Longerich Peter. Heinrich Himmler: A Life

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86. BAB, NS 19/3979, edict of 12 September 1940 concerning the Inspection and

Selection of the Population of the Occupied Eastern Territories. The content

of this edict was incorporated into the Reich Interior Mi nister’s Decree

Concerning the Ethnic List and German Citizenship in the Incorporated

Eastern Territories of 4 March 1941, RGBl 1941 I, 118 f.; see Heinemann,

‘Rasse’, 262 f.

87. BAB, NS 2/88, Chief of RuSHA, Hofmann, to the head of the Race Ofﬁce,

Schultz, concerning interviews with Himmler on 22 November 1941, 25

November 1941. The instruction referred both to th e ‘selection procedure’

for the Ethnic German List as well as to the assessments in the Litzmannstadt

branch ofﬁce. It was to be applied ﬁrst to the assessments in Upper Silesia. For

the date of the interviews see Dienstkalender.

88. USHMM, RG 15.007 M/113, RFSS, Guidelines for the composition and

procedure of the Supreme Assessment Court for Ethnicity Issues in the

incorporated eastern territories.

89. In the spring of 1942 nearly 100,000 people in the Warthegau and in Eas t

Prussia were assessed for membership of Groups III and IV. A start was

evidently made on assessing the estimated 1.9 million candidates in West

Prussia and Upper Silesia (Heinemann, ‘Rasse’,268).

90. On Himmler’s disagreement with Forster about the implementation of the

Ethnic List procedure see Himmler’s letter of 20 November 1941, in Dieter

Schenk, Hitlers Mann in Danzig. Albert Forster und die NS-Verbrechen in Danzig-

Westpreußen (Bonn, 2000), 207; also BAB, NS 2/231,

Brandt to RSHA

and

RuSHA, 2 December 1943. On the conﬂict with Forster see Heinemann,

‘Rasse’, 269 ff. In the Warthegau Reichsstatthalter Greiser gave in after Himm-

ler insisted in September 1941 on the principle of using strict racial criteria for

selection (ibid. 274 f.). On the conﬂict with the Upper Silesian Gauleiter

Bracht see ibid. 172 ff.

91. Adler, Mensch, 140 ff.

92. Speech to the Gauleiters, 29 February 1940, in Himmler, Geheimreden, 139.

93. Ibid. 138 f.

94. Doc. EC-305,inIMT, vol. 36 ,pp.299 ff.

95. Pra

g and Jacobmeyer (eds), Diensttagebuch, 2 and 4 March 1940.

96. Report by Scho

n, the head of the resettlement department attached to the

governor of the Warsaw district, 20 January 1941,inFaschismus, Ghetto,

Massenmord, 108 ff.

97. Paul Sauer (ed.), Dokume nte u

ber die Verfolgung der ju

dischen Bu

rger in Baden-

rttemberg durch das nationalsozial istische Regime, vol. 2 (Stuttg

art, 1966),

no.

408.

98. Report by Scho

n, the head of the resettlement department attached to the

governor of the Warsaw district, 20 January 1941,inFaschismus, Ghetto,

Massenmord, 108 ff.

99. See Heinemann, ‘R asse’, 151 ff.

870 endnotes

100. Die Deutschen in der Tschechoslowakei 1933–1947. Dokumentensammlung, com-

piled by Va

clav Kra

l (Prague, 1964), 424.

101. Hitler to Frank, 6 Januar y 1941 , printed ibid. 425.

102. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 155 f.

103. Ibid. 154 f.

104. Tatjana To

nsmeyer, Das Dritte Reich und die Slowakei 1939–1945. Politischer

Alltag zwischen Kooperation und Eigensinn (Paderborn, etc., 2003), 312 f.

