Potter David. Henry VIII and Francis I
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250 chapter five
Fieenths voted by Parliament were inevitably slow to come in. e
Subsidy voted in 1543 was to be paid by three instalments in February
1544, 1545 and 1546; it brought in £408,642 by the end 1545. e
Subsidy of 1545 (paid in 1546 and 1547) brought in another £59,000.
So, Parliamentary taxes accounted or well under a quarter of the total
costs of the war. ‘Loans’ of 1542 and 1544 (the rst retrospectively
converted into a grant by Parliamentary Act in 1543, the latter not a
success) yielded £125,159.
206
In January 1545 a Benevolence, in eect
a subsidy without Parliamentary vote like the Amicable Grant of 1525
(though legalised by the 1545 Subsidy Act), yielded another £119,581.
207
It had caused some resistance, though not as much as might have been
expected. e Benevolence is of interest in that a councillor, probably
Paget, drew up a paper in which he analysed projected military expen-
diture for six months, December 1544 to May 1545, as £104,000.
Subsidies were bringing in money but expenditure plus existing debt
would still leave a gap of £44,000. e paper was in eect an argument
against calling a Parliament in February 1545, which would be slow to
bring in money and also to some extent inequitable (‘If we shuld
regard our private Commodyties, we woold desyre rather a Parliament,
then none . . . It shalbe thought also a grevous Lawe tappointe men to
pay, which have not wherwithall’). Far better to raise a Benevolence
on those who could aord to pay so ‘the common People shall not
be greved.’ is would bring in the £50–60,000 needed. Parliament
could then be called at Michaelmas and, either with the continuation
of war a Subsidy could be voted and the money ready for the following
spring if war continued or used for other colourable ends if peace
were made.
208
With clerical subsidies in 1543 and 1545 at about £84,000, this gives
us a grand total of nearly £800,000 between 1542 and 1547 with which
to defray expenditure of over 2 millions. If ‘ordinary’ revenue was
still bringing in about £200,000 then there was still a hole of 1 mil-
lion.
209
206
e loan of 1544 was levied on lords temporal, Bishops and Deans (St.P., I,
p. 766; L&P, XIX, i, 1032).
207
Incomplete summary of county returns for the Benevolence, L&P, XX, ii, app. 4.
Hoyle, ‘War and Public Finance’ p. 93.
208
Hateld House, CP, 36, fos. 21–23; Haynes, State I, pp. 55–56, (Calendar Hateld.,
no. 189).
209
Figures in Hoyle, p. 93. e yield for the Benevolence in 1545 is given as only
£70,723 according to a document in Strype (L&P, XX, ii, App. 4.3).
an unequal contest? 251
e Wriothesley-Rich paper of April–May 1544 listed £134,000 of
money in hand from which to defray the estimated cost of £250,000.
e largest items here were £40,000 from the sale of lands and £50,000
‘from beyond the sees of the merchantes’ (i.e. loans). Vaughan was
borrowing small amounts (£500) in Frankfurt during April but in May
was reported as seeking to obtain loans of 100,000 ducats a month on
the Antwerp market. is horried Mary of Hungary, who thought it
would drive up rates and she relied on loans to anticipate taxation;
Henry simply replied that he was constrained to it by the cost of
exchange in paying for services in Flanders, from which the country
there would hardly use.
210
Rich proposed to raise another £162,000 by
expedients including another £20,000 from sales of land and a massive
£50,000 of lead (presumably stripped from the monasteries and care-
fully stored by the Court of Augmentations).
211
In this early example
of ‘ogging o the family silver,’ the initial idea proposed by Vaughan
seems to have been to oer a guarantee to a syndicate of bankers
headed by the Welsers, who were prepared to advance 100,000 ducats
(£25,000) at the (then fairly moderate) rate of 10.5%; the house had
already advanced 800,000 crowns to the Emperor.
212
It was reported by
the middle of July that 12,485 fothers (roughly 12.5 million kg.) of lead
were ready to be shipped to the ports for export. e scheme hit the
buers when it became clear from Vaughan’s reports that, unless the
international market in lead were cornered (and England and Spain
were the main suppliers), the merchants could simply make their own
price, knowing that England was desperate to sell. is is what England
tried to do between July 1544 and May 1545, without success.
