Longerich Peter. Heinrich Himmler: A Life
Подождите немного. Документ загружается.
in the next 2 to 3 months’ (Faschismus, Ghetto, Massenmord, 278). Evidence that
there was a target of 100 ,000 Jews, ‘incapable of work’ and thus to be
murdered, can also be found in another document of January 1942: see
YVA, 051/13 b, communications interception report by the Research Office
of 16 January 1942. See also Klein, ‘Rolle’, 474.
29. BAB, 19/2655, Heydrich to Himmler, 8 October 1941.
30. BAB, R 6/34 a, reports by Werner Koeppen, Rosenberg’s permanent deputy at
Hitler’s HQ, published in Herbst 1941. According to Hitler, the Jews were not
to be deported first to the General Government but sent ‘on to the east right
away’; he admitted that through lack of transport this was not possible at that
time.
31. YVA, M 58/23 (copy from the State Central Archive, Prague, 114-2-56 ),
published in Deutsche Politik im ‘Protektorat’, doc. no. 29.
32. By this Heydrich may well have meant camps for civilian prisoners such as
existed, for example, in Minsk and Mogilew (cf. Gerlach, ‘Failure’, 62).
33. Pra
¨
g und Jacobmeyer (eds), Diensttagebuch, 14 October 1941.
34. At the meeting in Lublin on 17 October the Third Ordinance Concerning
Residence Restrictions in the General Government was discussed, in which the
death penalty was introduced for anyone leaving the ghetto (ibid. esp. 427 f.
T
he
ordinance was backdated to 15 October, see Faschismus, Ghetto, Massen-
mord, 128 f.). At the government meeting on 20 October in Cracow the Distict
Governor Otto Wa
¨
chter explained that, ‘in the e nd a radical solution to the
Jewish question is unavoidable, and that at that point no allowances—f or
example for interests linked to particular craftsmen—could be made (IfZ,
MA 120, shortened version in Pra
¨
g und Jacobmeyer (ed.), Diensttagebuch,
436). At the 21 October meeting in Lemberg Eberhard Westerkamp, head of
the Main Department for Administration of the Interior in the government of
the General Government, demanded that the ‘isolation of the Jews from the
rest of the population’ should be carried out ‘quickly and as thoroughly as
possible’. Westerkamp also referred to the fact, however, that a ‘decree from
the government forbids the creation of new ghettos, as it is hoped that in the
near future the Jews will be deported from the General Government’, even
though a few days before this Rosenberg had described this ‘hope’ as illusory
(MA 120, shortened version in Pra
¨
g und Jacobmeyer (ed.), Diensttagebuch, 436).
See also statements made by Jost Walbaum, the head of the Health Main Office
in the government of the General Government, at a conference of doctors that
took place in Bad Krynica between 13 and 16 October: ‘There are only two
paths: either we condemn the Jews to starve to death in the ghetto or we shoot
them’ (ZStL, Poland 98, conference report).
35. Dieter Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien 1941–1944. Or-
ganisation und Durchfu
¨
hrung eines staatlichen Massenverbrechen (Vienna, 1996), 140
ff. An ‘intelligentsia operation’ typical of this phase took place in Sta nislau on 3
August, when 600 men were shot (IfZ, Gm 08 .08, 5 Ks 4/65, judgment of the
900 endnotes
regional court of Mu
¨
nster, 31 May 1968). On these first murders see also
Thomas Sandku
¨
hler, ‘Endlo
¨
sung’ in Galizien. Der Judenmord in Ostpolen und
die Rettungsinitiativen von Berthold Beitz 1941–1944 (Bonn, 1996), 148 ff.
36. For details see Pohl, Ostgalizien, 138 ff.
37. Dienstkalender.
38. BAB, BDC, SS-O Globocnik, letter to Himmler of 1 October 1941. See also
Pohl, Lublin, 101.
39. This view is also taken by the editors of the Dienstkalender, 233, note 35. The
fact that a decisive ‘breakthrough’ was achieved is made clear by a letter that a
colleague of Globocnik, Hauptsturmfu
¨
hrer Hellmuth Mu
¨
ller, sent on 15
October 1941 to Hofmann, the head of RuSHA, which reflects the state of
affairs before the decisive meeting between Himmler and Globocnik two days
previously (Globocnik went first to Berlin on 14 October, see Dienstkalender).
