Longerich Peter. Heinrich Himmler: A Life

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28. On the ﬁgures see Jansen and Weckbecker, ‘Selbstschutz’, 35 .

29. On the role of the Selbstschutz see, in particular, ibid. 111 ff. On the partici-

pation of the Wehrmacht in the murders see Joachim Bo

hler, Auftakt zum

Vernichtungskrieg. Die Wehrmacht in Polen 1939 (Frankfurt a. M., 2006), and id.,

‘“Tragische Verstrickung” oder Auftakt zum Vernichtungskrieg? Die Wehr-

macht in Polen 1939’, in Klaus-Mich ael Mallmann and Bogdan Musial (eds),

Genesis des Genozids. Polen 1939–1941 (Darmstadt, 2004), 36–57. On the Ein-

satzgruppen see Rossino, Hitler, 88 ff., and id., ‘Nazi Anti-Jewish Policy during

the Polish Campaign: The Case of the Einsatzgruppe von Woyrsch’, German

Studies Review, 24/1 (2001), 35–53. The role of the order police and the

Waffen-SS has been investigated by Klaus -Michael Mallmann and Martin

ppers in the volume edited by Mallmann and Musial, Genesis des Genozids.

30. For examples see Rossino, Hitler, 90 f. and 99.

31. Ibid. 88 ff.

32. Christopher R. Browning, Die Entfesselung der ‘Endlo

sung’. Nationalsozialistische

Judenpolitik 1939–1942 (Berlin, 2006), 56 f.; Bo

hler, ‘“Verstrickung”’, 45 ff.;

id., Auftakt, 216 ff.

33. IfZ, NOKW 1006.

von Woyrsch see his SS-O ﬁle in BAB, BDC.

34. Krausnick, ‘Einsatzgruppen’, 41, and Bo

hler, Auftakt, 210 ff.

35. Quoted from Krausnick, ‘Einsatzgruppen’, 57. The hostage-taking was in the

end done not by the Einsatzgruppe but by the Wehrmacht.

36. Jansen und Weckbecker , ‘Selbstschutz’, 154 ff.

37. Ibid. 96 ff. and 154.

38. Ibid. 154 ff. and 212 ff. In autumn 1939 German units also shot people in the

Warthegau who came from the same target groups as in Danzig–West Prussia,

though in smaller numbers (ibid. 156 and 224 ff.). Units that were based in the

Polish territories which bordered East Prussia, in eastern Upper Silesia, and in

the central and eastern Polish territories also carried out murders (ibid. 156 f.

and 228 f.).

39. Volker Riess, Die Anfa

nge der Vernichtung ‘lebensunwerten Lebens’ in den R eich-

sgauen Danzig-Westpreußen und Wartheland 1939/40 (Frankfurt a. M., etc.,

1995), 173 ff.

40. Jansen and Weckbecker, ‘Selbstschutz’, 49 ff. and 64 ff.

41. See above pp. 325 f.

42. BAB, BDC, SS-O Alvensleben, Himmler to Heydrich, 26 March 1940.

43. This is Riess’s assessment in Anfa

nge, 355.

44. Ibid. 243 ff.

45. Ibid. 290 ff.

46.

Ibid. 321 ff.

; Mathias Beer, ‘Die Entwicklung der Gaswagen beim Mord an den

Juden’, Vierteljahrshefte fu

r Zeitgeschichte, 35/3 (1987), 403–17, here 404 ff.;

Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein, and Adalbert Ru

ckerl (eds), Nationalsozia-

listische Massento

tungen durch Giftgas. Eine Dokumentation (Frankfurt a. M.,

860 endnotes

1986), 62 ff.; Ernst Klee, ‘Euthanasie’ im NS-Staat. Die ‘Vernichtung lebensun-

werten Lebens’ (Frankfurt a. M., 1983), 105 ff.

47. Riess, Anfa

nge, 222 ff.; see esp. Heike Bernhardt, Anstaltspsychiatrie und “Eu-

thanasie” in Pommern 1933–1945. Die Krankenmorde an Kindern und Erwachsenen

am Beispiel der Landesheilanstalt Ueckermu

nde (Frankfurt a. M., 1994).