213
Finally,
210
Mary of Hungary to Chapuys, 25 May 1544, L&P, XIX, i, 587; Chapuys to Mary,
31 May 1544, L&P, XIX, i, 604.
211
Appendix Nine, NA SP1/184, fo. 44v ‘Towardes the furniture wherof shalbe made
as it is thought before his majestes passage of the water of Somme these folowynge.’
Regional commissioners had been in charge of lead since the dissolutions. In the
Western counties, Sir John Scudamore: BL Add. 11041, fos. 73–76, letters concerning
royal lead concessions, e.g. to the Florentine Antonio Guidotti in August 1546.
212
Vaughan and Dymock to Wriothesley, Suolk and Browne 17 June 1544, L&P,
XIX, i, 725. e exchange rate of the £ st. to the ducat was 1:4 (ibid., 768).
213
e whole aair is explored in Richardson, ‘Some nancial expedients of Henry
VIII,’ 33–48. e document referred to by Richardson as indicating a sale of 12,085
fothers. e document sent in a Council letter of 17 July NA SP1/190, fo. 69 (L&P,
XIX, i, 927, ii) adds up to 12,065.5 fothers. e ‘fother’ of lead, 19.5 or 20 cwt.,
1000 kg.), was valued at £9.10s at York in 1552 (which would have yielded about
£115,000 in 1544). e price had been at £4.6s in 1520 (York Civic Records, III, 72). See
P.M. Tillott (ed.), e City of York (VCH History of the County of York) 1961,
252 chapter five
the lead was sold in a deal with two Spanish merchants at Antwerp
who had the farm of alum at Civita Vecchia in the Papal States. e
price obtained was eventually £4.13s the fother, not bad in the cir-
cumstances but Henry found himself weighed down with 30,000
quintals of alum in a country that only consumed 4000 a year.
214
ere is no doubt that the sale of monastic land was speeded up,
yielding about £900,000 in the period 1541–1551.
215
Sales of £165,691
in the year ending Michaelmas 1544 rose to £237,888 in that to
Michaelmas 1546.
216
In 1545, the crown dissolved the Chantries by
Parliamentary statute which explicitly appealed to the ‘excedinge greate
& inestimable charges, costes and expences . . . of theis present warres’
but returns were slow to come in.
217
Debasement, which began in May
1544, undoubtedly lled part of the decit and was bound to have a
serious eect in a society in which coinage in any case was not in
plentiful supply. As Wriothesley put it when sending o £20,000 in
November 1545, £15,000 of it came from ‘the Myntes, our holy ancre.’
218
In May 1544, new prices for gold and silver were set and new coins,
the Sovereign (£1) and the Teston (12d), introduced. It is estimated
that the prot from debasement from 1544 to 1551 yielded £1,270,000,
of which nearly 600,000 was made by the death of Henry VIII.
219
pp. 122–135. Ultimately Vaughan was able to get oers on little more than £4 the
fother at Antwerp in 1544.
214
Richardson, ‘Financial expedients,’ pp. 42–44. L&P, XX, ii, App. 41. us a sale
of 12,065 fothers would now yield £56,100, near enough Wriothesley’s original esti-
mate for sale in 1544.
215
Figures in F.C. Dietz, English Public Finance 1485–1641, 2 vols 2nd ed. (London,
1964), p. 217. See also W.C. Richardson, e History of the Court of Augmentations
1536–1554 (Baton Rouge, LA, 1961), p. 235.
216
W.C. Richardson, Tudor Chamber Adminsistration 1485–1547 (Urbana, Ill, 1950)
pp. 270–272; idem, ‘Some Financial expedients,’ pp. 36–37.
217
Statutes of the Realm, 37 Hen.VIII, c4, III, pp. 988–999.
218
Wriothesley had sent of £15,000 to Southwell for Boulogne, £10,000 for Guînes
and £2000 to Rither for victuals (to Paget, 1 Sept. 1545, L&P, XX, ii, 268). Wriothes-
ley to Paget, [5 Nov.] 1545, NA SP1/210, fo. 12 (L&P, XX, ii, 729). For this £15,000,
Augmentations contributed £3000, the duchy of Lancaster and Court of wars £1000
each. Tenths and First Fruits had nothing and the Exchequer only £1000 earmarked
for the navy.