Mu
¨
ller stated that Globocnik regarded ‘the political circumstances in the GG in
principle as a transitional phase’; he saw ‘the gradual cleansing of the whole GG
and Poland from Jews as necessary for the purpose of pro viding security etc. in
the eastern territories’, and was ‘full of extensive and good plans in connection
with this, the implementation of which was hampered merely by the limits to
his authority in these matters imposed by his present post’. After Globocnik’s
journey to the Reich, howeve r, this was to change fundamentally (BAB, BDC,
SS-O Globocnik).
40. ZStL, 208 AR-Z 252/59, vol. 6,p.1179, testimony of Stanislaw Kozak on the
beginning of building work (1 November), published in Nationalsozialistische
Massento
¨
tungen, 152 f.;
Michael Tregenza, ‘Belzec Death Camp’, Wiener
Library
Bulletin, 30 (1977), 8–25, confirms this date.
41. Pohl, Lublin, 101 and 105 f.
42. Dienstkalender, 20 October 1941. The editors quote from a declaration from
Mach of 26 March 1942 before the Slovakian State Council from which one
can infer the German offer.
43. Klein, ‘Rolle’, 478, has already pointed this out. There are indications, though
they are uncorroborated, that the building of Sobibor was already being
prepared at the end of 1941 (ZStL, doc. 643, 71-4-442, testimony of the Polish
railway worker Piwonski from 1975 ); cf. Jules Schelvis, Vernichtungslager Sobibo
´
r
(Berlin, 1998), 37; Browning, Entfesselung, 525. Whether the building-works
described were actually planned as an extermination camp cannot be estab-
lished beyond doubt.
44. These instructions were reconstructed on the basis of wit ness testimony, see
Beer, ‘Entwicklung’, 407; regional court in Munich, judgment against Karl
Wolff, 30 September1964, published in Justiz und NS-Verbrechen, vol. 20, no.
580, here pp. 434 ff.; Dienstkalender, 15 August 1941.
45. Gerlach, Morde, 648;PRO, HW 16/32, 16 and 18 Aug
ust 1941.
46.
Beer, ‘Entwicklung’, 408; ‘Die Ermordung psychisch kranker Menschen in
der Sowjetunion. Dokumentation’, compiled and translated by Angelika
endnotes 901
Ebbinghaus and Gerd Preissler, Beitra
¨
ge zur nationalsozialistischen Gesundheits-
und Sozialpolitik, 1 (1985), 75–107,on83 ff.; Gerlach , Morde, 648.
47. Beer, ‘Entwicklung’, 408; ‘Ermordung’, 88 ff.; ZStL, 202 ARZ 152/159,
testimony of Widmann, 11 January 1960, 33 ff. In addition, see the testimony
of Georg Frentzel, 27 August 1970, and also Alexander N. Stepanow (at that
time consultant in charge of the psychiatric hospital in Mogilew), 20 July 1944,
both in a file (Central investigation 9 in the investigative files of the GDR
Ministry of State Security) that I read in 1997 at the Department of Public
Prosecutions in Munich.
48. Before Christmas 1941 further vehicles were driven from Berlin to Riga to
Einsatzgruppe A; see Beer, ‘Entwicklung’, 413. On Sonderkomma ndo 4a
(Einsatzgruppe C) see ibid. 412. On Einsatzkommando 8 (Einsatzgruppe B)
see Department of Public Prosecutions in Munich, central investigation 9 in
the investigative files of the GDR Ministry of State Security, testimony of Otto
Matonoga, 8–9 June 1945, to Soviet investig ators. According to the testimony
of a witness, Einsatzgruppe D used a gas van at the end of 1941; see Beer,
‘Entwicklung’, 413; regional court in Munich, 119 cJs1/69, judgment;
testimony of Jeckeln of 21 Dec
ember 1945 (publish
ed in Wilhelm, ‘Einsatz-
gruppe A’, 548).
49. Alfred Gottwaldt and Diana Schulle, Die ‘Judendeportationen’ aus dem Deutschen
Reich 1941–1945. Eine kommentierte Chronologie (Wiesbaden, 2005), 52 ff.
