Potter David. Henry VIII and Francis I
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220 chapter five
How well did the English troops perform in the campaign? One of
the more successful formations, according to Wallop, was the band of
‘northern horsemen’ commanded by Bowes, Eure and others. ese
were eectively used as were light horse in European armies and acted
as scouts and skirmishers. While 100 remained at Guînes under
Ellerkar, the rest followed the army and before the end of July ‘dyd
their partes very wel’ in skirmishing near érouanne. In October at
Landrecies, their commander, Robert Bowes, also treasurer of the
army was deploying them ‘aer the maner used upon Your Majesties
Border toward Scotland, the which was well praised by the light horse-
men Imperiales.’
63
In the main, as we have seen, the Emperor and du
Roeulx were complimentary about the quality of Wallop’s army. ey
fought with determination and some of the captains were killed in
action at Landrecies.
By Land and Sea: The Expedition to Scotland, 1544
Hardly had Wallop’s army returned to Calais in late November 1543
than the political and strategic situation dictated the planning of an
ambitious amphibious landing in Scotland in May 1544. As we have
seen in chapter 2, plans for this were being drawn up from January
1544. For the rst time in the period, adequate sea transport for a
signicant number of men had to be arranged. In September 1542,
when the eet had also been sent north, if only to supply Norfolk’s
army, there had been real problems in nding enough shing boats to
transport supplies and men. e Duke had reported that the boats had
only just returned from Iceland, many with their catch still unloaded,
and those that had done so ‘stynke so sore of the saied sshe that no
man being not used to the same can endure it.’
64
In 1544, the whole
operation was planned much more meticulously between the middle
of January and the end of April. Suolk forwarded a schedule to the
King in January that detailed the pressing of 112 ships into service
from London, Ipswich, Yarmouth, Lynne and Hull with an assembly
63
Wallop, 28, 31 July, 28 Aug., 29 Oct., 6 Nov. 1543, St.P., IX, pp. 457, 538; L&P,
XVIII, i, 967, 979; ii, 92, 321, 345.
64
Norfolk to the Council, 7 Sept. 1542, Hamilton Papers, I, no. 151, p. 186. On the
signicance of the North Sea herring sheries in politics: J.D. Tracy, ‘Herring wars: the
Habsburg Netherlands and the struggle for control of the North Sea, c. 1520–1560,’
Sixteenth-century Journal, 24 (1993), 249–272.
an unequal contest? 221
point at Newcastle (where further ships would have been picked up).
e eet was to be ‘waed’ by 12 royal ships (see Appendix 3) and
would carry a complement of 13,758 sailors and soldiers.
65
e ‘waers’
were probably increased in numbers to 48 English ships and 10 foreign
by the time the eet le the ames on 18 April.
66
In the second stage
of planning, Stephen Gardiner drew up further specications for how
to carry 15,000 soldiers and sailors to be supplied for two months.
Here, the ships supplied by London were replaced largely by those
from the northern ports, probably to leave tonnage available for the
invasion of France, while far more ports of the east coast were brought
in. Each ship had a designated number of soldiers, related to the size
of the ship and its company and was supposed to carry a proportion
of the munitions and supplies. ese were to be loaded at Newcastle,
to a saving of £5000 to the crown, but cheating on the part of suppliers
revealed a decit in the beef, a shortfall of 2300 dozen loaves and the
rest mouldy and herring, purchased by the crown at 4 a penny when
the market rate was 7. ese were fairly normal problems for supply-
ing a large army in the 16th century but they were important in pro-
viding lessons for the supply of the army royal for France.
67
Gardiner
specied that each ship would carry two men per ton of shipping, each
with one month’s supplies. 15,000 men would require 7500 tons of
shipping, plus 3750 for supplies and 500 for horses and artillery. For
this, the northern ports would supply 5600 tons (half of which came
from Newcastle), the East Anglian ports 7300. is le over 1150
tons available in Suolk which could carry 2300.