48. Riess, Anfa

nge, 104 ff., 131, 135 f., 168, 256, and 334.

49. Ibid. 188 and 288 f.

50. See above p. 324.

51. Richard Breitman considers a note by Himmler dated 5 December 1939 as ‘the

earliest evidence for the plan for a kind of death factory which used poison gas

to kill and crematoria to dispose of the corpses’. The note, concerning a

conversation with Oswald Pohl, reads: ‘Crematorium—delousing installation’

(BAB, NS 19/1449; Richard Breitman, Der Architekt der ‘Endlo

sung’. Himmler

und die Vernichtung der europa

ischen Juden (Paderborn, 1996), 130 f.). In fact,

however, it was not until 1942 that installa tions were built in which killing

with poison gas was combined with the burning of the corpses in crematoria. If

Himmler had already had such a plan in December 1939, for which in fact

there is no further evidence, then in that case he was not pursuing it very

thoroughly.

52. Note by Lieut.-Col. Lahousen, printed in Helmuth Groscurth, Tagebu

cher eines

Abwehr

ofﬁziers 1938–1940.

Mit weiteren Dokumenten zur Milita

ropposition gegen

Hitler, ed. Helmut Krausnick and Harold C. Deutsch with Hildegard von

Kotze (Stuttgart, 1970), 357 ff.

53. Printed in Mu

ller, Heer, Annex no. 45.

54. On this see ibid. 422 ff.

55. On resistance by and protests from the army see in detail Krausnick, ‘Einsatz-

gruppen’, 80 ff.

56. Meeting between the chief of the general staff of the Wehrmacht commander

in the recently established mil itary district of Danzig and von Alvensleben, the

Selbstschutz commander responsible for the West Prussian district, on 13

October 1939, in Jansen and Wec kbecker, ‘Selbstschutz’, 175.

57. Quoted in Groscurth, Tagebu

cher, 409 ff.

58. Jansen and Weckbecker, ‘Selbstschutz’,146 and 193 ff.

59. Complaint from the military district commander in the Warthegau, General

Petzel, to the Commander of the Reserve Army, dated 23 November 1939,

doc. D-419,inIMT, vol. 35,p.88.

60. IfZ, NO 3011, Commander-in Chief East, notes for the Commander-in-Chief

East’s interview with the Commander-in-Chief of the army, 15 February

1940. They contain a long list of assaults and record Ulex’s statement of his

views of 2 February 1940.

61.Mu

ller, Heer, 437 ff.; Blaskowitz’s notes for an interview with the Command-

er-in-Chief of the army 6 February 1940,

printed in Ernst Klee, Willi Dressen,

endnotes 861

and Volker Riess (eds), ‘Scho

ne Zeiten’. Judenmord aus der Sicht der Ta

ter und

Gaffer (Frankfurt a. M., 1988), 14 ff.

62. The responsibilities were deﬁned in the RuSHA order of 2 September 1939

(BAB, NS 2/157). The following tasks were envisaged: securing the ofﬁces of

the Western March Association (Westmarkverein) insofar as they had been

involved in matters to do with land; closing down the money and credit

institutes and the agricultural cooperatives; establishing contact with the leaders

of the German ethnic groups in order to ‘register: (a) Jewish property , (b) the

state forests and estates [ ...], (c) church property, (d) large private estates, (e)

agricultural land in the hands of banks’. See also BAB, BDC, SS-O Brehm,

Brehm report of 7 October 1940 : ‘After the invasion of Poland the head of the

Settlement Main Ofﬁce in the Race and Settlement Main Ofﬁce, SS Ober-

hrer von Gottberg, gave me, as commander of an Einsatzgruppe, the task of

getting hold of all documents concerned with Poland’s land reform and

undertaking the preparatory work for the establishment of a land ofﬁce. ’ The

Einsatzgruppen of RuSHA ofﬁcially bega n their work on 11 September 1939

(NS 2/55, Pancke to RFSS, 11 September 1939). For a thorough accou nt of the

discussions see Heinemann, ‘R asse’, 201 ff.