105. Pancke to Himmler, 15 May 1940 and 18 June 1940, published in Die

Deutschen in der Tschechoslowakei, 405 ff.; cf. To

nsmeyer, Reich, 46 f., and

especially Johann Kaiser, ‘Die Politik des Dritten Reiches gegenu

ber der

Slowakei 1939–1945. Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der nationalsozialistischen

Satellitenpolitik in Su

dosteuropa’, unpublished dissertation, Bochum Uni-

versity (1970), 427 ff.

106.BAB,NS19/2070, Himmler to Dollmann, 6 September 1939;

Stuhlpf

arrer,

Umsiedlung, 140 f.

107. Stuhlpfarrer, Umsiedlung, 142 f.

108. Quoted ibid. 623.

109. Ibid. 148 ff.

110. Ibid. 177 ff.

111.BAB,NS19/2070.

112. Stuhlpfarrer, Umsiedlung, 170 f.

113. Ibid. 205 ff., for discussion of the various available ﬁgures and 155 ff. for th e

process of opting.

114. Ibid. 541 ff.; Latour, Su

dtirol, 74 ff.

115. Stuhlpfarrer, Umsiedlung, 617 ff.

116. Ibid. 649 ff.; on Himmler’s comments on 18 and 23 July see BAB, R 49/2156,

Kukla’s report and a minute on the trip to Burgundy.

117. IfZ, NO 2417, Himmler to Frauenfeld, 10 and 27 July 1942; Stuhlpfarrer,

Umsiedlung,701 ff.

118. See above p. 433 f.

119. Blaskowitz note for the interview with the Commander-in-Chief of the

army, 6 February 1940, printed in ‘Scho

ne Zeiten’, 14 ff.

120.M

ller, Heer, 445 f.;

on the meeting of 2 February see Franz Halder, Krieg-

stagebuch. Ta

gliche Aufzeichnu ngen des Chefs des Generalstabes des Heeres

1939–1942, ed. Hans-Adolf Jacobsen together with Alfred Philippi, vol. 1:

Vom Polenfeldzug bis zum Ende der Westoffensive (14. 8. 1939–30. 6. 1940)

(Stuttgart, 1962), 183, 5 February 1940.

121.Mu

ller, Heer, 448 ff.; Halder, Kriegstagebuch, vol. 1, 229, 13 March 1940.

122.SeeMu

ller, Heer, 459 ff., on the ‘disgust and outrage’, which the edict had

aroused in the ofﬁcer corps, and which among other things is shown in

Groscurth’s diary (14 December 1939 and 22 January 1940). Himmler’s

friend, Johst, felt prompted to mount a defence of the edict in his book, Ruf

des Reiches, Echo des Volkes. Eine Ostfahrt (Munich, 1940).

endnotes 871

123. BAB, NS 19/3901; Facsimile in Norbert Westenrieder, ‘Deutsche Frauen und

dchen!’ Vom Alltagsleben 1933–1945 (Du

sseldorf, 1984), 42.

124. BAB, NS 19/3901, 10 January 1940.On19 June 1940 regulations for

implementing the RFSS’s order of 28 October 1939, which modiﬁed the

original purpose of the order: ‘The ﬁrst duty is to care for all children of good

blood whose fathers have been killed in the war and their mothers [ . . . ] The

second duty is to care for all children of good blood who have been fathered

by SS men during the war. The SS will take responsibility for their care and

for the care of expectant mothers in all cases where there is need and

hardship. [ ...] The third duty is to care for the families of members of

the SS who have been called up into the Wehrmacht or the Waffen-SS’

(NS 2/275).

125. BAB, NS 7/221, The SS judge attached to the RFSS in the SS Court Main

Ofﬁce, 24 March 1942 (refers to the order of 30 January 1940). In this letter

the SS judge accepts in Himmler’s name that in individual cases punishment

may not be appropriate: ‘However, it is obvious that in all those cases where

the culprit has exploited the absence of the husband and has behaved irre-

sponsibly, with a lack of decency, or even in a mean way towards the husband

or wife the court must be merciless in imposing punishment.’