Among the older research publications on the deportations from Germany,
in addition to the indispensable study by Adler, Mensch, see in particular the
contributions of Ino Arndt and Heinz Boberach on the Third Reich, of Ino
Arndt on Luxembourg, of Jonny Moser on Austria, and of Eva Schm idt-
Hartmann on Czechoslovakia, which are all in the volume edited by Wolfgang
Benz, Dimension des Vo
¨
lkermords. Die Zahl der ju
¨
dischen Opfer des Nationalsozia-
lismus (Munich, 1991). On the deportations to Riga see abo ve all Buch der
Erinnerung. Die ins Baltikum deportierten deutschen, o
¨
sterreichischen und tschecho-
slowakischen Juden, ed. Wolfgang Scheffler and Diana Schulle, 2 vols. (Munich,
2003); Gottwaldt and Schulle, ‘Judendeportationen’, 110 ff. On the deportation
of the Gypsies of the Burgenland see Zimmermann, Rassenutopie, 223 ff.
50. Nationalsozialistische Massento
¨
tungen, 110 ff.
51. Regional court in Bonn, judgment of 23 July 1965, published in Justiz und NS-
Verbrechen, vol. 21, no. 594; Nationalsozialistische Massento
¨
tungen, 110 ff.
52. IfZ, NO 365, also published in Helmut Krausnick, ‘Judenverfolgung’, in Hans
Buchheim et al., Anatomie des SS-Staates, 7th edn. (Munich, 1999), 545–678,
her
e 649 f.
53.
Andrej Angrick and Peter Klein, Die ‘Endlo
¨
sung’ in Riga. Ausbeutung und
Vernichtung 1941–1944 (Darmstadt, 2006), 338 ff.
54. See above p. 547.
55. Patricia Heberer, ‘Ei ne Kontinuita
¨
t der To
¨
tungsoperationen. T4-Ta
¨
ter und die
“Aktion Reinhardt”’, in Bogdan Musial (ed.), ‘Aktion Reinhardt’. Der Vo
¨
lk-
902 endnotes
ermord an den Juden im Generalgouvernement 1941–1944 (Osnabru
¨
ck, 2004),
285–308,at295. The Dienstkalender for 14 December 1941 provides evidence
of the meeting between Himmler and Brack, the word ‘euthanasia’ being noted
in the entry. See also Brack’s letter to Himmler, 23 June 1942, in which he
declares himself willing to provide more staff and reminds Himmler of their
earlier agreement (BAB, NS 19/1583).
56. Jean-Claude Pressac, Die Krematorien von Auschwitz. Die Technik des Massen-
mordes (Munich and Zurich, 1994), 19.
57. Stanislaw Klodzinski, ‘Die erste Vergasung von Ha
¨
ftlingen und Kriegsgefan-
genen im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz’, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, ed. Ham-
burg Institute for Social Research (Weinheim and Basel, 1987), i. 261–75;
Danuta Czech, Kalendariumder Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Bir-
kenau 1939–1945 (Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1989), 115 ff.; Jerzy Brandhuber, ‘Die
sowjetischen Kriegsgefangenen im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz’, Hefte von
Auschwitz, 4 (1961), 5–46, and Wojciech Barcz, ‘Die erste Vergasung’, in Hans
G. Adler, Auschwitz: Zeugnisse und Berichte, 2nd edn. (Cologne and Frankfurt a.
M., 1979), 17 f.
58. See Browning, Entfesselung, 13; Steinbacher, ‘Musterstadt’, 276 f.
59.
See Aly, ‘Endl
o
¨
sung’, 342 ff.; Gerlach, ‘Failure’.
60. Himmler expressed this intention in his letter to Greiser of 18 September 19 41
(see above p. 542 f.).
61. This can be inferred from a note that Goebbels made about a discussion with
Heydrich on 17 November (Tagebu
¨
cher Goebbels, 18 November 1941).
62. This is clear from Leibrandt’s message to Lohse of 4 December 1941, according
to which Heydrich now intended to construct this camp near Pleskow (YIVO,
Occ E 3–35, published in Gertrude Schneider, Journey into Terror: Story of the
Riga Ghetto, new extended edn. (Newport, Conn., and London, 2001), 130).
63. IfZ, Fb 101/29,Ja
¨
ger-Bericht. See Wolfgang Scheffler, ‘Massenmord in
Kowno’, in Buch der Erinnerung. Die ins Baltikum deportierten deutschen, o
¨
sterrei-
chischen und tschechoslowakischen Juden, ed. Scheffler and Diana Schulle, vo l. 1
(Munich, 2003), 83–190.