219
Proclamation on the coinage, May 1544, Hughes and Larkin, I, no. 228,
pp. 327–329 (L&P, XIX, i, 513 and ibid. 513.3 and 4 on the prots of the mint in
recoining at news rates for gold). C. Challis, ‘Debasement of the coinage, 1542–1551,’
Ec.H.R. 20 (1967), 454; idem., e Tudor Coinage (Manchester, 1978) It does not seem
possible to establish net prots year by year from Challis’ gures, though a quick cal-
culation of gross prots down to early 1547 can be made from the tables in ‘Debase-
ment’ pp. 457–466 (approx. £588,400).
an unequal contest? 253
e impact of all this is revealed by two documents: the accounts
of Hugh Paulet as Treasurer of Boulogne (mentioned above) and a
paper called A Shorte Abridgement of the Money sent to Bulloyn,
Callays and Guysnes since Henry’s departure from France and prob-
ably drawn up in August 1545. Paulet’s account, running from 13
September 1544 to August 1546 is a comprehensive statement of
receipt and expenditure for the keeping of Boulogne. It reveals that
the total allocation for Boulogne in that period was £200,085, of
which no less than £105,000 was transferred from the Mint (the next
highest sources were the Exchequer, Parliamentary taxation, at
£23,672 and Augmentations at £14,653).
220
e prole revealed by the
second document can be summarised as:
Boulogne:
From Court of Tenths 2840.7.4
Augmentations 18,433.6.8
Exchequer 3666.13.4
From Mr Peckham 34,080
Calais:
Court of Tenths 6678
Augmentations 8020
Exchequer 19,107.6.8
Mr. Peckham 18.030
TOTAL 115,720.34s
e substantial contribution of the Court of Augmentations has been
discussed above. Sir Edmund Peckham, was both Coerer of the
Household and Master of the Mint and as such collected both the
prots of the Mint and the Benevolence of January 1545, though in
view of Paulet’s account it is clear that Peckam was essentially supply-
ing money from the mint.
221
However, of £15,000 received direct from
England by Edward Dymock, Treasurer of Boulogne, from August to
September 1545, £9000 came from the Mint and of £1129 paid to a
particular food supplier in the same period, £809 was from the Mint.
222
At all events, the acceleration of expenditure aer the summer of
1545 is clear.
220
NA E101/207/1. e account was declared under royal letters of 22 Dec. 1546,
to the Council of Boulogne by Paulet’s heirs aer his death.
221
Hateld House, CP, 150, fo. 24 (possibly enclosed in Wriothesley to Paget,
27 Aug. 1545, L&P, XX, ii, 231).
222
NA, E351/575; E351/186.
254 chapter five
When all these expedients are factored in, at the end of the period
1540–1551 there was still a decit of between £150,000 and £250,000,
depending on the calculation.
223
Interest on loans on the international market has to be considered.
e need to provide cash rapidly meant that all these expedients had
to be brought into play, yet still this was not enough. Cash, especially
for payments abroad to mercenaries and suppliers, required loans on
the international markets. e long term debt burden had severe
implications for interest rates at a time of currency devaluation.
Chapuys acutely summed up the problems in June 1544, when he
reported that Henry would only continue the war for the minimum
period because of shortage of money:
He has already borrowed a good sum in Antwerp and spoke very secretly
to various merchants, foreigners and others, to stand surety for him at
Antwerp up to the sum of 400 or 500,000 écus and more; he intends to
take this money and only repay it at Christmas on which the interest will
be very high, which seems strange. He is taking a loan in this city for a
sum will scarcely help him, namely 20,000 £ sterling, assigning a rent of
12% on it, which he would have been unlikely to do had he had enough
money. It is true that he likes to have full coers and he may have done
this to prepare for all eventualities.
224
e forced loan of 1544 we know not to have been particularly suc-
cessful and it became clear that the crown’s demands for cash could
not be met within England.