126. BAB, NS 19/4007, 29 February 1940, see also Himmler, Geheimreden, 11 6 ff.,

quotation 117 ff. Italics in the original.

127. BAB, NS 19/4007, speech to the commanders of the ‘Leibstandarte’ on the

evening of Metz Day, 7 September 1940 .

128.PRO,

WO 208/4474,

Hedwig Potthast, Reichsfu

hrer Himmler’s Mistress, 24

May 1945. I used this report of the British Secret Service to reconstruct her

most important biographical data. During the 1980s Hedwig Potthast spoke

to the journalist Peter Ferdinand Koch about her relationship with Himmler

(see his book Himmlers graue Eminenz. Oswald Pohl und das Wirtschaftsverwal-

tungshauptamt der SS (Hamburg, 1988)). On Himmler’s relationship with

Potthast see also Himmler, Bru

der Himmler, 233 ff.

129. BAB, NS 19/3672.

130. BAK, NL 1126/37, Letter of November 1941.

131. Dienstkalender .

132. Koch, Pohl, 57 and 79.

133. Ibid. 186 f.

134. USHMM, Acc. 1999.A.0092, 4 September 1939; on Margar ete’s life during

the war see Himmler, Bru

der Himmler, 241 ff.

135. USHMM, Acc. 1999.A.0092, 11 September, 16 October, and 3 and 14

November 1939.

136. Ibid. 3 December 1939.

137. Ibid. 2 June 1940.

Further

entries during the years 1942–3, for example on 16

August 1943: ‘My stations were in perfect order.’

138. Ibid. 7 March 1940.

872 endnotes

139. Ibid. 23 March 1940.

140. Ibid. 6 April 1941.

141. Ibid. 4 February 1941: ‘Heini’s been in Nor way for the past week and

I haven’t heard anything from him via the staff for two days. I don’t dare to

ask because I’m treated appallingly and no one protects me and everyone is

aware of it, otherwise I couldn’t understand their behaviour. And every

young girl is after a man. If they only knew how bitter life is. Will I be able

to protect my daughter from the worst?’

142. Ibid. 1 March 1942.

143. Ibid. 6 September 1943.

144. This is clear from the Dienstkalender.

145.BAK,NL1126/16, Gudrun Himmler’s letters.

146. An album into which Gudrun stuck the photos of her father is in the US

Holocaust Museum in Washington: Himmler Family Collection. Himmler

often put captions on the pho tos: ‘To my dear Pu

ppi from Pappi.’

147. Himmler, Bru

der Himmler, 277 f.

chapter 17

1. Wildt, Generation, 259 ff.

2. BAB, R 58/826, Reorganization of the Security Service of the Reichsfu

hrer-

SS in order to align its organization and personnel with those of the security

police, 24 February 1939. Schellenberg was putting forward ideas that he had

already proposed in a paper that he had submitted in the summer of 1938 (R

58/827, minute of 5. July 1938).

3. Ibid. Basic Principles for the Training and Career Dev elopment of the

Leaders (senio r ofﬁcials) of the German Security Police, 1 March 1939. Best

also advocated his views publicly in an article, which appeared under the title

‘Criticism and Aporia of the “lawyer”’ in the journal Deutsches Recht (1939),

196–9, and was printed in an abridged version in the Deutsche Allgemeine

Zeitung of 12 April 1939. On the dispute see Herbert, Best, 228 ff.

4. Both wanted to achieve this through the Reich gove rnment taking over the

SD but without subjecting it to state administrative law. On this dispute se e

BAB, R 58/826, Schellenberg minute of 4 April 1939; R 58/137, meeting

with Heydrich on 15 April 1939 re: reorganization of the Sipo and SD; R 58/

137, Schellenberg minute of 25 April 1939 re: critique of Best’s position,

R 58/826,

Heydr

ich circular of 5 July 1939.

5. Ibid. circular edict of 5 July 1939; R 58/240, merger of the central ofﬁces of

the security police and SD, 27 September 1939.

