Adelaar Willem, Muysken Pieter. The languages of the Andes

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594 7 The Spanish presence

with anything but persons or at least animate beings, and then limited to the third person.

We do not ﬁnd:

(4) a.

∗

su ladrillo del muro

3P brick of.the wall

‘the brick of the wall’

∗

mi casa de m´ı

my house of me

‘my house (of mine)’

These restrictions are absent in type II, which is limited to the strong Quechua area of the

southern highlands, and surprisingly, to Amazon Spanish, and here Rodr´ıguez Garrido

claims that Quechua inﬂuence is likely.

In Ecuadorian Spanish the situation is quite different. In recordings of an early

bilingual we ﬁnd twenty-six cases of possessed NP de possessor NP, as in vecino

de Francisco ‘neighbour of Francisco’. In addition there was one case of posses-

sor/possessed: Francisco casa (rather than la casa de Francisco)‘Francisco’s house’,

and one case of a noun preceded by the noun it is supposed to identify, but without the

preposition de: diez Tigua ‘ten from Tigua’ (rather than diez de Tigua). Other speak-

ers in the recordings sample show a large predominance of standard structures, and

very few deviant examples. Interestingly enough, the construction mentioned in the

Peruvian research literature involving the redundant possessive pronoun su is entirely

lacking.

It is very possible that the absence of the double genitive in Ecuadorian Spanish is

due to its absence in Ecuadorian Quechua. Compare the following examples:

(5) a. Peru

Juan-pa mama-n de Juan su madre

John-G mother-3P of John 3P mother

‘John’s mother’ ‘John’s mother’

b. Ecuador

Juan-pak mama la madre de Juan

John-G mother the mother of John

‘John’s mother’ ‘John’s mother’

In the Peruvian case, the possessed noun receives a third-person marker -n,which cor-

responds semantically to the ‘redundant’ su. This marker is absent in Ecuador.

The differences within Quechua do not explain the differences between the two coun-

tries, however, for possessor/possessed order, unless we would argue that the presence

of su makes it possible in Peru to interpret the possessor phrase de Juan as sort of left-

dislocated within the whole nominal constituent containing the possessed phrase, thus

7.2 Amerindian substratum inﬂuence 595

maintaining a seeming parallelism with the Quechua word order. Similar left-dislocated

possessors are found in many other languages, e.g. Papiamentu Wanchu su kas ‘John’s

house’. De Granda (1997a) claims that the Peruvian pattern is found in northwestern

Argentina as well.

B. Clitic usage is a more complicated issue. While deviant object clitic usage has

often been linked to Quechua inﬂuence, neither the phenomenon itself nor the possible

Quechua source are very well circumscribed. The phenomenon includes redundant lo

object clitics in relative clauses, as in:

(6) el hombre que lo v´ı

the man that 3O.MS.SG I.saw

‘the man that I saw’

The use of a resumptive pronoun rather than a gap strategy in relative clauses may well

be a result of surface simpliﬁcation in a context of extensive bilingualism.

A second type of example involves lo in main clauses, marking emphasis. Haboud de

Ortega (1985), a rich but mostly descriptive study based on material from San Pedro de

Casta, Huarochir´ı, Peru, contains examples such as:

(7) Usted lo siembra la papa con su abono y todo.

you.CS 3O.MS.SG sow the potato(FE.SG) with 3P fertiliser and all

‘You sow the potatoes with their fertiliser and everything.’

Godenzzi (1986), an analysis of object clitic usage based on recordings from Puno,

southern Peru, gives many examples as well (see also Godenzzi 1992):

(8) Lo ve´ıa las armas.

3O.MS.SG (s)he.saw the weapons(FE.PL)

‘(S)he saw the weapons.’

Cerr´on-Palomino (personal communication) suggests that redundant lo in Central Peru-

vian Spanish is both formally and semantically related to the Quechua perfective verbal

sufﬁx -rqu-,which is pronounced as [ʔlu] in some dialects (cf. section 3.2.6). The sufﬁx

-rqu- often has a telic interpretation, implying some action with respect to an object.

The formal similarity is limited to the Huanca region, but the semantic similarity may

have caused a correspondence in a much wider area.

A third cluster of phenomena includes the absence of an object clitic when its referent

has been mentioned immediately before, in the same clause or in the discourse context:

(9) Nuestra m´usica no podemos dejar de lado. [compare dejarla

our music(FE.SG) not we.can to.leave of side to.leave.3O.FE.SG]

‘We cannot leave our music aside.’