225
Cash was available on the international
markets but Henry could not control the outcome so easily. e exten-
sive correspondence of Stephen Vaughan, nancial wizard based in
the Low Countries makes the problems abundantly clear. In March,
Vaughan and omas Chamberlain were commissioned to negotiate
223
Hoyle, p. 95.
224
Chapuys to Charles V, 29 June 1544, NA PRO 31/18/3/2 (L&P, XIX, i, 799): ‘Il a
desja fait quelque nance de quelque bonne somme en Anvers et parloit en grand secret
toutesfois à divers marchans tant estrangiers que autres pour estre ance pour luy aud.
Anvers jusques à la somme de iiij ou v
c
M escuz et davantaige; et entend de prendre
led. argent pour le rembourcer tout seullement à noel dont l’interest montera beaucoup
et davantaige [qui?] semble bien estrange. Il fait ung emprumpt sur ceste ville d’une
somme que ne luy peult gueres ayder assavoir xxM livres sterlins donant assignation
sur rente à compte de douze pour cent, ce que n’est vray semblable qu’il feroit estant
bien fourny d’argent. Vray est que comme il est amy d’avoir tousiours davantaige en
ses cores pourroit estre qu’il fait tout ce que dessus pour prevenir de bonne heure de
toute necessité.’
225
F.C. Dietz, English Government Finance 1485–1558 (Urbana, Ill., 1920), p. 165.
an unequal contest? 255
with Buren over two problems: the extra 2000 men Henry had
decided he wanted Buren to raise for him and also talks at Speyer
(along with Wotton) to prepare the conduct money (£5000 through
the Fugger Bank) for Landenberg’s troops.
226
Vaughan had taken gold
from Wriothesley in England but for these transactions, he had also
by the start of May borrowed £523.4s from the Sorers in Frankfurt.
227
e basic problem, it need hardly be said, was short loans and high
interest rates. Augmentations was regularly paying out large sums in
1544–1546 for ‘the King’s debts in Flanders.’
228
Vaughan got himself
into complications in June 1544 in the course of his campaign to
raise 100,000cr. at Antwerp, since his guarantors, the Bonvisis, had
stopped operations and his letters of credit were no good. e lead-
ing bankers were very wary of advancing money, which in that year
was in any case in short supply, but Vaughan was convinced that,
once he had obtained 100,000 he could get more. Such a sum would
yield £ 33,333.6s. 8d. Fl. and carry interest of £3,500 Fl. and this
enabled him to despatch £15,000 st.(60,000 ducats) to pay for
Norfolk’s troops.
229
In all, Henry seems to have borrowed just short
of £1 million st. during 1544–1547; he borrowed £100,000 at Antwerp
in August 1546 alone and still owed £75,000 at his death.
230
To do
this, he had to rely on guarantees by the Bonvisis and the Vivaldis
but the interest rates were still high at 12–14% and the crown some-
times had to accept loans in kind in which the commodities were
overvalued. Going to the international market, then, was inevitable
but dangerous.
231
226
Instructions to Vaughan and Chamberlain, undated, L&P, XIX, i, 208.
227
Vaughan to Paget, [2 May] 1544, L&P, XIX, i, 427.
228
£20,000 in 1544–1545 and £20,000 in 1545–1546 (L&P, XX, i, 517; XXI, i,
643).
229
Vaughan and Dymock to Wriothesley, Suolk and Browne, 17 June 1544, NA
SP1/188, fo. 174v (L&P, XIX, i, 725): ‘we thinking no lese, but that aer we have them
ones in for a C M ducates, we shall the easilier prick them to credite us for more.’
Same to same, 18 June, ibid., no. 733. Consequent obligation of the English Council-
lors, 23 June 1544, L&P, XIX, i, 759.
230
Receipt for 152,000 Flemish pounds repaid by Henry VIII to Anthony Fugger,
Antwerp, 24 Sept. 1546, BL, Cotton, Galba, B X, 336.
231
See R.B. Outhwaite, ‘e trials of foreign borrowing: the English crown and
the Antwerp money market in the mid-sixteenth century,’ Econ. Hist. Rev., ser. 2, 19,
ii(1966), 289–305.
