804 М. Ямпольский. Физиология символического
is fused into an organic unity of the king's body. In such terms —
nation is a heterogeneous artificial assemblage, and the king — it's
redeemer into an organic unity. Even Hegel claimed that the nation
as abstraction needs a face of a sovereign to acquire reality. Without
such a face the people remain, according to him, only an amorphous
mass. Allegorical reading of the monarchic body radically reverses
these relations. Now it's no longer a monarch that incorporates the
organic unity of the commonwealth, but contrariwise by his own
allegorical artificiality he obstructs the constitution of this unity.
A new model of a democratic representation was gradually
coined. It was no more a personification, an incarnation in one figure,
but (as a member of the Convention Jean-Louis Seconds formulated
it) the new political representation should imitate a polyp — which is
at the same time an animal and an "individual people" (un peuple
animal et individuel). The abstraction of the Nation should now be
represented not by a king but by Robespierre's Supreme Being that
preserved all characteristics of a politico-theological abstraction. The
composite allegorical being doesn't correspond to the task of
unification because of an increasing process of a homogenization of
the society itself. This homogenization is carried into effect thanks
to a growing exclusion of every heterogeneous element. The organicity
is achieved by exclusion, first of all, of the monarch himself'— a
figure above the social body, a monstrous allegory and mimetic mirror
of power.
The trial of Louis XVI was a dramatic attempt to dissociate the
society from the king. This dissociation expulsed the king outside
the community, i. e. the communal law and thus excluded the king
from the system of French jurisprudence. However the king was
generally considered as a constituting and not a representative power.
It meant that France itself was deriving its existence (its "face") from
the king and thus was not able to prosecute him for a break in a
contract of representation. Finally Robespierre tried to justify the
execution of the king as a simple murder on the account of the
Nation. Saint-Just claimed that the only way to deal with the king is
to look at him as at the external enemy. The execution of Louis XVI
had a clear savor of the murder that it never lost. It could be
"justified" only in terms of exception and sacrality. The ambiguity
of this event corresponded quite well to the ambiguity of the sacred
itself. Latin Sacer equally defines the divine and the most abject aspect
of a person who is sacrificed. The sacred aspect of the supreme
sacrifice revealed monstrosity of the figure of exclusion — of a
murdered king.
The fight between the defenders of the king and his persecutors
focused on the interpretation of the execution. For king's supporters
it was primarily a sacrifice, for his detractors — an event without
any symbolic significance. The revolutionaries planned the execution
as a final blow to monarchic symbolism. Louis XVI, however, tried
to transform his own beheading into a Christological gesture of a