6. Material in BAB, R 43 II/393a; cf. Wildt, Generation, 278.

7. Wildt, Generation, 335 ff.

8. Ibid. 352 ff.

endnotes 873

9. Ibid. 301 ff.; Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 265 ff.

10. Wildt, Generation, 378 ff. The SD homeland reports dealing with the whole of

the Reich, which were collected by the RSHA, have been published in

Meldungen aus dem Reich 1938 – 1945. Die geheimen Lageberichte des Sicherheits-

dienstes der SS, ed. and with an introduction by Heinz Boberach, 18 vols.

(Herrsching, 1984–5).

11. Querg, Spionage, 165; Wildt, Generation, 391 ff.

12. BAB, BDC, SS-O Jost.

13. Querg, Spionage, 183 ff.

14. Hachmeister, Gegnerforscher.

15. BADH, ZR 920/56, circular edict of the Intelligence Service of 4 August 1941;

cf. Dierker, Glaubenskrieger, 331 ff., and Wildt, Generation, 364 ff.

16. Wildt, Generation, 377. Apart from Hachmeister’s study see also the article by

rgen Mattha

us, ‘“Weltanschauliche Forschung und Auswertung”. Aus den

Akten des Amtes VII im Reichssicherheitshauptamt’, Jahrbuch fu

r Antisemitis-

musforschung, 5 (1996), 287–330,

and the edited volume Himml

ers Hexenkar-

tothek.

17. BAB, R 58/239.

18. Wagner, Volksgem einschaft, 330 ff.

19. See the reports in the German daily newspapers, for example: Deutsc he Allge-

meine Zeitung of 10 November 19 38 (morning edition), Headline: ‘The world’s

view of the assassination attempt. RFSS announces: the culprits are believed to

be foreign’; Vo

lkischer Beobachter of 11 November 1938: ‘England and the Jews

are the brains behind the Munich crime.’

20. Judged as an example of a professional secret service in action the kidnapping

was of dubious value since it meant that the chance of inﬁltrating the Se cret

Service network in the Netherlands was thrown away. On the Venlo Action

see Schellenberg, Memoirs, 82 ff.; Ho

hne, Orden, 263 ff.; Querg, Spionage, 224

ff.; Wildt, Generation, 399 f.

21. IfZ, ZS 1939, Albrecht Bo

hme, 19 May 1949, here another undated statement

by Bo

hme, in which he repeats his story; ZS 735, Franz Josef Huber, 19 June

1969.

22. Elser’s statement to the Gestapo has been published in various places, most

recently in Das Protokoll. Die Autobiographie des Georg Elser (Ko

nigsbronn,

2006). The most comprehensive account remains Anton Hoch and Lothar

Gruchmann, Georg Elser. Der Attenta

ter aus dem Volke. Der Anschlag auf Hitler im

nchner Bu

rgerbra

u 1939 (Frank

furt a. M., 19

80).

23. Note by Gu

rtner 20 September 1939 published in Martin Broszat, ‘Zur

Perversion der Strafjustiz im Dritten Reich’, with a documentary appendix,

Vierteljahrshefte fu

r Zeitgeschichte, 6 (1958), 390–443 , here 408 f.; Gu

rtner note

on a meeting with Hitler, 14 October 1939, publish ed ibid. 411; list of victims

compiled by the Reich Justice Mi nistry, ibid. 411 ff.