256 chapter five
Illustration 4 e King’s artillery (three details from 2 and 3).
an unequal contest? 257
The Panoply of War
A degree of archaic chivalric combat remained in the midst of the can-
non and arquebus re and the nanciers’ leveraging. In August 1543,
as we have seen, the English army passed within two miles of
érouanne, where they skirmished with the garrison and there took
place a remarkable and, at rst sight, archaic event. Sir John Wallop
challenged his old friend Villebon, governor of the place, to a tourna-
ment for the sake of their ladies, which took place the next day.
232
Nor
was this isolated. A few weeks later, Sir Ralph Eure recorded seven
Burgundian gentlemen running at the ring with English captains,
including Edward Poyninges.
233
Besides being a matter of organization
of brute force, war in this period and long aer remained to some
extent a celebration of the aristocratic and chivalric idea. is element
continued in the midst of the grimmer side of chivalric warfare.
234
War thus demanded a degree of conspicuous display. Sir John Gage
ordered in Flanders a tent and a pavilion with 20 of the nest halberds,
possibly gilded, for his retinue.
235
e accounts for the Rearguard,
include payments to ‘heraldes, wiers, ensign bearers, drums and
fyvethes.’
236
It is likely that every company of 100 men had a ‘whier,’
drum and fe. Gage went to considerable lengths to acquire such cel-
ebrants, through his agent Anthony Cave, at Bruges. Cave reported
that they were in short supply since so many were seeking their ser-
vices and none would serve for less than 2s (four times the infantry-
man’s pay) or move without an angel in advance: ‘Sir, it is happe you
hyred them, for treue[th it] ys non in all this quarters abowte that wyll
serve under iiij mens wages. Sir omas Poynynges would have vj
dromes and vj phyes and never a one that I can gett under ijs. st. a
day, and yet they be but easye players.’ As it happened, Gage had
232
Chronicle of Calais, p. 211–, (L&P, XVIII, I, 979).
233
HMC, MSS of the Marquess of Bath, IV, Seymour papers, p. 88.
234
On all this see D. Potter, ‘Chivalry and professionalism in the French armies
of the Renaissance’ in D.J. Trim (ed.), e Chivalric Ethos and the development of
Military Professionalism (Leiden, 2003), pp. 149–183, where I argue that chivalry and
professionalism are two sides of the same coin and cannot be separated and L. Mac-
Mahon, ‘Military Professionalism in the early Tudor armies in Renaissance Europe:
a reassessment,’ ibid., pp. 183–216, which minimises the ‘negative’ eects of chivalric
warfare, especially in comparison with European armies; and S.J. Gunn, ‘Henry VIII’s
foreign policy and the Tudor cult of chivalry’ in C. Giry-Deloison (ed.), François Ier
et Henri VIII. Deux princes de la Renaissance (1515–1547) (Lille, 1995) balances the
rival demands of reputation and realpolitik and Henry’s wars.
235
Anthony Cave to John Crant, 28 April, 1544, L&P, XIX, ii, App. 7, iii, 3.
236
BL Add. 35206.
258 chapter five
found men through Stephen Vaughan, while one of Cave’s hired men
was a drunk and so he suggested they be told to wait for the coming
over of the army or passed on to Poynings.
237
Banners were of crucial importance. When Admiral Lisle brought
his ships from Scotland to the Channel in June 1544 they were reported
as ‘no greate shipps but they be well apparelled and triumphantly
decked for the war.’
238
e depiction of the King’s ships in the Anthony
Roll of 1546 shows them decked out with long streaming banners
depicting the cross of Saint George and the Tudor livery colours of
green and white. e King’s newly retted ships in 1539 were to have
14 streamers painted by Wright, the King’s painter but the 180 ags
and 600 pennants posed problems of materials.
239
It has been argued
that these were impractical in time of war, yet Admiral Lisle’s rst
instruction of August 1545 makes it quite clear that the placement of
battle ags was crucial for the identication of ships in the melee of
battle.