596 7 The Spanish presence

Stratford (1989: 115) states that this is common for all kinds of speakers, monolingual

and bilingual, urban and rural, alike. She also notes that the presence of another clitic, for

instance, se,isafavourable environment for direct object omission. De Granda (1996)

argues that absence of object clitics is frequent in northwestern Argentinian Spanish as

well.

There is frequent clitic doubling:

(10) Lo veoaJuan. [compare Ve oaJuan.

3O.MS.SG I.see DA John I.see DA John

‘I see John.’ ‘I see John.’]

Furthermore, gender (lo/la) and number (le/lo, les/los) distinctions are often confused:

(11) Lo veoaMaria. [compare La veo...

3O.MS.SG I.see DA Mar´ıa 3O.FE.SG I.see ...

‘I see Mar´ıa.’ ‘I see her (Mar´ıa).’]

Note that here the ‘doubled’ clitic lo,which is analysed as masculine in standard Spanish,

does not agree with the object, Mar´ıa,ingender. Ana Mar´ıa Escobar (1990), in a study

of deixis, location, and object marking in the speech of bilinguals from Ayacucho,

south-central Peru, looks at clitics in some detail, as well.

Camacho et al. (1995) argue that the clitic lo in inalienable possessor constructions

in Andean Spanish, as in (12), is a case of genitive clitic doubling:

(12) Lo amarran su pata del condor.

3O.SG.MS they.tie 3P leg(FE) of.the condor

‘They tie the condor’s leg.’

In Ecuador we ﬁnd that clitics are used rather unsystematically in rural Spanish,

and particularly that third-person object clitics such as le are often absent. This fea-

ture is characteristic of the vernacular in general, and corresponds to Lozano’s ob-

servation that third-person clitics are absent when their referent has been previously

mentioned.

Again, -rqu- is not present in Ecuadorian Quechua, which could lead to an explanation

for the absence of lo in interlanguage and in the vernacular. Still, Cerr´on-Palomino’s

explanation is too dialect-speciﬁc and does not cover all the occurrences of lo. More

probable is that the fact that Ecuadorian Spanish is extremely leista, i.e. does not have lo

as a verbal clitic at all, accounts for the absence of lo in Ecuadorian Quechua–Spanish

interlanguage.

7.2 Amerindian substratum inﬂuence 597

It is clear from the discussion so far that the use of lo in Andean Spanish is a multi-

faceted phenomenon, and needs more investigation.

C. Object–verb sequences have been frequently noted. Very characteristic of Andean

Spanish are sentences such as:

(13) AJuan conoc´ı.

DA John I.knew

‘I knew John.’ (‘I made his acquaintance.’)

Here the object often precedes the verb, which is a marked pattern in standard Span-

ish. Luj´an, Minaya and Sankoff (1981), using data from Cuzco, southern Peru (cf. also

Minaya and Luj´an, 1982), primarily study word-order phenomena such as the OV orders

in the light of typological universals. In contrast to Lozano and Puente, their study is based

on children’s speech (three 5-, three 7- and three 9-year-olds, recorded one hour each, in

an informal classroom setting) and provides quantitative data. The variables studied are

both verb/object, adjective/noun, and possessor/possessed order. The results show that

the 5-year-olds in the sample show 51 per cent SOV, 64 per cent possessor/possessed,

and 91 per cent adjective/noun order, as in la bonita casa ‘the pretty house’. Fur-

ther, for the other age groups there is a regular decrease of these word orders, which

are slowly being replaced by the word orders characterising the regional standard: the

9-year-olds show only 30 per cent SOV, 33 per cent possessor/possessed and 38 per

cent adjective/noun orders. Luj´an et al. claim that the pattern they ﬁnd is the only one

possible, given the typological characteristics of both Quechua and Spanish and the

universal consistency hypothesis proposed by Hawkins (1979). Crucial is that the tran-

sition from possessor/possessed to the reverse cannot take place without a transition

from SOV to SVO; otherwise implicational universals are violated. Finally, Luj´an et al.

mention a type of construction where the verb is doubled, producing a type of SVOV

order:

(14) Conozco a los cabritos conozco.

I.know DA the little.goats I.know

‘I know the little goats.’

Courtney (2000) argues that this duplication pattern is visible in Quechua itself, and

is in fact a pragmatic strategy to denote emphasis. It occurs with elements other than

verbs:

(15) Y ya no es loco ya.

and already not he.is crazy already

‘And he isn’t crazy any more.’