63. BAB, NS 2/61, draft of a report for the ofﬁce of the RKF. Head of the RuS-

Advice section B, Theodor Henschel. It stated further that the consultation

‘had the task of preparing for the Germanization of ethnically alien landed

property and asserting the interests of the SS in the property that became

available [ . . . ] Those involved in the discussions were forbidden to intervene

actively on their own initiative, which meant that they had to maintain close

contact with the Einsatzgruppen of the security police [ . . . ] Property in Jewish

hands and large Polish farms (over 25 ha in size) were reported to the security

police so that the owners could be arrested and, after the farms had become

vacant as a result of their owners’ arrest, they were assigned to the head of the

civilian administration to be looked after by his agricultural department.’ See

also NS 2/60, Advice A, Report no. 13, 21 October 1939, and Himmler to

Pancke, 28 November 1939 .

64. See the material in BAB, NS 2/55.

The Settlement Ofﬁce discovered that the

griculture Ministry had drafted 56 tenants of landed estates in order to deploy

them to farm estates in Posen formerly belonging to the Polish state. More-

over, it was suspected that the Ministry was trying to resuscitate the ‘old

Prussian Settlement Commission founded in 1886’ (minute of 11 September

1939 and Pancke to Himmler of the same date).

65. Details in Madajczyk, Okkupationspolitik, 391.

66. USHMM,Acc. 1999.A.0092, 16 October 1939.

67. Doc. PS-686,inIMT, vol. 26, pp. 255 f. On the background see Stuhlpfarrer,

Umsiedlung, 247 ff. The edict was based on the draft of a Fu

hrer edict

concerning the organization of the South Tyrolean resettlement programme,

862 endnotes

which Lammers had sent to Himmler on 12 August 1939 . Himmler made some

alterations. See BAB, R 43 II /1412.

68. Stuhlpfarrer, Umsiedlung, 253. Material in BAB, R 43 II/1412.

69. IfZ, NG 1759, Darre

to Lammers, 4 October 1939.

70. IfZ, NG 1759.

71. This is clear from the letter to Go

ring of 27 October 1939 (ibid.).

72. Ibid. 27 October 1939.

chapter 16

1. BAB, R 58/241, edict of 1 November 1939. On the establishment of the police

and its relationship with the administration see Gerhard Eisenbla

tter, ‘Grund-

linien der Politikdes Reichs gegenu

ber dem Generalgouvernement,

1939–1945’, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Frankfurt University (1969),

131 ff.

2. In June 1940, for example, Himmler was able succ essfully to insist that Frank’s

state secretary, Bu

hler, was not Kru

ger’s superior (ibid. 143).

3. Martin Broszat, Nationalsozialistische Polenpolitik 1939– 1945 (Stuttgart, 1961), 81.

4. For details on the order police in the General Government see Eisenbla

tter,

‘Grundlinien’, 136 f.

5. BAB, R 75 /3b; published in Faschismus, Ghetto, Massenmord. Dokumentation

ber Ausrottung und Widerstand der Juden in Polen wa

hrend des 2.Weltkrieges,

published by the Jewish Hi storical Institute Warsaw, selected, edited, and

introduced by Tatiana Berenstein, Artur Eisenbach, et al. (Frankfurt a. M.,

1962), 42 f.; on the role of the HSSPF in this context see Birn, Die Ho

heren

SS- und Polizeifu

hrer, 158.

6. Madajczyk, Okkupati onspolitik, 187.

7. Michael Foedrowitz, ‘Auf der Suche nach einer besatzungspolitischen Kon-

zeption. Der Befehlshaber der Si cherheitspolizei und des SD im General-

gouvernement’, in Gerhard Paul and Klaus-Michael Mallmann (eds), Die

Gestapo im Zw eiten Weltkrieg. ‘Heimatfront’ und besetztes Europa (Darmstadt,

2000), 340–61,

esp. 340 ff.