64. Gerald Fleming, Hitler und die Endlo
¨
sung. ‘Es ist des Fu
¨
hrers Wunsch . . . ’ (Wies-
baden and Munich, 1982), 87 ff.; EM 151 of 5 January 1942.
65. Testimony of 15 December 1945 to Soviet investigators, published in Wil-
helm, ‘Einsatzgruppe A’, 566 f.
66. Published in Dienstkalender.
The
time was 13.30.
67. Angrick und Klein, ‘Endlo
¨
sung’, 239 ff. The Jews arriving in the next 22
transports were as a rule brought to the Riga ghetto or to the two camps in
Salaspils and Junfernhof. There were presumably two exceptions: the majority
of the passengers on a transport of 19 January 1942 and a further 500 Jews from
a transport at the end of January were evidently shot immediately after arrival.
68. Dienstkalender, 30 November and 4 December 1941;PRO, HW 16/32, tele-
grams from Himmler to Jeckeln, 1 and 4 December 1941.
endnotes 903
69. Hitler, Monologe , 25 October 1941.
70. Draft of speech, cited in Hans- Heinrich Wilhelm, Rasse npolitik und Kriegfu
¨
h-
rung. Sicherheitspolizei und Wehrmacht in Polen und in der Sowjetunion 1939–1942
(Passau, 1991), 131 f., after PAA, Pol XIII, 25, VAA-Berichte; cf. notes by a
press reporter, published in Hagemann, Presselenkung, 146.
71. Breitman, Architekt, 288 f.; BAB, R 43 II/684a, Brandt to Lammers, forwarding
Himmler’s notes for the file on the discussion, 25 November 1941.
72. Dienstkalender; Hitler, Reden und Proklamationen [Domarus], ii. 1794 ff.
73. Tagebu
¨
cher Goebbels, 13 December 1941.
74. As Christian Gerlach argues, ‘Die W annsee-Konferenz, das Schicksal der
deutschen Juden und Hitlers politische Grundentscheidung, alle Juden Europas
zu ermorden’, Werkstatt Geschichte, 6/18 (1997), 7–44.
75. Dienstkalender. According to Gerlach, ‘Wannsee-Konferenz’, 22 and 27, the
expression ‘partisan’ refers to all European Jews; on the basis of his ‘policy
decision’ of 12 December to murder the European Jews Hitler, he maintains,
had therefore instructed Himmler in his new task. There is not sufficient
evidence for this thesis: the contemporary use of the expression ‘partisan’
does not support it, nor does the casual manner in which this point is
mentioned in Himmler’s list of things to discuss.
chapter 21
1. For all these dates see Dienstkalender.
2. PAA, Inland IIg 177, Heydrich to Luther, 29 November 1941; the meeting on
8 December 1941 was cancelled. On the Wannsee conference see Gerlach,
‘Wannsee-Konferenz’; Eberhard Ja
¨
ckel, ‘On the Purpose of the Wannsee
Conference’, in James S. Pacy (ed.), Perspectives on the Holocaust: Essays in
Honor of Raul Hilberg (Boulder, Colo., etc., 1995), 39–50; Peter Klein, Die
Wannsee-Konferenz vom 20. Januar 1942. Analyse und Dok umentation (Berlin,
[1995]); Peter Longerich, Die Wannsee-Konferenz vom 20. Januar 1942. Planung
und Beginn des Genozids an den europa
¨
ischen Juden, public lecture delivered at the
Haus der Wannsee-Konferenz on 19 January 1998, with the addition of an
annotated select bibliography on the Wannsee conference and the beginning of
the genocide of the European Jews, with a facsimile of the conference minutes
(Berlin, 1998); Kurt Pa
¨
tzold and Erika Schwarz, Ta gesordnung: Judenmord. Die
Wannsee-Konferenz am 20. Januar 1942. Eine Dokumentation zur Organisation der
‘Endlo
¨
sung’, 3rd edn. (Berlin, 1992); Safrian, Eichmann-Ma
¨
nner, 171 ff.