68
Finally, Paget’s
news bulletin for consumption in the Imperial court spelled out the
main lines of the army: 15,000 men for the amphibious assault plus
3000 sailors and 26 escort ships. 4000 cavalry advanced by land under
Eure and another 3000 under Wharton advanced in the west march
to keep the Scots busy there.
69
65
‘e army by sea into Scotland’ 18 April 1544 NA SP1/185 fos. 192–195 (L&P,
XIX, i, 355); there were changes in the composition of the escort squadron by April
with the addition of 7 ships and deletion of 2. is made a total of 15, some of them
capable of carrying 500 men, Hamilton Papers, II, no. 227 (L&P, XIX, i, 416).
66
L&P, XIX, i, 643, 8 June 1544:48 ships (tonnage 2690) with 2175 sailors and sol-
diers and 10 foreign with 340 sailors and soldiers, total cost for 53 days, £2078.5.4.
67
Hertford et al. to Henry VIII, 21 April 1544, Hamilton Papers II, no. 220 (L&P,
XIX, ii, 366).
68
L&P, XIX, i, 140.6.
69
Paget to Wotton, 14 May 1544, L&P, XIX, i, 501.
222 chapter five
e purely military component of this expedition is known through
narrative accounts, muster-books and correspondence. A payment to
Lisle who had ‘prested’ certain men to join the eet for Scotland had
details of those companies recruited attached. ese specify the costs
of the movement of infantry to London for embarkation in February-
March 1544. Lisle himself was to bring 300 men from his own estates
in Staordshire and a number of other gentlemen, some of them of the
Privy Chamber such as Jennings and Cary, were to bring just over
1000 men in all from Wales, Somerset, Shropshire, Sussex, Warwickshire,
Lincoln, Essex and Kent, £408 in total. Much more substantial was the
£8767.16.0 paid out in conduct money for the northern levies.
70
e
expedition was not far from the army estimated by Suolk at the start
of the year as likely to cost £44,000. In a muster book drawn up the
end of March 1544, the northern counties were allocated 11,000 men,
of whom Yorkshire contributed the lion’s share at 4500, Lancashire,
2800, Durham 800. Otherwise, Cheshire, Derby, Staord and
Nottingham just contributed a few hundred each. e soldiers and
sailors from the southern counties were scheduled to be 4213. ese
levies were entirely of tenants of the main landowners.
71
Companies
raised through the network of militarily experienced gentlemen and
courtiers were still the norm. e captains and petty captains of the
expedition, many of them the gentlemen who had raised the troops,
were listed in a muster book taken at the time of the burning of Leith,
this time of 9100 men. As with Wallop’s army, the original personal
musters were amalgamated into companies under selected captains.
ese included 77 companies of 100 each and four others of 200
under a ‘grand captain’; Peter Mewtas was again serving as he had in
70
NA SP1/182, fo. 181 (list of those captains paid and those le unpaid); ibid.,
183, fos. 107–110 (L&P, XVIII, ii, 543; XIX, i, 135.i). Lisle was at rst supposed to
bring 300 but then 230, 200 from Dudley and 30 from Warwick. Conduct money
for the northern levies, 1 May 1544, HMC, Bath MSS, IV, pp. 69–71. Longleat MSS,
SE/III, fos. 197–226 gives the daily orders for conduct money from muster points in
Lancashire, Derby, Yorkshire etc to Newcastle.
71
Muster book, late March 1544, HMC, Bath Manuscripts, IV, pp. 58–60. Cf. an
estimate, misdated in L&P, but almost certainly from this period, ‘Musters of men
for the Invasion of Scotland:’ Yorkshire, horse, 400, foot, 7000; Durham, horse, 60,
foot, 2000; Northumberland, horse, 1000; Cumberland, horse 1000, foot 300, West-
moreland, horse 40, foot 500; Lancashire, foot, 3000; Nottingham, foot 400, Cheshire,
foot 600; Derby, foot 300, NA SP1/181, fo. 184 (L&P, XVIII, ii, 237 and XIX, ii, 140).