24. BAB, R 8/243, excerpts published in Broszat, ‘Konzentrationslager’, 399.

874 endnotes

25. For examples of executions in work re-education camps see Gerd Wysocki,

‘Lizenz zum To

ten. Die “Sonderbehandlungs”-Praxis der Stapo-Stelle

Braunschweig’, in Gerhard Paul and Michael Mallm ann (eds), Die Gestapo

im Zweiten Weltkrieg.‘Heimatfront’ und besetztes Europa (Darmstadt, 2000),

237–54, here 241 ff.; on businesses see ibid. 246 ff. Bernd-A. Rusinek, Gesell-

schaft in der Katastrophe. Terror, Illegalita

t, Widerstand–Ko

ln 1944/45 (Essen,

1989), 350 ff., describes a public execution in Cologne. For further examples

of such murders portrayed as executions see Hans-Joachim Heuer, Geheime

Staatspolizei. U

ber das To

ten und die Tendenzen der Entzivilisierung (B erlin, 1995);

see also Hellmuth Auerbach, ‘Der Begriff “Sonderbehandlung” im Sprach-

gebrauch der SS’, in Gutachten des Instituts fu

r Zeitgeschichte, vol. 2 (Stuttgart,

1966), 182–9.

26. This is indicat ed by the guidelines which th e head of Gestapo Department II

announced at a meeting of desk ofﬁcers on 26 September 1939 (published in

Martin Hirsch et al. (eds), Recht, Verwaltung und Justiz im Nationalsozialismus.

Ausgewa

hlte Schriften, Gesetze und Gerichtsentscheidungen von 1933 bis 1945 (Co-

logne, 1984). Also the choice of words in the ‘Basic Principles’ of 23 September

1939 (‘on higher authority’) shows that Himmler could decide unilaterally and

did not need to get Hitler’s approval in every individual case.

27. Himmler minute, 20 November 1939, quoted in Ulrich Herbert, Fremdarbeite r.

Politik und Praxis des ‘Ausla

nder-Einsatzes’in der Kriegswi rtschaft des Dritten Reiches

(Bonn, 1999), 91, based on ﬁles of the Berli n public prosecutor’s ofﬁce.

28.

Edict

of 8 Januar y 1940, quoted ibid. 91 f., based on ﬁles of the Berlin public

prosecutor’s ofﬁce.

29. Documenta Occupationis, vol. 10: Praca przymusowa polako

w pod panowaniem

hitlerowskim: 1939–1945 (‘Polish Forced Labour under the Hitler Regime’)

(Posen, 1976), doc. no. II 3, 28 December 1939.

30. BAB, NS 19/4007, published in Himmler, Geheimreden, 116 ff., relevant

passage on 134.

31. Herbert, Fremdarbeiter, 86 ff.

32. Documenta Occupationis, vol. 10, doc. no. II 4, Himmler’s Edi ct Concerning the

Treatment of Polish Civilian Workers Deployed in the Reich, 8 March 1940 .

33. BAB, R 58/272, 7 May 1940.

34. Herbert, Fremdarbeiter, 94.

35. Documenta Occupationis, vol. 10, doc. no. II 9, Reichsfu

hrer-SS Guidelines

Concerning the Use of Special Treatment for Polish Forced Workers and

Prisoners of War, 5 July 1941;

see

Herbert, Fremdarbeiter, 148; Heinemann,

‘Rasse’, 488 ff.

36. See Herbert, Fremdarbeiter, 149, who refers to a report in the Essen newspaper,

Rote Erde.

37. Johnson, Terror, 324 ff.

38. See the ﬁgures ibid. 550 ff. and 387.

39. Ibid. 352 ff.

endnotes 875

40. Wildt, Generation, 358 ff.

41. Ibid. 132 ff. and 153 ff.

42. See Adam, Judenpolitik, 258 ff., and Avraham Barkai, Vom Boykott zur ‘En-

tjudung’. Der wirtschaftliche Existenzkampf der Juden im Dritten Reich 1933– 1943

(Frankfurt a. M., 1987), 183 ff.

43. Walk (ed.), Sonderrecht,IV2; Adam, Judenpolitik, 259.

44. Walk (ed.), Sonderrecht,IV10, edict of the chief of the security police, 12

September 1939.

45. RSHA edict of 21 Septemb er 1939, referred to in Adam, Judenpolitik, 260.

46. Walk (ed.), Sonderrecht,IV115.

47. Statutes of the Reich Air Raid Defence League of 28 June 1940,inRGBl 1940

I, 992; Walk (ed.), Sonderrecht ,IV127; Adam, Judenpolitik, 258 f.