3. See in particular Cornelia Essner, Die ‘Nu
¨
rnberger Gesetze’ oder die Verwaltung
des Rassenwahns 1933–1945 (Paderborn, etc., 2002), 410 ff.; Jeremy Noakes,
‘The Development of Nazi Policy towards the German-Jewish “Mischlinge”,
1933–1945’, Leo Baeck Institute Year Book, 34 (1989), 291–354;
John
A. S.
Grenville, ‘Die “Endlo
¨
sung” und die “Judenmischlinge” im Dritten Reich’,
904 endnotes
in Das Unrechtsregime. Internationale Forschung u
¨
ber den Nationalsozialismu s, ed.
Ursula Bu
¨
ttner assisted by Werner Johe and Angelika Voss, vol. 2: Verfolgung,
Exil, belasteter Neubeginn (Hamburg, 1986), 91–121.
4. PAA, Inland IIg 177, conference minutes.
5. Ibid. copy no. 16 of the minutes, published in Longerich, ed., Ermordung, 83 ff.
6. That at this stage deportation to the occupied Soviet territories really was still a
serious option is shown not only by the forced-labour projects developed at the
same time (which will be discussed in the next chapter) but is made clear also
by the fact that on 12 January, only a few days before the Wannsee conference,
the HSSPF Ukraine instructed the general commissars in Brest, Shitomir,
Nikolajev, Dnjepropetrovsk, und Kiev to begin immediately to construct
ghettos, so that ‘in the course of 1942 Jews from the old Reich’ could ‘be
accommodated’ (Staatsarchiv Shitomir, P 1151-1-137). I am grateful to Wendy
Lower for making me aware of this document.
7. Pra
¨
g and Jacobmeyer (eds), Diensttage buch, 16 December 1941.
8. ‘We cannot shoot these 3.5 million Jews, nor can we poison them’ (ibid.).
9. PAA, Inland IIg 177, copy of the minutes no. 16, published in Longerich (ed.),
Ermordung, 83 ff.
10. Cf. Kaienburg, ‘Vernichtung’, 144 ff.; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 332 ff.
11. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 334 ff.
12. Ibid. 351 ff.; Christian Streit, Keine Kameraden. Die Wehrmacht und die sowje-
tischen Kriegsgefangenen 1941–1945 (Bonn, 1997), 212 f.
13.
Schulte, Zw
angsarbeit, 208 f.
14. IfZ, NI 11086; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 209 f. On the Buna plant see Wagner, IG
Auschwitz; Gottfried Plumpe, Die I.G. Farbenindustrie AG. Wirts chaft, Technik
und Politik 1904–1945 (Berlin, 1990), 382 ff.
15. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 211; Hans Mommsen and Manfred Grieger, Das Volks-
wagenwerk und seine Arbeiter im Dritten Reich (Du
¨
sseldorf, 1996), 496 ff.; Hitler’s
order is published in Klaus-Jo
¨
rg Siegfried (ed.), Ru
¨
stungsproduktion und Zwang-
sarbeit im Volkswagenwerk 1939 – 1945. Eine Dokumentation (Frankfurt a. M.,
1986), 61.
16. BAB, NS 19/2065; see also Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 343 f.
17. Faschismus, Ghetto, Massenmord, 268. On this decision and its consequences se e
in particular Allen, Business, 48 ff., and also Schulte, Zwangsarbeit , 361. The day
before this Himmler had given Heydrich the task of getting ‘Jews into the
concentration camps’ (Dienstkalender, 25 January 1942). The decision to deport
Jews en masse to the concentration camps and use them as slave labour was
probably made at Himmler’s meeting with the heads of the SS Main Offices on
14–15 Januar
y.
A few days after this conference Pohl issued the order in
Himmler’s name to expand the Business and Administration Main Office
(IfZ, NO 495). On 17 January 1942 the following telex was sent from th e
Reich Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories to Reich Commissar
Lohse, which made clear a fundamental change in the matter of how far Jewish
endnotes 905
workers were to be kept alive: ‘On the instructions of the leadership for
Business East, Jewish skilled industrial workers and craftsmen, whose usefulness
for the war economy must in isolated cases be regarded as particularly impor-
tant, are to be preserved for work. The preservation of these workers must be
negotiated wit h the local offices of the Reichsf u
¨
hrer-SS’ (BAB, R 92/1157, cf.
Wolfgang Scheffler, ‘Das Schicksal der in die baltischen Staaten deportierten
deutschen, o
¨
sterreichischen und tschechoslowakischen Juden 1941–1945’, in
Buch der Erinnerung. Die ins Baltikum deportierten deutschen, o
¨
sterreichischen und
tschechoslowakischen Juden, ed. Scheffler and Diana Schulle, vol. 1 (Munich,
2003), 1 – 78, here 6.) Only a few days later, on 20 January 1942, at the Wannsee
conference Heydrich was to speak of the columns of Jew ish slave workers who
were to be taken to the east ‘to build roads’.
