fontainebleau on 4 July when Cheyney held her at the font. e night
before, Francis, the Dauphin, the Admiral and many ladies serenaded
Cheyney beneath his window ‘syngyng as swetlye as I ever harde, the
Kyng him selfe beyng onne of them that sang. Such a tryumph at a
christnyng as I thinke was never sene nor harde of as this is lycke to
be.’
120
Francis protested that he had never broken his friendship for
Henry in his heart and never would. e Dauphin was dressing every
day in the Tudor colours of white and green. On 8 July Francis ratied
the treaty.
121
ere can be little doubt that Francis and his entourage
were determined to send an unambiguous message that the good old
days had returned.
e treaty, of course, was not complete until the – somewhat
delayed – exchange of ceremonial embassies by the two Admirals for
the reception of the oaths to the Treaty by the two kings, scheduled
to be completed within forty days.
122
To a degree, this all symbolised
the return to the magnicence and emulation of early periods of the
reign; the transition from war to peace and grandeur. e new French
ambassador, Odet de Selve, was the rst to arrive at his post.
123
119
Cheyney to Paget, 2 July 1546, St.P. XI, p. 227 (L&P, XXI, i, 1185); Alvarotti to
Ercole II, 30 June 1546, ASM, Francia B 23, fasc. 1, fo. 84r–v: Cheyney was given a
mule caparisoned in black velvet, Cheyney himself dressed in black velvet, ‘magro et
di honesta grandezza per quello che si è potuto vedere, barba bisa curta et tagliata alla
gheghesia.’ He described Cheyney again at his presence during the diner du roi on 2
July, standing between Annebault and Morette at the king’s shoulder, Francis dressed
in gold and silver cloth (ibid., 2 July, fo. 90). is can be compared with Cheyney’s
own account.
120
Henry VIII to the Dauphin, 15 June 1546, NA SP1/220, fo. 129 (L&P, XXI, i,
1066); June 1546, ibid., fo. 130r (L&P, XXI, i, 1067); 15 June to Annebault, ibid., fo.
130v (L&P, XXI, i, 1066, 2); Cheyney to Paget, 3 July 1546, SP1/221, fos. 96–97 (L&P,
XXI, I, 1200).
121
Francis I, act of ratication, Paris, 8 July 1546, NA E 30/1326. Powers to receive
Henry VIII’s oath and for Odet de Selve to exchange letters of ratication in England,
Fontainebleau, 8 July (NA E 30/1317, 1316).
122
Passports and instructions to the ambassadors, 2 July 1546 NA SP1/221, fos.
57–59 (L&P, XXI, i, 1177). Tunstall actually draed his own commission.
123
J. Lefevre-Pontalis, Correspondance politique d’Odet de Selve pp. 3–5. Selve
had received commission, dated 8 July, to take Henry’s oath if necessary, NA, E 30/
458 chapter ten
Uncertainty about Annebault’s intentions (he claimed that aairs
between the Emperor and the Protestants were monopolising his
attention) meant that Lisle did not arrive at Paris, along with Tunstall
and Wotton, the new English ambassador, until 26 July and so the
initial time-limit for oath-taking had expired.
124
Lisle nally received
the King’s oath at Fontainebleau on 1 August in the presence of several
cardinals. Unlike the Emperor, Francis had never baulked at recog-
nizing Henry’s titles of Defender of the Faith and Supreme Head of
the Church.
125
ese meetings, the way in which Francis went out of
his way to show his high regard to the English envoys and show o
Fontainebleau and his collections seemed to revive the warmth of ear-
lier ententes between the two kings.
126
Only aer some delay did Annebault set o for Dieppe to take ship
for England on a very dierent mission from that of the previous sum-
mer. e Governor of Scotland, the Earl of Arran, did not accept the
comprehension of that kingdom at Edinburgh until 17 August and
there may have been uncertainty.
127
Cheyney had advised, in the light
of his sumptuous entertainment, that ‘the court may be well furnished
of all sortes as well of men as of women . . . and that with the very best
and of suche as be most metest for the purpose.’
128
In fact, meticulous
attention was given to the sumptuous welcome for Annebault, ques-
tions such as where and by whom he should be welcomed, where he
should be lodged on the way to court, even who should sit and who
nos. 1316, 1317. Henry VIII, letters of prolongation of the ratication, AN J 651B,
no. 14.
124
e French claim was that Annebault was delayed by Tournon’s illness (Wotton
to Browne, 5 July 1546, NA SP1/221, fos. 102–104 (L&P, XXI, i, 1218) but payments
for equipping Lisle’s elaborate embassy began on 29 June (SP1/221, fo. 147, L&P, XXI,
i, 1235). Tunstall, the rst to leave became increasingly fretful as the time approached
and so the commission had to be altered and three weeks had to be added to the time
for ratication (Selve to Paget, 16 July 1546, SP1/222, fos. 1–2, L&P, XXI, I, 1291).