598 7 The Spanish presence

It is even possible to duplicate the element in a different language. In (16) kan is taken

from Quechua, while the form it duplicates, hay,isSpanish:

(16) Hay bastante-s ﬁesta-s ka-n.

there.is enough-PL holiday-PL be-3S

‘There are many holidays.’

In recorded Ecuadorian spoken Spanish, there is also a tendency for highly frequent

OV orders to be associated with Quechua–Spanish bilinguals, and VO order with middle-

class Spanish monolinguals (Muysken 1984). This accords, in principle, with the main

thrust of the ﬁndings of Luj´an et al., but it is striking that in all the recorded material

there is no single case of a true SOV sequence, i.e. one with both subject and object

present. What we ﬁnd is OVS, OV, OSV, i.e. all cases where the order of the object

preceding the verb could be due to object fronting, for focus:

(17) a. Papas comi´o.

potatoes he.ate

‘He ate potatoes.’

b. Papas Juan comi´o.

potatoes John he.ate

‘John ate potatoes.’

c. Papas comi´o, Juan.

potatoes he.ate John

‘John ate potatoes.’

∗

Juan papas comi´o.

John potatoes he.ate

‘John potatoes ate.’

Example (17d) is excluded because it is not possible in Spanish, even though it directly re-

ﬂects the usual Quechua order. Thus the word-order correspondence between rural Span-

ish and Quechua may be one of superﬁcial resemblance (in the OV sequences), rather than

of deap-seated structural congruence. The case could still be made for Quechua inﬂu-

ence, through the increased incidence of word orders permitted in Spanish that are similar

to Quechua. No cases of verb doubling have been noted so far in Ecuadorian Quechua.

D. Irregular gender and number concord and irregular article usage are highly frequent,

particularly in bilingual or lower-class monolingual speech. In Ecuador as well as Peru,

plurals are only infrequently marked. Note that in Quechua, in contrast to Spanish, plural

marking is optional.

Deﬁnite and indeﬁnite articles are frequently not present where they would be expected

in regional standard contexts. This feature, while needing much more study, appears to

be characteristic of vernacular Spanish in the area in general.

7.2 Amerindian substratum inﬂuence 599

Verb marking is highly irregular. In clear ﬁrst-person-singular contexts, we ﬁnd third-

person forms, ﬁrst-person-plural forms and irregular forms for ‘I went’:

(18) ju-´e went-3S.SG ‘he went’

jui-mos went-1S.PL ‘we went’

jui-ndo went-GR ‘going’ (lit. ‘went-ing’)

While other bilingual speakers in the community also show some cases of irregular verb

marking, this is not a feature of non-standard Spanish on the whole, and it disappears

rapidly with more advanced speakers.

E. Preposition usage shows seemingly contradictory tendencies for different groups

of speakers. Puente (1978) notes cases such as (19), in which a locative adverb is

redundantly preceded by a locative preposition:

(19) En all´ı est´acreciendo la le ˜na.

in there is growing the ﬁrewood

‘There trees for ﬁrewood are growing.’

The Ecuadorian recorded Spanish data suggest that this feature may be due to Quechua

semantic inﬂuence, but it is not present in early interlanguage. 36 per cent of the pre-

positions obligatory in Spanish (39 out of 109 cases) have been deleted. This concerns

primarily locative en (16 out of 33 cases) and directional a (17 out of 22 cases). This

tendency diminishes quickly for the more advanced bilinguals, who may well extend the

locative use of Quechua, where place adverbs (non-distinct from deictics) are marked

with the demonstrative as well, to Spanish all´ı ‘there’. In Quechua we have chay-pi

(/-L)

F. Gerunds have been frequently noted, e.g. by Toscano Matteus (1953), Muysken

(1984), Ni˜no-Murcia (1995) and Haboud (1996, 1998), who documents the use of the

gerundive perfective construction by broad sectors of the population for Ecuador, by

Cerr´on-Palomino (1972, 1976c, 1981) for Peru, and by de Granda (1995) for northwest-

ern Argentina. Examples from incipient bilinguals in Ecuador are:

(20) Ya desyerbar terminando, a la yerba lo llevado a la casa.

already to.weed ﬁnishing, DA the weed(FE) 3O.SG taken to the house

‘Having already ﬁnished weeding, I took the weeds to the house.’

(21) Yo saliendo de la escuela mi de entrar en colegio.

I leaving of the school me/my of to.enter in high.school

‘After leaving school I am going to enter high school.’