Decree Concerning the Introdu ction of German Penal Law of 6 June 1940 ,in

RGBl 1940 I, 84. On this see also Broszat, Polenpolitik, 142 ff.

9. Decree Concerning Penal Measures against Poles and in the Incorporated

Eastern Territories of 4 December 1941,inRGBl 1941 I, 759.

10. Christopher R. Browning, ‘Die nationalsozialistische Umsiedlungspolitik und

die Suche nach einer “Lo

sung der Judenfrage” 1939–1941’, in id., Der Weg zur

‘Endlo

sung’. Entscheidungen und Ta

ter (Bonn, 1998), 13–36; and Pohl, Lublin, 22.

11. BAB, R 58/825, 15 September 1939.

12. Faschismus, Ghetto, Massenmord, 37 ff.; IfZ, PS-3363.

endnotes 863

13. Minutes of the conversation between Heydrich and von Brauchitsch, printed

in Groscurth, Tagebu

cher, 361 f.

14. BAB, R 58/825, Meeting of departmental heads of 29 September, minutes of 1

October 1939. Correspondingly, the exceptional regulation referred to in the

express letter of 21 September that no preparations for deportations were to be

carried out in the area of Einsatzgruppe I was cancelled (YV, 053/87, Eich-

mann minute of 29 September 1939).

15. Alfred Rosenberg, Das politische Tagebuch Alfred Rosenbergs aus den Jahren 1934/

1935 und 1939/1940, ed. Hans-Gu

nther Seraphim (Munich, 1964), 81.

16. See Longerich, Politik, 255. Hitler himself mentioned it on 26 September to

the Swedish industrialist Dahlerus (Andreas Hillgruber (ed.), Staatsma

nner und

Diplomaten bei Hitler. Vertrauliche Aufzeichnungen u

ber Unterredungen mit Vertre-

tern des Auslandes, vol. 1: 1939–1941 (Frankfurt a. M., 1967), 29 f.) and on 1

October explained to the Italian Foreign Minister the idea of an ‘ethnic

reorganization’ in the east (ADAP, Series D, vol. 7, no. 176, Minutes of

2 October 1939). The German press was also informe d conﬁdentially about

these plans and there was soon speculation about such a ‘reservation’ in the

international press. (Vertrauliche Information [Information from the Propa-

ganda Ministry], 9 October 1941, published in Ju

rgen

Hage

mann, Die Press-

elenkung im Dritten Reich (Bonn, 1970), 145). On 6 October Hitler announced

in his Reichstag speech, that ‘after the collapse of the Polish state’ the ‘most

important task’ was ‘a reorganization of the ethnic situation, that is to say a

resettlement of the nations’. In the course of the creation of this new order ‘the

attempt’ must be made ‘to sort out and regulate the Jewish problem’ (Verhan-

dlungen des Reichstages. Stenographische Berichte, vol. 460 (Berlin 1939), 51 ff.).

17. YV, 053/87 (Gestapo ﬁles from Ma

hrisch-Ostrau); on Eichmann’s further

activities in this period see in detail Longerich, Politik, 256 ff. For literature

on the deportations in autumn 1939 see Miroslav Ka

rny, ‘Nisko in der

Geschichte der Endlo

sung’, Judaica Bohe miae, 23 (1987), 69–84; Seev Goshen,

‘Eichmann und die Nisko-Aktion im Oktober 1939. Eine Fallstudie zur NS-

Judenpolitik in der letzten Etappe vor der “Endlo

sung”’, Vierteljahrshefte fu

Zeitgeschichte, 29/1 (1981), 74–96; Jonny Moser, ‘Nisko: The First Experiment

in Deportation’, Simon Wiesenthal Center Annual, 2/1 (1985), 1–30; Seev

Goshen, ‘Nisko. Ein Ausnahmefall unter den Judenlagern der SS’, Vierteljahr-

shefte fu

r Zeitgeschichte, 40/1 (1992), 95–106;

Hans

nter Adler, Der verwaltete

Mensch. Studien zur Deportation der Juden aus Deutschland (Tu

bingen, 1974), 125

ff.; Browning, ‘Umsiedlungspolitik’; Safrian, Eichmann-Ma

nner, 68 ff. There is

further material in the volume of conference proceedings edited by Ludmila

Nesla

dkova

, The Case Nisko in the History of the Final Solution of the Jewish

Problem in Commemoration of the 55th Anniversary of the First Deportation of Jews in

Europe (Ostrava, 1995).

