Longerich Peter. Heinrich Himmler: A Life

Подождите немного. Документ загружается.

R. Browning, Ganz normale Ma

nner. Das Reserve-Polizeibataillon 101 und die

‘Endlo

sung’ in Polen (Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1993); Daniel Jonah Goldhagen,

Hitlers willige Vollstrecker. Ganz gewo

hnliche Deutsche und der Holocaust (Berlin,

1996); Konrad Kwiet, ‘Auftakt zum Holocaust. Ein Polizeibataillon im Os-

teinsatz’, in Bundeszentrale fu

r politische Bildung (ed.), Der Nationalsozialismus

(Frankfurt a. M., 1993), 191–208;Ju

rgen Mattha

us, ‘What about the “Ordi-

nary Men”? The German Order Police and the Holocaust in the Occupied

Soviet Union’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 10/2 (1996), 134–50; Klaus-

Michael Mallmann, ‘Vom Fußvolk der “Endlo

sung”. Ordnungspolizei, Ostk-

rieg und Judenmord’, Tel Aviver Jahrbuch fu

r Deutsche Geschichte, 26 (1997),

355–91; Neufeld, Huck, and Tessin, Ordnungspolizei.

25. These were members of the ‘Reinforced Police Protection’, composed of those

born between 1901 and 1909, the full complement of which at the beginning

of the war was supposed to be 95,000 (BAB, R 19/382, address by Daluege, 16

January 1941). At the beginning of 1942, of the 117,52 5 reservists who had

been called up only 7,325 were

with the battalions (NS 19/335,

Daluege’s

lecture at the meeting of 1 to 4 February 1942). The total strength of all the

battalions ran to just 60 000 men (ibid. memorandum from the chief of the

order police, 20 August 1940).

26. The volunteers of the so-called ‘operation 26,000 men’ were recruited from

those born between 1918 and 1920 (police trainees), as well as from the years

1905 to 1912 (rec ruited as corporals) (BHStA, Reichsstatthalter Epp, decrees

from the RFSS of 11 und 31 October 1939, decree from the Reich Minister of

the Interior of 25 October 1939). Volunteers were deployed in a total of 31

battalions, in other words, only about half of those recruited from operation

26,000 men (cf. BAB, NS 19/395, memorandum from the chief of the order

police, 20 August 1940).

27. Wegner, Politische Soldaten, 142 and 149 ff.

28. On this matter see Yehoshua Bu

chler, ‘Kommando stab Reichsfu

hrer-SS:

Himmler’s Personal Murder Brigades in 1941’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies,

1/1 (1986 ), 11–25, here 13 f., and also Martin Cu

ppers, Wegbe

reiter

der Shoah.

Die Waffen-SS, der Komman dostab Reichsfu

hrer-SS und die Judenvernichtung

1939–1945 (Darmstadt, 2005), 64 ff.

29. BAB, NS 19/3508, SS Leadership Ofﬁce, 24 April and 6 May 1941.

30. Ibid. order from Himmler, 17 June, effective on 21 June 1941.

31. These are described in detail in Cu

ppers, Wegbereiter, 33 ff.

32. BAM, M 806 (copies from the Military Archive in Prague), actual strength end

of July 1941.

33. BAM, RH 22/155, publish ed in Reinhard Ru

rup (ed.), Der Krieg gegen die

Sowjetunion 1941–1945. Eine Dokumentation (Berlin, 1991), 45; on the details of

how this arose see Fo

rster, ‘Unternehmen Barbarossa’, 511; Ralf Ogorreck, Die

Einsatzgruppen und die ‘Genesis der Endlo

sung’ (Berlin, 1996), 19 ff. The accom-

panying letter from the supreme commander of the army of 24 May 1941

890 endnotes

(Disziplinar-Erlass, in Jacobsen, ‘Kommissarbefehl’, doc. no. 10) took the line

of preventing the ﬁghting troops from interpreting this Fu

hrer order in too

extreme a manner.

34. BAM, RH 2/2082; published in Ru

rup (ed.), Krieg, 46 . On the commissar

order in general see Fo

rster, ‘Unternehmen Barbarossa’, 520 ff.

35. BAM, RH 22/12. On the conditioning of the troops through propaganda see

rster, ‘Unternehmen Barbarossa’, 525 ff.

36. BAB, NS 19/3957, 11 to 15 June 1941, see Dienstkalender.

37. Johst, Ruf.

38. Note on the ﬁle concerning a conversation with Johst on 26 February 1940

(BAB, NS 19/1446); see Du

sterberg, Johst, 305.

39.AsRudolf Brandt called him (BAB, NS 19/1945, 10 August 1942).

40. IMT, vol. 4, pp. 535 f. Von dem Bach-Zelewski dated the mee ting in Nurem-

berg to the beginning of 1941.

41.

This

emerges unanimously from the statements of the members of the Ein-

satzkommandos present.

42. BAB, R 70 SU/32.

43. BAB, R 70 SU/31 , published in Peter Longerich (ed.), Die Ermordung der

europa

ischen Juden. Eine umfassende Dokumentation des Holocaust 1941–1945 (Mu-

nich, 1989), 116 ff.

44. This was also how it was put in a letter of 29 June 1941.

45. Dienstkalender, 16 and 17 June 1941.

46.On16, 17, 18, and then again on 23 June 1941 (ibid.).