48. Adam, Judenpolitik, 260 f.; Konrad Kwiet, ‘Nach dem Pogrom. Stufen der

Ausgrenzung’, in Wolfgang Benz (ed.), Die Juden in Deutschland 1933–1945.

ben

unter nationalsozialistischer Herrschaft (Munich, 1989), 545–659 , 605 ff.;

Walk (ed.), Sonderrecht,IV67, edict of the Reich Minister of Economics of 23

January 1940 re: The Provision of Textiles.

49. Wolf Gruner, Der geschlosse ne Arbeitseinsatz deutscher Juden. Zur Zwangsarbeit als

Element der Verfolgung 1938–1943 (Berlin, 1997), 107 ff.

50. Details in Longerich, Politik, 231 . On the ‘Jew houses’ see Gruner, Arbeitsein-

satz, 249 ff.

51. Gruner, Arbeitseinsatz, 250, has demonstrated the existence of 38 such camps.

52. OA Moscow, 500-1-597.

53. OA Moscow, 503-1-324.

54. Wagner, Volksgem einschaft, 305 ff.

55. Ibid. 311.

56. Ibid. 311 f.

57. Ibid. 310 f. and 317 f.

58. Reich Criminal Police Ofﬁce, 1 September 1939, and edicts of the Reich

Minister of the Interior of 9 and 12 Septemb

er 1939 (all

published in the

pamphlet: Collection of Edicts Concerning the Preventive Combating of Crime, IfZ,

Dc 17.02).

59. Circular edict of 18 October 1939, published ibid.

60. Broszat, ‘Konzentrationslager’, 399; Orth, System, 96 f.; Czesław Pilichowski,

Es gibt keine Verja

hrung (Warsaw, 1980), 127 (on people of Polish origin).

61. Circular edict of 7 September 1939, published in Collection of Edicts Concerning

Preventive Combating of Crime, IfZ, Dc 17.02.

62. Circular edict of 12 September 1939, published ibid.

63. Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 332. According to ofﬁcial ﬁgures from the Reich

Criminal Police Ofﬁce on 31 December 1940 7,269 persons were in preventive

police detention compared with 6,018 in the previous year and 3,231 at the end

of 1938: Jahrbuch Amt V (Reichskriminalpolizeiamt) des Reichssicherheitshauptamtes

SS 1939/40 (Berlin, 1940), 5 and 44.On1 January 1940 4,845 ‘pro

fessional

876 endnotes

criminals, habitual criminals or people who posed a threat to the public’ were

in police preventive custody and by the end of 1940 the ﬁgure was 6,530 ; the

number of ‘asocials’ who were in preventive custody sank from 7,713 to 6,824:

Jahrbuch Amt V, 44 f. Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 333, points out, however, that

elsewhere in the same publication very different ﬁgures for ‘asocials’ in pre-

ventive custody on 31 December 1939 are referred to (p. 5: 8,212).

64. RSHA decrees of 12 July 1940 (Homosexuals) and 25 October 1941 (IfZ, Dc

17.02, Col lection of Edicts Concerning the Preventive Combating of Crime); Wagner,

Volksgemeinschaft, 333 f.

65. BAB, NS 19/1919, Himmler to Hildebrandt, 16 December 1939, from which

Hildebrandt’s query can be inferred. On this matter see Orth, System, 69 ff.

66. The relevant documents are in NS 19/1919: Himmler to Heissmeyer, 16

December 1939; Glu

cks to Himmler with the same date; Heissmeyer report

of 25 January 1940; Glu

cks’s reports of 30 and 31 January 1940 and letter from

Himmler of 30 April 1940.

67.

BAB,

NS 19/1919, Heissmeyer report of 25 January 1941.

68. Ibid. Report of 21 February 1941 .

69. BAB, BDC, SS-O Ho

ss; Orth, System, 76 ff.; Steinbacher, ‘Musterstadt’, 179 f.