Menges (1980), the ﬁrst bilingual acquisition study carried out in Ecuador, is based on

the application of a culturally adapted and expanded bilingual syntax measure to twelve

600 7 The Spanish presence

Indian and twelve non-Indian ﬁrst graders. The variable studied is the form and function

of the main verb, whether in inﬂected, inﬁnitive, or gerund form. The analysis of the

interview data indicated that the Indian L2 learners were operating with a simpliﬁed

verb system having the gerund as its base form (1980: 105).

For stable bilinguals, the gerund is not so much the base form for main-clause verb

usage, but rather a marker for adverbial clauses.

G. A number of studies draw attention to sentential particles. There are cases of the

Quechua topic marker -ka occurring in Ecuadorian Spanish:

(22) Ah´ı-ka barrio chiquito.

there-TO village small

‘Over there is a small village.’

(23) Quedamos-ka lo que da la gana come hago.

we.stay-TO 3O.SG what gives the feeling eat I.make

‘If we stay, I will prepare to eat whatever comes to our minds.’

More prevalent are Spanish sentential particles used in a Quechua-derived or Quechua-

like fashion. We ﬁnd enclitic tan (from Spanish tambi´en ‘also’) as a negative emphatic

marker or as an indeﬁnite marker in Ecuador:

(24) a. nada m´as-tan

nothing more-AD

‘nothing else’

Onde-tan has ido?

where-AD you.have gone

‘Wherever did you go to?’

This use of tan directly resembles the semantic range of Quechua -pis/-pas ‘and, also,

indeﬁnite, emphatic’. It may well be that the way tan is used is a calque on Quechua. Just

like the topic marker -ka, this phenomenon is not limited to bilinguals, but it certainly

is stigmatised as lower-class rural speech.

Laprade mentions a number of particles occurring in La Paz Spanish the use of which

may have been inﬂuenced by Aymara (1981: 216–19), such as no m´as ‘just’, and pues

‘then’. An example of the latter would be:

(25)

Qu´e cosa pues quieres?

what thing then you.want

‘What then do you want?’

The trouble is that these elements have such a wide diffusion in rural Spanish that much

more speciﬁc argumentation than given would be needed to make their Aymara base

conclusive.

7.2 Amerindian substratum inﬂuence 601

Another problem is that Aymara and Quechua have so many structural and semantic

parallels, as was shown in chapter 3, that the use of many elements in Spanish could

be inﬂuenced by both or either language. A case in point is the Spanish pluperfect to

mark the sudden discovery tense, something to which we will turn shortly, and the use

of siempre ‘always’ in the sense of ‘after all’, as in:

(26) Tengo que irme siempre.

I.have that to.go.away.1O.SG always

‘I have to go after all.’

This feature has been reported for La Paz Spanish by Laprade (1981: 218), as modelled

on the Aymara emphatic marker -pini/-puni, and for Cochabamba Spanish by Herrero

(1969), as modelled on Quechua -puni.Inthis case, substrate inﬂuences from various

languages may have reinforced one another. Another source for the use of siempre

could be the Quechua sufﬁx -raq, generally glossed as ‘still’. On the precise meaning

of siempre and other discourse markers in different Andean regions more comparative

study is needed.

A case where speciﬁc Aymara inﬂuence may be involved is the use of pero ‘but’ in

sentence-ﬁnal position (Laprade 1981: 219), as in:

(27)

Ya hablas aymara pero!

already you.speak Aymara but

‘But you speak Aymara already!’

The source for this usage would be the Aymara objector sufﬁx -raki.

H. In all varieties of Quechua there is a special tense to mark events which took place

unbeknownst to the speaker; Adelaar (1977) terms this the sudden discovery tense,

marked with -sqa or a similar form. It is used in narrative but also to express surprise,

etc. In Andean Spanish the category is expressed with present perfect haber with past

participle (Ecuador) or pluperfect haber with past participle (Peru and Bolivia):

(28) a. (Ecuador) b.(Peru and Bolivia)

Qu´e rico ha sido!

Qu´e rico hab´ıa sido!

how good it.has been how good it.had been

‘This is really good! (said to the host)’

This concludes a preliminary survey of possible Amerindian features in Andean Spanish.

The data are sometimes contradictory between different studies and a far from clear

picture emerges. This may be due to differences in focus of research and data-collection

procedures, to differences between the varieties of Quechua involved, or to differences

in the selection of interlanguage features which are absorbed into the vernacular.