240
e tabellionage of Rouen contains a range of contracts for
the supply of banners and pennons for the French eet in 1545 which
testify to the importance attached to such objects. In June 1545, Charles
de Moy, sr de La Meilleraye, vice-admiral ordered ‘franges de laine’ for
the marmoutiers and standards of his ships in the King’s colours. He
contracted with Charles Baratte, painter of Rouen to paint 78 taeta
ensigns in the colours of the King, Dauphin and Duke of Orléans with
their arms in ne gold, silver and azure, surrounded by the collar of
the order and surmounted by crowns and coronets. La Meilleraye also
paid 1696 lt. for 8900 rolls of cloth in back red and yellow for stan-
dards for the eet. e cost of a dozen of his own standards with the
anchor of vice-admiral was 45s each. Bolts of cloth in blue and yellow
were ordered for banners with the king’s arms, and Vimont, tresorier-
général de la marine, paid Guillaume de Courtelle, maître brodeur of
237
Letters of Cave to Grant, Antwerp, Calais, 19, 28 April, 17 May 1544 NA
SP1/196, fos. 21–11 (241–242) (L&P, XIX, ii, App. 7, iii, 1–3).
238
Russell to Council, 17 June 1544, NA SP1/188, fo. 172(193)r (L&P, XIX, i, 724).
239
T. Wilson, ‘e Flags,’ in C.S. Knighton and D.M. Loades (eds.), e Anthony
Roll of Henry VIII’s Navy (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 28–30; W. Gonson to Cromwell, 23
Sept. 1539, L&P, XIV, ii, 213.
240
St.P., I, ii, no. CCXXVI. See also Julian S. Corbett, Fighting Instructions, 1530–1816
Publications Of e Navy Records Society Vol. XXIX.(London, 1905), p. 22.
an unequal contest? 259
Rouen 135 lt. for sowing on the eurs de lys and 27 lt. 10s for paint-
ing the colours of the King and his sons.
241
Some commanders expected to go to war in luxurious style. e
quadrireme galley La Couronne built at les Damps near Pont de l’Arche
was decorated luxuriously with ttings costing 250 écus and interior
panelling for the cabins, carried out according to drawings that speci-
ed portraits and other images at 150 écus.
242
When Polin de La Garde
took to sea in his galley La Réale in 1545, he insisted that there were
cloth of gold and crimson hangings with the arms of Francis I and the
salamander.
243
As Suolk sailed out of Dover harbour on 3 July 1544,
he was met by Admiral Lisle with ‘trumpis shames and shutyng of
greyt peces of ordynances that it was greit wonder to here the greyt
noyse’ and he received a similar welcome sailing into Calais harbour
from the Rysbank fort.
244
When Henry himself le for France on 14th,
he took with him the latest gilded armour to display himself to best
possible eect.
245
His army was also equipped with all the necessary
articles of conspicuous display. As he marched out of Calais on
25 July, he was preceded by banners, drums and fes, then Garter King
of Arms with the royal banner, next to the King ‘armed at all pieces
upon a great courser, followed by Lord Herbert with the King’s helmet
and spear. Next came the henchmen ‘well horsed and appointed.’ At
the gates of Calais, he was met by the Duke of Albuquerque and his
company as well as men-at-arms under Essex and Darcy. Here the
procession reformed with, rst, the light horse, demilances, archers
and gunners of the foot guards. In their midst was the sacred totem of
the King himself with the pikes and men-at-arms. e procession was
brought up by mounted archers and gunners. ey were met at Saint-
Inglevert by the royal Guard embattled with banners displayed and
all proceeded to encamp at Marquise, where it rained all night. e
scene is nely depicted in the copies of the Cowdray frescoes showing
241
Tabellionage of Rouen, 1 June, 5 June, 6 June, 19 June, summarised in E. Gosselin,
Documents authentiques et inédits pour servir a l’histoire de la marine normande et du
commerce rouennais pendant les XVI
e
et XVII
e
siecles (Rouen, 1876), pp. 48–49.
242
Gosselin, Documents, p. 48.
243
Inventory of La Réale, April 1545, AD Bouches-du-Rhône, B 1260 fo. 440; BnF
Moreau 737, fo. 169.
244
‘A Diary of the Expedition of 1544’ ed. W.A.J. Archbold, EHR, 16, no. 63 (1901), 503.
245
e King’s Armoury, 16 July 1544, BL, Cott. Appendix, XXVIII.f. 69 (L&P, XIX,
i, 917).