70. Steinbacher, ‘Musterstadt’, 205 ff.; Peter Hayes, Industry and Ideology: IG Farben

in the Nazi Era (Cambridge, 2001), 347 ff.; Bernd C. Wagner, IG Auschwitz.

Zwangsarbeit und Vernichtung von Ha

ftlingen des Lagers Monowitz 1941–1945

(Munich, 2000), 37 ff.; Hans Deichmann and Peter Hayes, ‘Standort Ausch-

witz. Eine Kontroverse u

ber die Entsch eidungsgru

nde fu

r den Bau des

I. G. Farben-Werks in Auschwitz’, 1999, 11/1 (1996), 73–101.

71. Dienstkalender.

72. Steinbacher, ‘Musterstadt’, 209 ff.; Himmler order of 26 February 1941, repro-

duced in IfZ, NI 11086, Krauch to Ambros, 4 March 1941.

73. Kaienburg, ‘Vernichtung’, 152 ff.

74.

Orth

, System, 82 ff.; Isabell Sprenger, Groß-Rosen. Ein Konzentrationslager in

Schlesien (Cologne, etc., 1996), esp. 88 ff.

75. Orth, System, 85 ff.

76. On Hinzert and Niedernhagen see ibid. 88 ff.

77. Ibid. 109 ff.

78. Ibid. 102 ff.

79. Ibid. 98; Kaienburg, Neuengamme, 229.

80. IfZ, PS-1063, edict of 2 January 1941; see Orth, System, 86 f.

81. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 125 ff.

82. Ibid. 131 ff.; Allen, Business, 72 ff. and 100 f.

83. BAB, NS 3/1427, summary of Himmler’s comments on 4 October 1940;see

also Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 800.

84. BAB, NS 19/2122, Himmler to Pohl, 24 June 1941; see on these experiments

in detail Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 80 ff.

endnotes 877

85. BAB, NS 19/3122, Himmler to Pohl, 29 November 1941, published in

Himmler, Reichsfu

hrer!, no. 80a.

86. BAB, NS 19/3122, Brandt to Vogel, 20 March 1942. In a letter to Konrad

Meyer, who on his instructions was preparing the ‘General Plan East’,

Himmler wrote that he naturally rejected anthroposophy, but that further

experiments should be carried out in order to develop alternatives to artiﬁcial

fertilizers which, in the long run, would very probably prove dangerous (NS

19/3211, 15 July 1941; see Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 801).

87. BAB, NS 19/3211, Report of 29 October 1943 and further material re:

Wertingen.

88. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 462 and 771 ff.; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 137 f.

89. Himmler circular of 15 September 1939, published in Himmler, Reichsfu

hrer!,

no. 51; see also Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 136 f.

90. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 474 ff.; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit , 182 ff. However, the

attempt to take over the Apollinaris Spring, which involved ‘enemy property’

under compulsory administration, failed; the ﬁrm was ultimately leased by the

German Business Plants (Deutsche Wirtshaftsbetriebe); see Josef Henke, ‘Von

den Grenzen der SS-Macht. Eine Fallstudie zur Ta

tigkeit des SS-Wirtschafts-

Verwaltungshauptamtes’, in Dieter Rebentisch and Karl Teppe (e ds), Verwal-

tung

contr

a Menschenfu

hrung im Staat Hitlers. Studien zum politisch-administrativen

System (Go

ttingen, 1986), 255–77.

91. Schulte, Zwangsar beit, 183.

92. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 466 ff.; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 144 f.

93. Allen, Business, 83; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 412 ff.; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 147 ff.

94. Allen, Business, 92 ff. and 107 ff.; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 416 ff.; Schulte,

Zwangsarbeit, 193 ff.