Here the large number of border horse is raised essentially for diversionary purposes
during the main invasion.
an unequal contest? 223
the army of Flanders, with a company of 500 arquebusiers and 4
petty captains, who did crucial service in sweeping aside Scottish
resistance outside Leith at the start of the campaign.
72
Mewtas was
knighted by Hertford as a result.
Heavy equipment for the force marching overland from Berwick
(about 4000) was comparable to that for Wallop’s army: 2 bastard cul-
verins, 3 sakers, 8 falcons with shot, 3000 bows, 4000 sheaves of arrows
and 4 barrels of strings.
73
e expedition was in its own terms a success
but the eects of campaigning are summed up graphically by Hertford
himself. By the end of May the soldiers were penniless and without
tents because they came by sea: the soldiers had lain nightly in their
clothes for two months, and for a fortnight every night in the eld
without covering, so that most of them, ‘with cold and great travail
and scant victualling, have caught diseases in their bodies and swelling
in their legs, and are so wearied, that few are meet to serve; and besides,
they are out of apparel and money to buy it.’
74
Already, though, the
machinery of state was swinging into action for the campaign in France.
The Army Royal in France, 1544
Planning for the Army Royal was well under way by the start of war
in 1543. Early in 1544, a paper entitled ings to be ordered by the
King’s Majesty or by such as shall please his Highness t’appoint to the
same seems to be among the earliest broad planning papers from
the Privy Council and lists decisions to be taken on the role of the
Council itself, the composition of each army corps, the numbers of
archers in each company, battle standards, embarkation and transport,
musters for the Germans. is was an agenda for action on several
fronts before major decisions had been made.
75
Slightly later than this,
two papers were discussed: one on the detailed places for embarkation
by 20 May and the numbers of hoys needed and places; the other
(discussed in chapter 4) concerned possible routes. Any time in
March or April is possible for these papers.
76
Other papers, which
72
Mewtas’ 500 gunners, 4 captains and 4 petty captains cost £500.8s. in wages for 36
days and £83.6.8d in coat money, Feb–March 1544 (Longleat MSS, SE/III, fo. 1982).
73
Morris to Hertford, Berwick, early April 1544, HMC, Bath MSS, IV, p. 62.
74
Hertford, Lisle and Sadler to Henry VIII, 18 May 1544, L&P, XIX, i, 531.
75
L&P, XIX, i, 271.2.
76
L&P, XIX, i, 271.1 and 3.
224 chapter five
involved input from Norfolk and Paget, dealt with provisions and the
transport of horses.
77
A dozen papers have survived with extremely
detailed planning for the provisioning of each ward or army corps
(these will be discussed below).
78
e most crucial initial process, of course, was the assembly of the
army itself but how did the crown know the military resources it could
draw on and how did it select from them? We have seen that the fairly
regular militia musters since 1522 gave the crown an idea (probably
inated) of the crude resources available. e previous general musters
had been carried out at various times in 1542
79
and on 31 March 1543
letters were sent out to all landowners judged capable of ‘making’ men
to declare the state of their tenants and servants. e returns submit-
ted to the King’s secretary by 7 Devonshire gentlemen have survived
and reveal how the system worked and the range of detail available.
80
ese surveys were certainly the basis on which the Privy Council in
1544 was able to estimate the brute military resources of 29 English
shires south of the Trent (including London) and Wales as 90,183 able
men. Of these, 26,652 had some form of harness.
81
A closely related list
of 21 (mainly southern and south-east) shires produces a gure of
71,093 able men, of whom 18,552 had some harness.