18.YV,053/87,notebyGu

nther 11 October 1 939.Eichmannalsoreferredto

this ‘co mmission from the Fu

hrer’ during his visit to B ecker, the ‘special

864 endnotes

representative for Jewish questions’, on Bu

rckel’s staff; he mentioned that

the Jews still living in Vienna would be expelled in ‘3 to 4 years at the latest’

(Gerhard Botz, Wohnungspolitik und Judendeportation in Wien 1938.Zur

Funktion des Antisemitismus als Ersatz nationalsozialistischer Sozialpolitik

(Vienna and Salzburg, 1975), 105).

19. YV, 053/87, note of 6 October 1939.

20. Ibid. telegrams from SD Main Ofﬁce to Stapo branch ofﬁce in Ma

hrisch-

Ostrau, 13 October 1939, and reply from SD Danube, 16 October 1939 .

21. The meeting in the Stapo branch ofﬁce in Ma

hrisch-Ostrau on 9 October

was concerned with details involving the construction of the barracks (ibid.

Dannecker minute, 11 October 1939).

22. Ibid. minute of the central ofﬁce in Vienna, 17 October 1939. Gauleiter

rckel, who had been informed by a member of his staff about the recent

conversation with Eichmann, declared that he was ‘more than happy [ . . . ] that

the planned resettlement of Jews into barracks did not need to take place

because the cost per head for building the barracks alone would come to 300

Reich marks’.

23. See Safrian, Eichmann-Ma

nner, 77 ff. On the carrying out of the deportations

see Goshe n, ‘Eichm ann’, 86; on Vienna see Rosenkranz, Verfolgung, 215 ff.; on

the deportation from Ma

hrisch-Ostrau see Ka

rny, ‘Nisko’, 96 ff., and Luka

ibyl, ‘Das Schicksal des dritten Transports aus dem Protektorat nach Nisko’,

in Theresiensta

dter Studien und Dokumente (2000), 297–342.

24.

YV, 053/87,

note of the Gestapo branch ofﬁce in Ma

hrisch-Ostrau, 21

October 1939. In a letter to Bu

rckel of 9 November 1939 Himmler once

more made it clear that he had ‘banned the deportation of the Jews for the time

being because of technical difﬁculties’ (Botz, Wohnungspolitik, 196, and doc.

PS-3398,inIMT, vol. 32, pp. 255 ff.).

25. Thus, at the end of October the RSHA informed SD-Oberabschnitt Vienna

that it was quite conceivable that ‘individual transports of Jews from Vienna’

might be included (YV, 053/ 86, SD-Danube to Stapo branch ofﬁce in Ma

risch-Ostrau, 28 October 1939). On 1 November 1939 the HSSPF East,

Kru

ger, also referred to existing plans for ‘a particularly large concentration

of Jews’ (Werner Pra

g and Wolfgang Jacobmeyer (eds), Das Diensttagebuch des

deutschen Generalgouverneurs in Polen 1939–1945 (Stuttgart, 1975), 56).

26. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 214. On the demarcation of responsibilities and on

cooperation see BAB, NS 2/139, letter from RKF, Himmler, 15 February

1940, and IfZ, PS-2207, containing order of the RFSS re: Cooperation of the

RFSS’s agencies with the Main Trustee Ofﬁce East, 10 November 1939.

27. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 191;

Stu

hlpfarrer, Umsiedlung, 251.