95. Schulte, Zwangsar beit, 193 ff. emphasizes this ‘paradigm shift’.

96. Decree of 17 October 1939,inRGBl 1939 I, 2107 f., and the decrees

implementing it of 1 November 1939 and 17 April 1940 (ibid. 2293 ff., and

RGBL 1940 I, 659). BAB, NS 7/2, edict of the Reichsfu

hrer-SS

und

Chief of

the German Police Concerning the Decree Concerning the Jurisdiction of

Special Courts in Criminal Cases Involving Members of the SS and Members

of the Police Units Deployed on Special Missions, 20 November 1939. See

on this whole matter Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 6 ff.

97. Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 30.

98. Ibid. 13 ff.

99. Laid down in the edict of the SS Court Main Ofﬁce of 29 December 1939; see

Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 16.

100. Ibid. 18 ff.

101. On the inclusion of the indigenous inhabitants in the jurisdiction see ibid.

26 ff. In the Netherlands in individual cases the Reich Commissar could

transfer the pursuit of criminal offences committed b y the indigenous inha-

bitants to the SS and police courts. In Norway in September 1941 the Reich

878 endnotes

Commissar even transferred the passing of judgement on all contraventions of

his orders to the jurisdiction of the SS and police (Birn, Die Ho

heren SS- und

Polizeifu

hrer, 144; Robert Bohn, Reichskommissariat Norwegen. ‘Nationalsozia-

listische Neuordnung’ und Kriegswirtschaft (Munich, 2000), 91 ff.). In July 1942 in

the Protectorate the SS and police courts took over the punishment of all

direct attacks by non-Germans on the SS and police if the RFSS considered

this necessary in the interests of the SS and police (decree of 15 July 1942 in

RGBl 1942 I, 475; Birn, Ho

here SS- und Polizeifu

hrer, 140 ff.). On the activities

of the SS and police courts in relation to civilians in Denmark from the

beginning of 1944 onwards see Erich Thomsen, Deutsche Besatzungspolitik in

nemark 1940–1945 (Du

sseldorf, 1971), 201 f.

102. Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 27.

103.Fu

hrer decree of 5 September 1944 , published in ‘Fu

hrer-Erlasse’, no. 365;

Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 27 f.

104. Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 202 ff.

105. Ibid. 216. The ﬁle BAB, NS 7/57, contains a collection of such powers

anted

to Bender.

106. Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 213 ff.; BAB, NS 7/2, Himmler edict of 20 Novem-

ber 1939.

107. Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 214 f.

108.BAB,NS7/52, Bender to the SS Court Main Ofﬁce, 18 September 1940;see

Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 215.

109.BAB,NS7/265, Himmler to Bender, 24 October 1941, and Bender to SS

Court Main Ofﬁce, 12 November 1941;NS19/3872, Circular from the SS

Court Main Ofﬁce of 9 December 1941; see Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 108.

110.BAB,NS7/13, Note of the Field Command Headquarters, 13 May 1943.

111. Published in Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, Appendix 6 (based on ZStL, Doku-

mentation C

SSR, no. 396).

112.BAB,NS19/3939, 30 June 1942.

113.BAB,NS7/265,

Sturmbannfu

hrer

Korff to Bender, 21 January 1945 .

114.Fu

hrer Edict Concerning the Exceptional Reopening of Cases in the SS and

Police Courts of 24 July 1941 and Himmler’s regulations to implement it of 25

November 1941, both in BAB, NS 7 /303; Viereggge, Gerichtsbar keit, 196 ff.

115.BAB,NS7/344, SS judge attached to the RFSS, 6 May 1942.

116. Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 106.

117.BAB,NS19/1913, 16 August 1942.

118. On military disobedience as a ‘general clause’ see Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit,

95 ff.

119.BAB,NS19/9, 9 October 1942.

120. Speech at the Gruppenfu

hrer meeting, 4 October 1943, doc. PS-1919,in

IMT, vol. 29, pp. 110 ff., quotation p. 144.

121.BAB,NS7/1001, SS judge attached to the RFSS

and Chief of the German

Police, 22 June 1943.

endnotes 879