82
It is certainly
from those with harness and armed as ‘principal’ bowmen in the indi-
vidual shire returns that the recruits for the invasion army were found
and worked up into the Army Books in 1544. It is clear that a selection
was made. Of the 44 Buckinghamshire gentlemen surveyed in 1543
(with 547 able-bodied men) and included in the Army Book of 1544,
only 12 actually sent or led retinues (147 men) to join the Rearguard,
where the Buckinghamshire men served.
83
e army was to consist of the usual three corps (or ‘wards’) of
any 16th century army: Vanguard/vaward, Battle/middle ward,
Rearguard/rearward. At an early point in the process, a paper, prob-
77
Ibid. 271.4 and 5.
78
Ibid. 272.4–13.
79
L&P, XVII, 882.
80
NA SP1/179, fos. 167, 178, fos. 65, 244, fo. 129 (L&P, XVIII, i, 480, 579, Addenda,
1589).
81
NA SP1/184, fos. 214–215 (L&P, XIX, i, 273.2). us, the returns for the Devon
gentlemen in 1543, NA SP1/177, fos. 167, 178, fos. 54–59, 244, fo. 126 (129) cor-
respond almost exactly to the survey in the 1544 Army Book, SP1/184, fo. 162(171),
161v (171v), 163 (173).
82
NA SP1/184, fos. 212–213 (L&P, XIX, i, 273.2).
83
Goring, ‘Military Obligations,’ appendix III; below, appendix four.
an unequal contest? 225
ably by John Mason for the Imperial ambassador made up the agreed
number of 42,000.
84
Only the English infantry component of the
Battle corresponds very closely to the army as eventually mustered.
e failure of negotiations with Landenberg in June–July 1544 meant
that the army would be short of a substantial portion of the 8000
German infantry and 4000 German cavalry planned for. But part of
Henry’s forces were supposed to be made up of an army corps under
the count of Buren to consist of 2000 hommes d’armes in 13 of the
30 companies of Netherlands bandes d’ordonnance, equivalent to the
French heavy cavalry. With this, Buren was to bring 2000 Netherlands
infantry paid for by the Emperor and also raise 2000 lansquenets in 5
ensigns at Henry’s expense.
85
Henry remained short of 6000 men,
only partially provided by small detachments of north German horse
under Leuchtmacher and others.
86
From lists of the various ‘wards’ or corps of the army, we can iden-
tify a broad strategy by the end of May 1544. Roughly 18,000 infantry
and a few hundred horse would be formed into one army under
Norfolk and Russell but this needed serious cavalry support from
Buren’s force bringing it up to over 20,000 men. e King’s own army
would amount to another 18–20,000 men but this would have to
include the German mercenaries under Landenberg, who of course
never arrived. e main Battle therefore was seriously under strength.
e next stage of planning envisaged a force of 38,865 including 5,226
cavalry. e infantry was to be grouped in 337 companies each with a
captain and petty captain.
87
From a warrant of 1546, it is clear that
each company was likely to have drum, surgeon, standard bearer,
‘phiphe’ and priest paid at 1d. the mile instead of the ½d. for ordinary
84
‘Les gentz de guerre du Roy sont divisés en trois regiments,’ NA SP1/184,
fo. 218(225) (L&P, XIX, i, 273.5): gave the composition of the army as: Vanguard
(Norfolk): Foot: 3000 High Germans, 7000 English; Horse: 2000 High Germans,
1000 English. Battle (King, Suolk): Foot: 2000 High Germans, 9500 English; Horse:
1000 High Germans, 3500 English. Rearguard (Russell): Foot: 3000 Germans, 8000
English; Horse: 1000 Germans, 1000 English.
85
BRB, Bibliothèque de Bourgogne, MS 20411, p. 301, Buren’s patent (see Pail-
lard, L’invasion pp. 2–3). Articles agreed with Buren, 8 April 1544, NA SP1/185,
fos. 127–128 (142–143) (L&P, XIX, i, 308.2). For the delays in mustering these troops and
arguments over the numbers per ensign, Palmer et al. to Council, 3, 10, 15, 21 June
1544, L&P, XIX, i, 622, 667, 710, 752.