28. BAB, NS 2/60.

29. Ibid. also 11 October 1939, note to the same distribution list re: Accommodat-

ing the Volhynian Germans. Further instructions issued on this day to the

heads of the SS Main Ofﬁces are in the same ﬁle.

endnotes 865

30. Ibid. note.

31. BAB, R 75/3b, published in Faschismus, Ghetto, Massenmord, 42 f.

32. Minutes in Biuletyn Glo

wnej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Niem ieckich w Polsce, 12,

doc.no. 3. See also Kru

ger’s report to a meeting of the district administrators

(Landra

te) of Cracow district on the same day (Pra

g and Jacobmeyer (eds),

Diensttagebuch).

33. Circular of the HSSPF Warthegau, Koppe, 12 November 1939, printed in

Faschismus, Ghetto, Massenmord, 43 ff.

34. Heydrich to the HSSPF Cracow, Breslau, Posen, and Danzig and telexes of 28

November 1939 re: details of the short-range plan, in Biuletyn Glo

wnej Komisji

Badania Zbrodni Niemieckich w Polsce, 12, Docs. 4 and 5. Although the long-

range plan has not yet been disc overed there exists an undated and unsigned

draft, which presumably was composed by Department III of the RSHA (BAB,

R 69/1146, ed. Karl Heinz Roth in 1999, 11 (1997), 50–71).

35. BAB, R 75/3b, ﬁnal report, Koppe, 26 January 1940, printed in Faschismus,

Ghetto, Massenmord, 48.

36. BAB, R 75/3b,

HSSPF Koppe to RSHA,

Posen, 18 December 1939, published

in Biuletyn Glo

wnej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Niemieckich w Polsce, 12, doc. 8.

37. BAB, R 58/276, also printed in Biuletyn Glo

wnej Komisji Badania Zbrodni

Niemieckich w Polsce, 12, doc. 9; the letter referred to the ofﬁcial meeti ng of

19 December 1939.

38.Go

tz Aly, ‘Endlo

sung’. Vo

lkerverschiebung und der Mord an den europa

ischen Juden

(Frankfurt a. M., 1995), 73 f., quoting Archivum Glo

wnej Komisji Badania

Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu Warschau, UWZ, P 197. On these

plans see also Frank’s comm ents of 19 January 1940 (Pra

g and Jacobmeyer

(eds), Diensttagebuch).

39. Aly, ‘Endlo

sung’, 77, 81 f., and 89.

40. Details in Longerich, Politik, 266 f.

41. BAB, R 113/10, printed in Mitteilungen der Dokumentationsstelle zur NS-Sozial-

politik, 1 (1985), 45 ff., with an introduction by Karl Heinz Roth

and supple-

ment

ary documents. The document has survived in another version as an

annex to a message from the OKW of 8 March 1940 and is also dated February

(Rolf-Dieter Mu

ller, Hitlers Ostkrieg und die deutsche Siedlungspolitik. Die Zu-

sammenarbeit von Wehrmacht, Wirtschaft und SS (Frankfurt a. M., 1991), 130 ff.).

RuSHA speciﬁcally welcomed the memorandum of the Ofﬁce for Racial

Politics of the NSDAP concerning the ‘Treatment of the Population in the

Former Polish Territories’, which went beyond the ‘basic planning’—among

other things, it proposed deporting all Jews and over 5 million Poles from the

annexed territories and Germanizing the remaining population, estimated to

be 1.3 million (R 49/75, Hecht/Wetzel-Memorandum, 25 November 1939);

Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 192 f.

866 endnotes

42. BAB, R 58/1032, Meeting of 30 January 1940 in the RSHA, published in

Faschismus, Ghetto, Massenmord, 50 ff. On the modiﬁcations to the deportation

plans see Browning, Entfesselu ng, 91 ff.

43. In addition to the 80,000 people who were expelled as part of the ﬁrst short-

range plan, the following population movements took place: between 10

February and 15 March 1940, as part of the so-called intermediate plan,

40,128 Jews and Poles were deported from the annexed territories to the

General Government (ibid. 104 ff.). Between April 1940 and January 1941

the second short-range plan came into effect in a revised version with the

deportation of 130,000 Poles and 3,500 Jews to the Gener al Government. In

the course of the ‘Cholm Action’ 30,275 ethnic Germans from the area round

Cholm and Lublin were se ttled in the Warthegau and 28,265 Poles were

deported from there to the General Government (Aly, ‘Endlo

sung’, 157).

