THE RHINOCEROS SYNDROME: A CONTRARIAN VIEW OF UNIVERSAL DESIGN 44.5
of the term world much less universal becomes problematic. It simply reverts to a cliché, imply-
ing little understanding of universality by Mace and other UD proponents. Their continuing use of
the term subscribes to a very narrow spectrum—a highly limited scope of cultural experiences and
design contexts. Not only is the link between demographics, legislation, and economics deficient, but
there also is an underlying assumption that there is somehow a United Nations of universal design
to which all should subscribe.
For example, there is no mention or acknowledgment of Goldsmith’s pioneering work, first pub-
lished in 1963, in the majority of the U.S. literature. Designing for the Disabled, however, made no
pretense at being embedded in civil rights or antidiscrimination. In the historical context, Goldsmith’s
work was ahead of anything yet published on accessibility guidelines in Europe, the United States, or
the world. Despite focusing largely on domestic developments, the American UD movement has, at
times, been open to outside influences, e.g., the Nordic normalization principle. For the most part,
however, as described in much of the U.S. literature, UD is predominantly an American phenom-
enon. A deeper look at the history of UD, nevertheless, illustrates a different account.
At the time of the struggle for civil rights in the United States, which mostly focused on racial
equality, the EU had passed Resolution A.P. (72)5: On the Planning and Equipment of Buildings with
a View to Making Them More Accessible to the Physically Handicapped (Council of Europe, 1972).
The resolution covered some basic accessibility guidelines long before any other country, excluding
the United Kingdom. Two years earlier, the United Kingdom passed the key Chronically Sick and
Disabled Persons Act of 1970, which made accessibility to the home a core issue and a legal right.
Since 1944, the United Kingdom has been in the forefront of legislative measures to benefit persons
with disabilities, such as Disabled Persons Employment Act (1944 and 1958), The Education Act
(1970), The Housing Act (1974), The Transport Act (1968 and 1982), The National Health Service
Act (1946), and others.
Starting from the early 1960s, one of the key developments in the Nordic countries was the con-
cept of normalization. It sounds strange and out of place in 2008, but by the early 1970s, it was a
key concept driving design and social policy changes in northern Europe. Normalization was also a
major influence on U.K. legislative measures. Initially its focus was entirely on people with learning
disabilities, but in practice it slowly began to include a much broader population. To paraphrase,
normalization meant “making available to those with learning and physical difficulties conditions
of everyday life which are as close as possible to the norms and patterns of the mainstream of
life” (Nirje, 1969). At the time, aside from Goldsmith’s guidelines, there were no serious efforts to
formulate an overarching design philosophy. Small-scale efforts, such as Sandhu’s course Design
for the Non-Average at the School of Architecture, Polytechnic of Central London (starting 1974),
were geared toward broadening students’ awareness rather than formulating and packaging a design
philosophy. The packaging of formal standards is not typically a European approach.
Standardization of design approaches to social issues is fraught with dangers and misunderstand-
ing. Arguably, this has been the case for universal design. One main reason UD has survived to date
is the power of the American image and international public relations. The marketing of UD is a
product of its time and therefore possesses a “sell by” date. Upon reaching that date, UD begins to
lose value and veracity, unless seriously updated as a concept. Other design concepts and styles, such
as modernism, have seen a similar fate. Not only has UD not been updated, but its very origins lack
empirical credibility and a deep historical analysis. To repeat again, there is very little universality
in the very process of developing the concept.
44.3 THE RHINOCEROS SYNDROME
In 1515 the great German painter and printmaker Albrecht Dürer created a woodcut of an Indian
rhinoceros (see Fig. 44.1), which he had only heard about, but never seen. Despite its anatomical
inaccuracies, Dürer’s woodcut became very popular in Europe and was used by other artists to rep-
resent rhinos. In the absence of facts, everyone subscribed to the artistic licence until about 1750
when a few real Indian rhinos were shipped to Europe. For the first time, people realized how wrong