86
Leuchtmacher had just over 300 horse ready for muster at Utrecht in mid-June
(L&P, XIX, i, 753).
87
L&P, XIX, i, 273.6.
226 chapter five
foot soldiers.
88
e principal muster-book for the Army Royal, which
catalogued the retinues of most courtiers, peers and the southern
shires, yielded a smaller gure of horsemen 3,684 cavalry and 31,955
infantry.
89
e army as ultimately mustered was smaller still. e
Vanguard had 372 horse and 9,406 foot, the Battle with much the larg-
est component of English cavalry (3,159) and 9,688 foot. e Rearguard,
to be combined with the Vanguard in the siege of Montreuil, was to
be 547 horse and 9,018 foot. At 28,112 foot and 4078 cavalry, this total
of 32,389 troops (lacking a substantial portion of the expected land-
sknechts) fell far short of the 42,000 contracted in the agreement with
the Emperor in December 1543.
90
So, the Army Royal now had of necessity to rely much more heavily
than had been planned, on English levies, but the means of recruit-
ment for the three dierent corps varied widely. It should be stressed
that the Army Royal was recruited mainly south of the Trent. When
southern gentlemen made preparations in March to summon their
tenants in the North (even as far as the Borders), Hertford opposed
this strenuously.
91
For the Vanguard and Rearguard, the semi-feudal
system of recruitment through county landowners predominated. For
both, the bulk of the small cavalry components and substantial seg-
ments of the infantry were provided by the commanders themselves
and the peers. For the Vanguard, this meant that the peers provided
250 horse and 2830 foot. Lord Ferrers alone provided 1000 foot. 21 coun-
ties provided the bulk of the infantry with heavy concentrations on
levies from East Anglia and other areas inuenced by the Howard
family, the largest numbers coming from Norfolk, Suolk and Warwick.
To take the contingent from one particular county, Kent provided
299 foot for the Vanguard (only one small contingent from the county
marched with the rearguard). ese were drawn from a county which
had been assessed at 6428 able men, including 1529 with harness and
1750 archers.
92
e parcels of troops corresponded very closely to the
survey of military resources carried out in the early months of 1544.
is had listed 32 horsemen (mostly armed with javelins) and 598
88
L&P, XXI, i, 643.v, 16 March 1546 payment for Greeneld’s men from Devon.
89
L&P, XIX, i, 273.1.
90
Global gures from L&P, XIX, i, 274, 275, 276. More systematic lists from Hateld
House, Cecil Papers, 201, fos. 3–21.
91
Newcastle. Hertford, Tunstall, and Sadler to Henry VIII, 20 March 1544. BL Add.
32, 654, f. 33. Hamilton Papers, II., No. 189 (L&P, XIX, i, 223).
92
NA SP1/184 fos. 212–214 (L&P, XIX, i, 273.2 and 3).
an unequal contest? 227
infantry.
93
e relatively small number who actually served from Kent
is explained partly by the fact that some landowners had been with-
drawn from the survey as reserved for the ‘seven hundredths’ of the
Lord Warden of the Cinq Ports (omas Cheyney), who provided
100 horse and 500 foot. In addition, Lord Cobham had just been
appointed to Calais and almost certainly took some of his military
resources with him. Sir omas Wyatt’s 100 foot are not included in
the earlier muster-book, but of the other 199 listed in the Vanguard,
74 seem to be archers.
94
In commending Cheyney’s ‘good order’ as
captain of the horsemen in the Vanguard, Norfolk specically pointed
out that ‘[M]any of the sent men fro suche as sent small nombres [are]
not well chozen’ but that Cheyney ‘is a fyne [fel]low as all ye know,
and worthie to be cherysed.’