Furthermore, during the so-called Saybusch Action between September

1940 and January 1941 a total of 18 ,000 Poles were driven out of the epony-

mous district in Upper Silesia and their farms were taken over by settlers from

Galicia (Sybille Steinbacher, ‘Musterstadt’ Auschwitz. Germanisierungspolitik und

Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Munich, 2000), 133 f.).

44. See below p. 581 f.

45. According to the report of the Main Department I of the RKF of 28 January

1941,by16 Januar

y 1941 a

total of 307,958 people had been ‘evacuated’ (BAB,

R 49/3127, resettlement and evacuation in the incorporated territories dur ing

1941, 28 January 1941). According to Himmler’s interview with Hitler on 20

February 1943, 366,000 people had been deported by the end of 1942 (R 43 II/

1411).

46. After a meeting with Himmler on 7 November 1939 department head Pancke

noted: ‘Hofmann should conside r how one can assess the racial characteristics

of large masses of the German and Polish populations of the eastern territo ries.

The Reichsfu

hrer-SS wants to use the Clan Ofﬁce [Sippenamt] in the RuS-

Main Ofﬁce to integrate the R uS-Main Ofﬁce into his Reich Commissariat so

that, as a result, the whole deployment of people in the eastern territories can

be controlled and the right decisions can be taken. As a result of the integration

of the Settlement Ofﬁce and the Clan Ofﬁce into the Reich Commissariat the

RuS-Main Ofﬁce will acquire an absolutely decisive inﬂuence on the settle-

ment of the eastern territories’ (BAB, NS 2/139). On 16 December 1939

Himmler ass igned to Hofmann, the head of the Clan Ofﬁce, the job of taking

over the responsibilities of the head of the Race Ofﬁce in addition to his own

(BDC, SS-O Hofmann). See Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 194 f.

47. Heinemann, ‘ Rasse’, 195 ff. and 232 ff.

48. Ibid. 197 ff. and 251 ff. There is important material on the activities of the

Litzmannstadt ofﬁce in the ﬁnal report of the head of the Litzmannstadt ofﬁce

concerning the resettlement in the Wartheland under the second short-range

plan at the end of 1940 (BAB, R 75/6).

endnotes 867

49. End-of-year ﬁnal report of the Central Land Ofﬁce for 1942 (BAB, R 49/195);

see Heinemann, ‘Rasse’ , 212 ff.

50. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 217 ff.

51. For examples see ibid. 209 f.

52. BAB, NS 2/60, report of the RuS-leader with the EWZ, Ku

nzel, 20 December

1939, and Pancke report of 20 December 1939.

53. Ibid. Ku

nzel report of 20 December 1939.

54. Ibid. 20 December 1939 .

55. BAB, NS 2/88, 14 October 1939; Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 234 f.

56. BAB, R 69/178 , EWZ North-East to Chief of Sipo and SD, 17 January 1940;

IfZ, NO 4326, Hofmann, 25 January 1940.

57. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 236.

58.

BAB, R 69/178,

EWZ N orth-East to Chief of Sipo and SD, 17 January 1940.

59. USHMM, RG 15.015 M/162, RKF, signed Creutz, to HSSPF Warthe, North-

East and South-East, 18 January 1940.

60. BAB, NS 2/61, meeting in the EWZ North-East on 1 April 1940.

61. BAB, R 69/598, report on the conference of the RuS ofﬁces as part of the

conference of the Immigration ofﬁces on 11 /12 January 1941 in Dresden,

paper given by the head of the Clan Ofﬁce, Richard Kaaserer.

62. BAB, R 69/598, letter of 18 November 1940. Epikanthus medialis is the medical

term for the so-called Mongol fold or crease, a crescent-shaped fold at the

internal edge of the eye, which was popularly known as ‘slit eyes’ and is

common among many East Asian peoples. Himmler evidently wanted to be

sure that this feature would be noted.

63. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 242 ff. BAB, R 49/14, Reich Ethnic German Commissar,

Resettlement in the East. Figures for 31 December 1942; here the total number

of ethnic Germans resettled from the Baltic up to this point is given as 126,000.

64. BAB, NS 2/88,

EWZ

North-East, Posen branch, RuS-Ofﬁce to the head of

the Posen Immigration branch ofﬁce, 26 March 1940, ﬁnal report on the

processing of the Baltic Germans; see Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 244 ff.

65. BAB R 69/516 EWZ North-East, Posen branch, RuS Ofﬁce to HSSPF Koppe

re: racial assessment of the ethnic Germans from Vollhynia, Galicia, and the

Narev district who have been processed by 18 February 1940, 20 February

1940.

66. BAB, R 69/501, EWZ, Roving Commission I, addition to the Vollhynian and

Galician statistics, 20 August 1940.

67. BAB, R 69/178, summaries. Included here were a total of over 147 ,000 people

who had been resettled from these districts.

68. BAB, R 69/598, report on the meeting of the RuS ofﬁces as part of the EWZ

meeting of 11–12 January 1941 in Dresden.

69. There is an excellent overview in the introduction to the Dienstkalender, 81 f.

See also BAB, R 49/26, RKF, report to Himmler re: Statistics on the resettle-

ment situation on 15 April 1941, 5 May 1941.

868 endnotes

70. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 247 f.

71. BAB, NS 19/150, the date is unreadable.

72. Ibid. Brandt to Koppe, 9 August 1940: ‘The ﬁve girls you sent from Berlin

have arrived safely.’

73. Ibid. Personal Staff to Greifelt, 30 May 1941.

74. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 246 ff.

75. Himmler’s Memorandum on the Treatment of the Ethnic Aliens in the East

(May 1941), ed. Helmut Krausnick, Vierteljahrshefte fu

r Zeitgeschichte, 5 (1957),

194–8.

76. According to Himmler’s handwritten minute (28 May 1940) on the memo-

randum (see n.75) Hitler had considered it ‘very good and correct’; but he

[Himmler] should ‘keep it absolutely secret’ and show it to Frank ‘to tell him

that the Fu

hrer considers it correct’.

77. USHMM, RG 15.015 M/259, order concerning the deployment of Poles

capable of being Germanized, 3 July 1940; on the re-Germanization process

see Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 282 ff.

78. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 197 ff. and 251 ff.

79. Ibid. 283.

80. BAB, R 49/75,

Hecht/Wetzel memoradum, 25 Nove

mber 1939. They as-

sumed a ﬁgure of 1.3 million Poles in the annexed territories capable of being

Germanized.

81. The aim of Germanizing a million people is contained in Himmler’s Edict on

the Inspection and Selection of the Population of the Occupied Eastern

Territories of 12 September 1940, quoted in Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 282.

A note from the Reich Economics Ministry of 1 November 1940 states: ‘In

response to a telephone inquiry the Reich Commissar for the Consolidation of

the Ethnic German Nation stated that in accordance with a decision of the

hrer, up to a million Poles can be Germanized in Germany. At the moment

around 800–900 people are being Germanized. However, the Reich Commis-

sar estimates that the increasing numbers of those being registered will initially

lead to the Germanization of around 100,000 people. In view of the very strict

medical and racial criteria being applied the ﬁgure of 1 million will probably

not be achieved’ (USHMM, RG 15 .007 M/125).

82. USHMM, RG 15.015 M/ 251, Himmler to the HSSPF East, North-East,

Vistula, Warthe, South-East, 20 May 1941. The letter referred to the ‘indige-

nous West Pru ssians’. However, Himmler made it clear that his comments

applied to all the annexed territories.

83. See his remarks in his speech of 29 February 1940 (BAB, NS 19/4007, and

below p. 475).

84. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 479 f.; Himmler’s signed order as RFK 42Io

f23 July

1941 (USHM

M,RG 15.007 M/125) was of decisive importance.

85. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 261 f.

endnotes 869