18. See below p. 562.
19. Himmler’s decision to amalgamate was presumably taken at a meeting on 15
January 1942 (Dienstkalender); the ensuing order from Pohl went out on 19
January 1942 (IfZ, NO 495); a facsimile of Pohl’s order of 13 March 1942 about
the incorporation of the inspectorate of concentration camps into the WVHA
is published in Johannes Tuchel, Die Inspektion der Konzentrationslager
1938–1945. Das System des Terrors (Berlin, 1994), 88 f. For further details see
Schulte, Zwangsarbeit , 197 ff. and 357.
20. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit,344 ff.; IfZ, NO 3795, Hi mmler to Pohl, 31 January
1942; BAB, NS 19/2065, Kammler’s extended proposal of 10 February 1942,
forwarded on 5 March 1942 to
Himmler
.
21. BAB, NS 19/2065; see also Karl Heinz Roth, ‘“Generalplan Ost”—“Gesamt-
plan Ost”. Forschungsstand, Quellenprobleme, neue Er gebnisse’, in
Mechthild Ro
¨
ssler (ed.), Der ‘Generalplan Ost’. Hauptlinien der nationa lsozialis-
tischen Planungs- und Vernichtungspolitik (Berlin, 1993), 25–95,at74 f.
22. BAB, NS 19/2065, 23 March 1942.
23. Doc. R-129,inIMT, vol.. 38, pp. 362 ff.; cf. Walter Naasner, Neue Machtzent-
ren in der deutschen Kriegswirtschaft 1942–1945 . Die Wirtschaftsorganisation der SS,
das Amt des Generalbevollma
¨
chtigten fu
¨
r den Arbeitseinsatz und das Reichsministerium
fu
¨
r Bewaffn ung und Munition, Reichsministerium fu
¨
r Ru
¨
stung und Kriegsproduktion
im nationalsozialistischen Herrschaftssystem (Boppard a. Rh., 1994 ), 269.
24. Doc.R-129,inIMT, vol. 38, pp. 365 ff.; Roth, ‘“Generalplan Ost”’, 77.
25. Steinbacher, ‘Musterstadt’, 276 f.;
see also below p. 563.
26.
See Hermann Kaienburg, ‘Ju
¨
dische Arbeitslager an der “Straße der SS”’, 1999,
1(1996), 13–39. On the Galician section of Transit Road IV see Sandku
¨
hler,
‘Endlo
¨
sung’, 41 ff.; Pohl, Ostgalizien , 338 ff. Himmler inspected Transit Road
IV in August 1942.
27. Dienstkalender.
28. See in particular, Lublin, 13 ff., and also David Silberklang, ‘Die Juden und die
ersten Deportationen aus dem Distrikt Lublin’, in Bogdan Musial (ed.), ‘Aktion
906 endnotes
Reinhardt’. Der Vo
¨
lkermord an den Juden im Generalgouvernement 1941–1944
(Osnabru
¨
ck 2004), 41–164.
29. Pohl, Lublin, 18 ff.; Silberklang, ‘Juden’, 50 ff.; Musial, Zivil verwaltung, 254 ff.
30. Tagebu
¨
cher Goebbels. A testimony by Eichmann reveals that at this point Glo-
bocnik’s task was to murder the Jews of the district who were ‘incapable of
work’. According to Eichmann, after the mass murder had begun Globocnik
sought permission from Heydrich to murder a further 150,000, probably
250,000 (The Trial of Adolf Eichmann: R ecord of Proceedings in the District Court
of Jerusalem, vol. 7 ( Jerusalem, 1995), 240). The testimony of Josef Oberhauser,
the adjutant of the commandant of Belzec, Christian Wirth, of 10 November
1964 points in the same direction (StA Mu
¨
nchen, I 110 Ks 3/64, vol. 14,
pp. 2918 ff.); see Pohl, Lublin, 25 f.
31. Pohl, Ostgalizien, 79 ff.
32. On the third wave of deportations see in particular Eichmann’s express letter of
31 January 1942 (doc. PS-1063, published in Longerich (ed.), Ermordung,
165 f.) and also the minutes of the meeting of 9 March 1943 (Eichmann trial,
doc. no. 119, published in ibid. 167 f.).