95
e structure of the Rearguard was very similar, though it seems
that it was initially under strength: both versions of the list show that
around 6200 foot had to be supplemented by late levies (including 200
arquebusiers from Knyvet’s garrison at Portsmouth)
96
well as bakers
and brewers to make up the numbers to 9000.
97
e peers provided
168 horse and 2480 infantry. e rest of the infantry and a proportion
of the cavalry (279) came from a 17 counties, only 7 of which also
contributed (usually small) numbers to the Vanguard; here the great-
est numbers were contributed by Bedford, Dorset, Devon and
Northampton. e counties supplying troops to the two corps were
therefore in the main distinct. e size of the shire levies used obvi-
ously depended on their basic military resources and also to some
extent on the presence of substantial landowners. In the Rearguard,
Devon supplied 462 foot and Hereford only 164 (with 6 horse),
though it also sent 96 foot to the Vanguard. is reected the 4000
estimated able-bodied men revealed by the militia musters for Devon
and the 2500 for Hereford.
98
Yet the Herefordshire gentry had declared
93
NA SP1/184. fos. 138–144 (L&P, XIX, i, 273.1).
94
L&P, XIX, i, 274 compared with NA SP1/184, fos. 138–144 L&P, XIX, i, 273.1,
muster book.
95
Norfolk to Council, 12 June 1544, L&P, XIX, i, 685.
96
On this see L&P, XIX, i, 659, ii and the lists of the rearguard.
97
NA SP1/185, fos. 49–52 (L&P, XIX, i, 276); Hateld House, Cecil Papers, 201,
fos. 3–5. e fact that the King had explicitly ordered the bakers and brewers to be
paid by the treasurers of the wards is clear from Council to Norfolk, 26 June 1544,
L&P, XIX, i, 781. e eect was indeed to ll out the numbers though the King
declared that this was because they had no treasurer of their own.
98
Rearguard list, L&P, XIX, i, 276 and list of able-bodied, NA SP1/184, fos. 214–215
228 chapter five
509 foot earlier in the year; the largest contingent came from the
estates of Sir John Scudamore who was prepared to send 14 mounted
archers, 2 javelins, 467 billmen and 20 archers. In fact, he supplied
6 horsemen and 100 billmen.
99
Sir George Cornewall (of Berrington
Hall near Leominster) served in the Rearguard with 50 foot (20 archers
and 30 billmen) having declared 9 horsemen with javelins, 40 archers
and 42 billmen. Cornewall was a middling landowner of his district (to
become a Subsidy Commissioner and J.P. by the end of the reign); he
held lands worth £70 in Berrington and Stoke Prior.
100
In his case, we
have a curt note ordering his servant Richard Capull (or Capell) on
‘payne of dethe’ to prepare his men to march to London so as to be at
Dover by the last day of May:
where I wyll be god wyllyng and all so to command yow to make the
tenants to fynd also mare or geldyng to bring yow to London and at my
lady Brugys yn London there yow shall fynd yowre brother Jeamys Capill
tarrying for me abowt my tent.
101
Cornwall’s father-in-law was Sir John Bridges of Sudeley (also a
Herefordshire landowner at Lugwardine) who was well-known at court
and (though he had served at érouanne in 1513) was preparing at
the age of 52 to join the King’s Battle with Gloucestershire levies of
21 horse and a number of infantry.
102
In fact, the 500 foot contrib-
uted belatedly to the Rearguard by Walter Devereux, Lord Ferrers,
were also mainly from Herefordshire and the Welsh Marches.
103
In both Vanguard and Rearguard the levies were to a degree supple-
mented by special categories of troops. In the Vanguard, Irish kerne,
late levies from individual gentlemen not attached to a county, 300 men
from London and levies from the Cathedral chapters. In the Rearguard
there were also 200 Londoners, more Irish kerne and levies from
Cathedral chapters (Appendix 4). In both Vanguard and Rearguard we
(L&P, XIX, i, 273.3). e Militia Musters of 1542 give a rather larger number of able-
bodied for Hereford. See NA E 36/16 (L&P, XVII, 882, M. 4). None of the Devon
gentry whose 1543 returns for Devon survive (see above) were actually employed
in 1544.
