28.2 PUBLIC SPACES, PRIVATE SPACES, PRODUCTS, AND TECHNOLOGIES
Historically, political boundaries—between countries, states, locales, etc.—were often coincident
with geologic, topographic, or other natural features, such as rivers, mountains, etc. Cultural migra-
tion, advancements in military and transportation technologies, and developments in commerce,
however, have diminished the magnitude of these natural features. Many newly established political
jurisdictions—especially local jurisdictions—operate independent of identifiable geographic figures
and boundaries. The Great Mississippi Flood of 1927, for instance, shifted the flow pattern of the
river, resulting in discrepancies between the state boundaries of Arkansas and Mississippi relative to
the river. There are now oddities where parts of Arkansas (or parts of Mississippi) are “on the other
side of the river.”
Many states throughout the United States are defined by shifts in geological or landscape pat-
terns, e.g., the border between Ohio and Kentucky. Yet other borders are merely circumstantial,
geometric superimpositions upon an otherwise unmarked landscape, such as that of Colorado
and Wyoming. Arkansas, not unlike Tennessee, North Carolina, and others, possesses both
naturally defined borders, such as the Mississippi River to the east, and surveyed borders, such
as the northern border between Arkansas and Missouri. The Land Ordinance Act of 1785 and
the Jeffersonian grid established 1-mi
2
plots of land, which were superimposed on the existing
natural features of the West and Midwest. What resulted, as evident in a states map of the United
States, was a hybrid condition, where both the Jeffersonian grid and natural features work in
tandem to define political boundaries. Sociological, economic, climatic, and topographic char-
acteristics, however, are not homogeneous throughout any state or country. Differences between
urban and rural, flat and mountainous, temperate and extreme exist within any given political
or legal boundary. So, although Arkansas maintains the highest poverty rate and third highest
rate of disability in the United States, poverty and disability are not evenly distributed. Neither
is employment, nor is access to health services, public education, and suitable housing. This is
common throughout the world.
The eastern part of Arkansas, “the Delta,” is predominantly agricultural, is flat and prone to flood,
and maintains a much greater prevalence of poverty and disability than the rest of the state. In com-
parison, the northwestern part of the state, the Ozark Plateau, has both pockets of economic vibrancy
and impoverishment. While Benton and Washington counties comprise one of the 10 fastest-growing
economies in the United States and are home to the largest company in the world, Wal-Mart, the nearby
counties of Newton and Searcy, respectively, have 20.4 and 23.8 percent of individuals in poverty,
according to the U.S. Census Bureau. The third major geographic region of Arkansas, the West Gulf
Coastal Plain of the southwest, is predominantly rural and wooded, maintains poverty and disability
rates higher than the national average, and relies on manufacturing for much of its employment.
Given this sociological, economic, environmental, and technological diversity, it is difficult to
imagine the design of a singular prototype that accommodates these variations. Nonetheless, an
economy of means through standardization is essential to providing high-quality, affordable hous-
ing. Pure customization is not viable. In addition, overarching housing policies set forth by state
legislatures need to be applied at the local level. Housing prototypes, therefore, need to adhere to
state policies and industry standards, while simultaneously, creating a physical and a psychological
“sense of home” for individuals. As famed country singer and Arkansan Johnny Cash (1997) stated,
it was essential to have “a place where I knew I could belong.”
28.3 DESIGN CRITERIA AND PATTERNING OF THE ARKANSAS
PROTO-HOUSE
Many factors influence the decisions people make about buying or renting a home, including loca-
tion, cost, family structures and needs, and aesthetics. While the housing industry and popular
culture tend to place emphasis on the fourth item—“looks”—the first three play a greater role in
selecting a residence, e.g., proximity to work, school, and/or family, especially among less affluent
rural Southerners. While Sec. 28.4 explores issues regarding site specificity, this section investigates
the role that cost and family size/structure play in housing, in addition to overarching principles of
design and construction.