33.
Longer
ich, Politik, 485 f., also Gottwaldt and Schulle, ‘Judendeportat ionen’,
137 ff. Four transports ended in the Warsaw ghetto (ibid. 167 ff.).
34. Dienstkalender, 20 October 1941. The editors cite a declaration by Mach of 26
March 1942 to the Slovakian state council, from which the German offer is
clear.
35. On this and on the sequence of the deportations see Ladislav Lipscher, Die
Juden im slowakischen Staat 1939–1945 (Munich and Vienna, 1980), 99 ff.; Raul
Hilberg, Die Vernichtung der europa
¨
ischen Juden. Die Gesamtgeschichte des Holo-
caust (Frankfurt a.M., 1990 ), 766; Yehoshua Bu
¨
chler, ‘The Deportation of
Slovakian Jews to the Lublin District of Poland in 1942’, Holocaust and Genocide
Studies, 6 (1991), 151–66.
36. Robert-Jan van Pelt and De
´
borah Dwork, Auschwitz. Von 1270 bis heute
(Zurich and Munich, 1998), 335 ff.; Czech, Kalendarium, for example, provides
evidence for the ga ssing on 12 May 1942 of 1,500 Jewish men, women and
children from Sosnowitz in Bunker I.
37. PAA, Bu
¨
ro StSekr, vol. 2, published in ADAP, Series E, vol. 2,
no. 93.
38.
Longerich, Politik, 496.
39.Bu
¨
chler, ‘Deportation’, 153 and 166, also Czech, Kalendarium.
40.Bu
¨
chler, ‘Deportation’, 155 ff.
41. The notes kept by the Personal Staff do not indicate what was discussed at these
meetings. The only exception is Himmler’s presentation to Hitler of 3 May:
the notes by Himmler that survive lead one to infer that the Waffen-SS was
discussed, but also other, non-military matters that Himmler did not note in
detail (Dienstkalender, 415, note 6).
42. BAB, NS 19/ 3899, note by Himmler of the same day about this ‘meeting’ (also
IfZ, NG 3333).
endnotes 907
43. VOGG 1942, 263 f., Fu
¨
hrer decree concerning the creation of a state secretar-
iat for security in the General Government; Eisenbla
¨
tter, ‘Grundlinien’, 247 ff.
44. VOGG 1942, 321 ff., decree concerning the transfer of responsibilities to the
state secretary for security; cf. Pohl, Ostgalizien, 204 f. Kru
¨
ger was already RKF
appointee but had apparently had to share his powers with Frank.
45. Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps
(Bloomington, 1987), 37 ff.
46. Pohl, Lublin, 20 ff. On Sobibor see Schelvis, Sobibo
´
r.
47. Steinbacher, ‘Musterstadt’, 285 f.
48. Arad, Belzec, 387 f.
49. Longerich, Politik , 48 ff.; Gottwaldt and Schulle, ‘Judendeportationen’, 237 ff.
50. On this the reports of a Sonderkommando for special tasks set up by a Waffen-
SS battalion are available: Unsere Ehre, 236 ff.
51. Lucjan Dobroszycki (ed.), The Chronicle of the Lodz Ghetto, 1941–1944 (New
Haven, 1984), 53 f., 56 f., 59 ff., and 194.
52. This can certainly be assumed in the case of three transports that left the Reich
betw
een 13 and 15 June 1942;
it is, however, possible that in the first half of the
month several tran sports ended in the extermination camp (Gottwaldt and
Schulle, ‘Judendeportationen’, 211 ff.).
53.On18 May half of a group of about 800 people, who a few days befo re had
been deported from Theresienstadt to Siedliszcze, were taken to Sobibor along
with Polish Jews and murdered there; see Gottwaldt and Schulle, ‘Judendepor-
tationen’, 206; Peter Witte, ‘Letzte Nachrichten aus Siedliszce. Der Transport
Ax aus Theresienstadt in den Distrikt Lublin’, in Theresiensta
¨
dter Studien und
Dokumente (1996), 98– 113.