602 7 The Spanish presence

The convergence process, which results from bilingualism over a long period of time,

provides a way for the L2 learner to structure his interlanguage grammar. Where no

linguistic convergence between Quechua and Spanish has taken place (e.g. person–

number marking, marking of grammatical relations, subordination), the L2 learner will

produce idiosyncratic and irregular forms of interlanguage structures, involving deletion,

overgeneralisations, paratactic structures and the like. Where we do ﬁnd convergence

phenomena (word order, gerunds, tense marking to some extent), the acquisition process

is more regular: the L2 learner falls quickly into the groove as it were, and starts to behave

as a member of a speech community. We hope the discussion of individual variables has

substantiated this distinction.

7.3 Language mixture and pidginisation in the Andes

and the Amazon basin

Several contact varieties have emerged out of the intermixing between Spanish and the

native languages. We will brieﬂy mention two of them here: Media Lengua, spoken in

various parts of Ecuador, and Amazon Spanish pidgin.

The variety of Media Lengua (lit. ‘half language’ or ‘halfway language’) described

here is spoken in parts of the province of Cotopaxi in central Ecuador (Muysken 1979,

1981b, 1986, 1997a). Other varieties have been documented for Ca˜nar and Saraguro

in southern Ecuador. Linguistically speaking, Media Lengua is essentially Quechua

with the vast majority of its stems replaced by Spanish forms. This process of replace-

ment is commonly called relexiﬁcation. Two examples of Media Lengua utterances are

given below, with the (b) examples presenting the regional Quechua equivalent, and the

(29) a. Unu fabur-ta pidi-nga-bu bini-xu-ni.

(Media Lengua)

one favour-AC ask-FN-B come-PR-1S.SG

‘I come to ask you a favour.’

b. ˇsuk fabur-da man

a-nga-bu ˇsamu-xu-ni. (Quechua)

one favour-AC ask-FN-B come-PR-1S.SG

‘I come to ask you a favour.’

c. Vengo para pedir un favor.

(Spanish)

I.come in.order.to ask.IF one favour

‘I come to ask you a favour.’

It is clear that (a) has resulted from putting the phonological shapes of the words in

a- by pidi-, etc. Several

things should be noted. First, we get an emphatic form of the indeﬁnite article in Media

Lengua, unu, rather than Spanish unemphatic un. Second, the Spanish irregular verb

7.3 Language mixture and pidginisation 603

form vengo appears in a regularised stem form bini. Third, the Quechua rule voicing the

accusative case marker -ta to -da after fabur has not applied in Media Lengua; Quechua

dialectological evidence suggests that this is a recent rule. Fourth, what is peculiar

about Media Lengua is not so much that it contains Spanish words (many dialects of

Quechua do as well), but that all Quechua words, including all core vocabulary, have

been replaced. Fifth, the Spanish forms have been adapted phonologically to Quechua;

mid vowels have been replaced by high vowels. Quechua word order and morphology

have been retained.

A similar example is:

(30) a. Kuyi-buk yirba nuwabi-ˇska

(Media Lengua)

guinea.pig-B grass not.be.there-SD.3S.SG

‘There turns out to be no grass for the guinea-pigs.’

b. Kuyi-buk k

iwa il

a-ˇska (Quechua)

guinea.pig-B grass not.be.there-SD.3S.SG

‘There turns out to be no grass for the guinea-pigs.’

c. No hay hierba para los cuyes

(Spanish)

not there.is grass for the guinea.pigs

‘There is no grass for the guinea-pigs.’

Note that the Quechua word kuyi ‘guinea-pig’ appears in the local Spanish as well. The

Media Lengua verb maintains the Quechua-speciﬁc sudden discovery tense marking

-ˇska. The Quechua negative existential verb stem il

a- has been relexiﬁed with a newly

formed ‘frozen’ stem nuwabi-, derived from Spanish no and haber ‘have’. The Spanish

verb ‘have’ has an impersonal form hay which also has existential meaning. These

examples illustrate that:

(a) Media Lengua is essentially the product of replacing the phonological

shapes of Quechua stems with Spanish forms, maintaining the rest of the

Quechua structure;

(b) The Spanish forms chosen have undergone regularisation and adaptation

to Quechua morphophonology.

Quechua pronunciation.

(d) It is not made up on the spot every time it is spoken.

(e) The occurrence of Spanish strong alternants such as unu in stead of un,

and of frozen composites such as nuwabi- is an indication that we do not

have a simple process of vocabulary replacement here.

The Amazon Spanish pidgin, although clearly showing non-Spanish (possibly Shuar)

features, is more the result of simpliﬁcation than of relexiﬁcation. There were and are

Spanish pidgins spoken in the western Amazon basin, and also by the Cayapa on the