Agreement between Odet de Selve and Lord Russell to prolong the time for oath-
taking by 20 days, London, 17 July 1546, NA E30/1320.
125
Francis I’s oath, 1 Aug. 1546, NA E 30/1041. Notication that Francis I had
ratied the treaty in the presence of the dauphin, cardinals of of Lorraine, Ferrara,
du Bellay, Châtillon and Meudon and among princes, Enghien (Louis de Bourbon),
Montpensier, Guise, Nevers as well as Annebault, Aumale, Laval and the bishop of
Soissons (NA, E 30/1045, Rymer, 2nd ed. XV, p. 98, 3rd ed. VI, p. 138).
126
Lisle and Tunstall to Henry VIII, Corbeil, 3 Aug. 1546, NA P1/222, fos. 3–5
(L&P, XXI, i, 1405), St.P. XI, pp. 261–263.
127
Letters of acceptance by Earl of Arran as Governor, 17 Aug. 1546, National
Archives of Scotland, Treaties with France, State Papers 7, no. 32.
128
Cheyney to Council, Fontainebleau, 8 July 1546, NA SP1/221, fo. 146 (L&P,
XXI, i, 1239).
the admirals
’
peace 459
should stand at the banquets.
129
Annebault ttingly crossed the Channel
from Dieppe in a galley squadron led by his Grand Zaccarie and 14
others, which were needed in view of the fact that he was leading a del-
egation of 54 notables and nobles who, with their own suites (his own
was 200 strong) amounted to 1075. (Appendix 14) His squadron was
met at sea o Dover and then o Queenborough by Cheyney and the
Kentish gentry. As it processed up the ames, bedecked with colour-
ful pennons, past Deptford and Gravesend, cannon re from the gal-
leys was answered by the King’s ships and from all the forts that had
been stocked with shot for the purpose. Received at Greenwich on 20
August, he arrived at the Tower of London 21st
(more cannonades ‘as
heaven and earth should have gonne together’). He processed through
the City, to be greeted by the Mayor, Aldermen and livery companies
in full g, was harangued in French and slept at the Bishop’s Palace.
On 23rd, he came to Hampton Court 23rd
and the following day he
received Henry’s oath to the treaty in the chapel.
130
e grandeur and
sumptuousness of the embassy and the splendour of its reception was
amply recorded by Wriothesley’s chronicle: ‘banqueting and huntinge,
and riche maskes everie night.’ is is amply conrmed by the records
of the Oces of the King’s Tents and Revels.
131
Wotton was told on
the day of Annebault’s departure, 31 August, that the French envoys
‘sayd they never saw the like both for plentifulnesse, magnicence,
ryches and also the good ordre.’ Cranmer’s secretary later recorded the
129
BL Cotton, Vespasian, C XIV, i, fo. 67; Appendix, XVIII, fo. 101 (L&P, XXI, i,
1384 and 1384.2).
130
Francis I’s commission to Annebault to receive the oath, PRO E/30, no. 1327.
For Henry’s oath and ratication, AN J 651, no. 18bis Musée AE III, no. 33. Both
ratications were drawn up with highly elaborate illuminations of the kind impos-
sible to incorporate in the treaties themselves and which were designed to emphasise
the artistic patronage of the two kings. It has been argued that Henry’s initial portrait
was executed in the tradition of document portraiture well established in England
and inuenced by Holbein (E. Auerbach, Tudor Artists (London, 1954), pp. 59–72).
S. Béguin, on the other hand, has argued for Nicolas da Modena (‘Henri VIII et Fran-
çois Ier, une rivalité artistique et diplomatique’ in C. Giry-Deloison (ed.), François 1er
et Henri VIII. Deux princes de la Renaissance (1515–1547) (Lille, 1996), pp. 63–75.
131
Wriothesley Chronicle, vol. I, pp. 171–173; Grey Friars Chronicle, p. 52. is is
partly conrmed by the delivery of ‘cloth of gold, clothes of sylver tyncelles and other
silkes’ on 14 August by Cawarden ‘against the coming of the French Admyral’ some
purchased from a Paris merchant, John Lange (SHC, LM 59/142 and 143); Folger
Shakespeare Library, Loseley MSS, Lb 5, accounts for masques and revels at Hampton
Court, 16 July–5 Sept. 1546, ‘thAdmyral of Fraunce being there with other nobles
from thens.’ E.g., 200 yards of gold and silver lawn from Lange, fringes of gold and
silver thread for cushions.