54. Gottwaldt and Schulle, ‘Judendeportationen’, 215 ff., on three transports that
arrived in Sobibor between 15 and 19 June. It is possible that the same
happened to two further transports from Theresienstadt that reached the
Lublin district on 15 and 16 (ibid. 211 ff.). In addition, the authors provide a
series of indi cations, though not very solid ones, that three deportation trains
from the Reich either went straight to Sobibor or that the passengers were
finally murdered there after only a few days’ stop on the way (ibid. 215 ff.).
55.Bu
¨
chler, ‘Deportation’, 153 and 164.
56. ZStL, Dok.UdSSR 401 , published in Klein (ed.), Einsatzgruppen, 410 f.
57. Dieter Wisliceny, one of Eichmann’s closest colleagues, claimed on one
occasion when questioned that he had seen a written order from Himmler to
Heydrich in which Himmler, on Hitler’s command, had ordered the total
annihilation of all Jews unfit for work. This order—according to Wisliceny’s
recollection it dated from 1942—could be another version of the order of 18
May 1942 or it could be the ‘general’ order mentioned there that underlay
Himmler’s order of 18 May (Trial, vol. 9, Jerusalem, 1995, doc. no. 85,
testimony by Wisliceny, 14 November 1945).
58.
G
runer, Arbeitseinsatz, 291 ff.; Adler, Mensch, 216 ff.
908 endnotes
59. Tagebu
¨
cher Goebbels, 30 May 1942; see also Gruner, Arbeitseinsatz, 298 ff.
60. This visit was reconstructed by the court in the course of the Heuser trial, see
Justiz und NS-Verbrechen, vol. 19 (Amsterdam, 1978), no. 552 , judgment of 21
May 1963,p.192; on the renewed escalation of the murders see the detailed
description in Gerlach, Morde, 694 ff.
61. Pohl, ‘Schauplatz’.
62. On the assassination of Heydrich see Brandes, Tschechen, 251 ff.; Guenter
Deschner, Reinhard Heydrich. Statthalter der totalen Macht (Esslingen, 1977),
273 ff.; Edouard Calic, Rein hard Heydrich. Schlu
¨
sselfigur des Dritten Reiches
(Du
¨
sseldorf, 1982), 476 ff.; Hellmut G. Haasis, Tod in Prag. Das Attentat auf
Reinhard Heydrich (Reinbe k beiHamburg, 2002).
63. Karl Hermann Frank’s minutes of 27 May 1942, cited according to Brandes,
Tschechen, 254.
64. Himmler’s telex of 27 May 1942, cited according to ibid. 255.
65. Ibid. 256; Frank’s notes, published in Die Deutschen in der Tschechoslowakei,
474 ff.
66. Dienstkalender; Deschner, Hey
drich, 297.
67.
Brandes, Tschechen, 260 f.; Frank ’s notes, published in Die Deutschen in der
Tschechoslowakei, 474 ff.
68. On the Lidice massacre see Brandes, Tschechen, 262 ff.
69. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 515.
70. Gottwaldt and Schulle, ‘Judendeportationen’, 213 .
71. On the meetings see Dienstkalender, 27, 28 , 30, and 31 May, 3, 4, and 5 June
1942.
72. BAB, NS 19/4009.
73. Ibid.
74. The most common spelling Reinhardt (other versions are principally Reinhard
and Reinhart) can be explained by the fact that Heydrich himself preferred the
form Reinhardt for his first name. Himmler told this to his closest colleagues
in a memorial speech for the former RSHA chief ; see Richard Breitman
and Shlomo Aronson, ‘Eine unbekannte Himmler-Rede vom Januar 1943’,
Vierteljahrshefte fu
¨
r Zeitgeschichte, 38 (1990), 337–48. See also Peter Black, ‘Die
Trawniki-Ma
¨
nner und die Aktion Reinhar
d’, in Bogdan Musial (ed.), ‘A
ktion
Reinhardt’. Der Vo
¨
lkermord an den Juden im Generalgouvernement 1941–1944
(Osnabru
¨
ck, 2004), 309–52,esp.308 f.
75. On the details of the sequence of deportations see Gottwaldt and Schulle,
‘Judendeportationen’, 260 ff.
76. CDJC, RF-1217, note on the file, 15 June 1942, published in Klarsfeld, Vichy,
379 f.
77. CDJC, RF-1223, note on the file by Dannecker, 1 July 1942, published in
Klarsfeld, Vichy, 390 f.
78. BAB, BDC, SS-O Oberg.
endnotes 909