99
NA SP1/184, fos. 155–157, at 155 (L&P, XIX, i, 273.1).
100
M.A. Faraday (ed.), Herefordshire Taxes in the Reign of Henry VIII (Woolhope
Club. 2005), pp. 157, 211, 227, 383.
101
Cornwall to Capull, NA SP1/188, fo. 20 (L&P, XIX, i, 608); Rearguard: XIX, i,
276; Muster-book declaration: NA SP1/184, fo. 155.
102
L&P, XIX, i, 275. Bridges received command of the castle of Boulogne as a reward.
103
Hateld House, Cecil MSS, 201, fo. 19.
an unequal contest? 229
nd northern horsemen (which the King had summoned from the
Scottish borders as early as March).
104
e Battle in eect represented the personal military potential of
the King and his Court. Rather than recruiting through the shires, it
relied almost exclusively on the royal household both for service in
person and as a means of raising troops from the estates of courtiers.
Here, as might be expected, cavalry was more in evidence. 3200
horsemen were contributed by members of the Council and house-
hold, only 123 of them from county levies. ese were made up of
men-at-arms (heavy cavalry), demi-lances, mounted archers, javelins,
northern staves and demi-hakes (mounted hand-gunners). Around
1000 horse were contributed by councillors, including 150 from
Suolk himself. Of the infantry, as for 1978 archers, 770 were con-
tributed by councillors and peers, 565 by the Privy Chamber, 143 by
the Chamber and the rest by the household (including the Yeomen of
the Guard) and Gentleman Pensioners. Of the 5123 billmen and
pikes, 1470 were contributed by councillors and peers, 1575 by the
Privy Chamber, 140 by the Chamber and the rest by the household
and pensioners. Preliminary lists were drawn up of the retinues of
the sta of the Privy Chamber (2484: 807 archers, 181 demi-hakes,
380 pikes, 50 ‘sprinkilles,’ 1073 bills) and a similar one for the
Chamber (1623) and Household (195: 12 demi-lances, 28 javelins,
2 northern staves, 6 archers on horseback, 39 archers on foot, 107
billmen, and 1 handgun.).
105
Quite clearly, not all these resources were
drawn on. Of course, the division between household and shire levies
is articial in some ways. e 500 foot contributed by Sir John Gage
and the 524 by Sir Anthony Browne were drawn from their estates in
Sussex and the duke of Suolk explicitly pointed to the lateness in
coming over of 1500 infantry from Suolk and Essex.
106
In all, the
list preserved in the State Papers only accounts for 7101 out of the
104
Council to Hertford, Tunstall and Sadler, 21 March 1544, Hateld House, Cecil Papers
231. no. 51, Haynes, State Papers, 16, [Cal. of Hateld MSS, I, 118.] (L&P, XIX, i, 227).
105
NA SP1/185, fo. 39(46)– (L&P, XIX, i, 275.4 i and ii). e 50 ‘sprinkles afote’
contributed by omas Cawarden are almost certainly ‘springals,’ youths from his oce
of the Revels.
106
Suolk, Gage and Browne to Henry VIII, 10 July 1544 L&P, XIX, i, 882 (Suf-
folk and Essex as Shires contributed 230 foot to the Battle). Gage had declared 21
horse and 300 foot for the musters and Browne 350 horse and 500 foot. (NA SP1/184,
fo. 77(87)v. In the Hateld MS, they are listed with 21 and 300 horse respectively
and 500 and 524 foot respectively but in the earlier SP list (L&P, XIX, i, 275) with
150 and 100 foot. Browne, in any case, had a retinue of 536 horsemen attached to him
as Master of the Horse (NA SP1/185, fo. 36, L&P, XIX, i, 275.3).