47. Ibid.; BAB, R 70 SU/32, deployment order no. 1 of 1 July 1941.

48. OA Moscow, 500-1-758, 1 July 1941.

49.EM19. For the period 23 June 19 41 to 24 April 1942 the RSHA compiled

reports from the Einsatzgruppen, numbered according to the sequence of days,

under the title ‘News of events in the USSR’.

The

originals can be found in

R 58/214–21.

50. Dienstkalender.

51. BAB, R 20/79, KTB Pol.B tl. 322.

52. Hearing of 20 April 1966 (ZStL, 73/61,vol.6, pp. 1510 ff).

53. BAB, R 20/79, KTB Pol.B tl. 322, 9 July 1941.

54. BAB, R 20/80, KTB Pol.B tl. 322 (annexes), order of 11 July 1941.

55. Angrick et al., ‘Tagebuch’, 334 ff.; judgment of the regional court of Bochum

against members of the police battalion 316 that also participated in this

massacre (LG Bochum, 6 June 1968, ZStL, II 202 AR-Z 168/59).

56. Dienstkalender;EM21.

57. Andrzej Zbikowski, ‘Local Anti-Jewish Pogroms in the Occupied Territories

of Eastern Poland, June–July 1941’, in Lucjan Dobroszycki und Jeffrey

S. Gurock (eds), The Holocaust in the Soviet Union: Studies and Sources on the

Destruction of the Jews in the Nazi Occupied Territories of the USSR, 1941–1945

(Armon

NY, and London, 1993), 173–9, names 35 places for eastern Galicia

endnotes 891

alone. Aharon Weiss, ‘The Holocaust and the Ukrainian Victims’, in Michael

Berenbaum (ed.), A Mosaic of Victims: Non-Jews Persecuted and Murdered by the

Nazis (New York, 1990), 109–15, identiﬁes 58 pogroms in the western

Ukraine, including Volhynia. See also Bogdan Musial, ‘Konterrevolutiona

Elemente sind zu erschießen’. Die Brutalisierung des deutschsowjetischen Krieges im

Sommer 1941 (Berlin and Munich, 2000), 172, with numerous references to

further pogroms.

58. BAB, NS 19/4008, speech to the reinforcements for the North unit, 13 July

1941.

59. Set down in the Fu

hrer decree on the administration of the newly occupied

eastern territories of 17 July 1941 (Doc. L-221,inIMT, vol. 38 ,pp.86 ff.).

60. BAB, R 43 II/683a. Rosenberg had been designated for this responsibility since

Hitler gave him the task at the beginning of April of setting up an ‘ofﬁce’ for

‘eastern questions’. On Rosenberg’s preparations for the war against the Soviet

Union see Yitzhak Arad, ‘Alfred Rosenberg and the “Final Solution” in the

Occupied Soviet Territories’, Yad Vashem Studies, 13 (1979), 263–86,at265 ff.

61. Hitler’s decisions were laid down in several decrees drawn up on 17 July 1941,

among them in particular the decree mentioned in note 59 and also the decree,

important in this present connection, concerning the provision of security by

the police in the newly occupied eastern territories (IfZ, NG 1688, published

in ‘Fu

hrer-Erlasse’, no. 99).

62. See note 2.

63.

BAB,

NS 19/1739.

64. IfZ, NO 4724, RFSS to Lorenz and Heydrich, 11 July 1941.

65. This was how Rosenberg—as conﬁrmation of his own idea—remembered on

9 August something that Go

ring had said, according to which Himmler was

‘tasked exclusively with providing security through the police in this territory’

and ‘the Reichsfu

hrer-SS’s responsibilities in relation to the consolidation of

the German nation’ were ‘uneq uivocally restricted to the German Reich and

did not apply to the eastern territories’ (BAB R 6/23, note from Rosenberg).

See also Mu

ller, Ostkrieg, 98.

66. BAB, BDC, SS-O Globocnik, note on the ﬁle from Himmler, 21 July 1941.

67. Tagebu

cher Goebbels, 19 August 1941.

68. For details see Longerich, Davon, 159 ff.

69. OA Moscow, 500-1-25, copy also in ZStL, Doc. UdSSR, Nr. 401 and

published in Klein (ed.), Einsatzgruppen, 342. On the Einsatzgruppen reports

and their distribution see Ronald Headland, Messages of Murder: A Study of the

Reports of the Einsatzgruppe n of the Security Police and the Security Service, 1941–1943

(Rutherford, 1992), and Longerich’s summary in Der

ungeschr

iebene Befehl.

Hitler und der Weg zur ‘Endlo

sung’ (Munich and Zurich, 2001 ), 112.

70. IfZ, NOKW 2079, published in Jacobsen, ‘Kommissarbefehl’, 184 f. See also

YV, M 36/3 (copies from the Military Archive in Prague), minutes of the

meeting in the ofﬁce of the operations ofﬁcer, which make clear that Himmler

892 endnotes

wanted to deploy the Commando Staff troo ps selectively: ‘The units subordi-

nated to the Commando Staff will be deployed in the realm of political

administration. Larger companies may be deployed in the rear area. Members

of the Commando Staff and of the units subordinated to it have no role to play

in the ﬁeld of operations or in the rear area.’

71. Dienstkalender;Cu

ppers, Wegbereiter, 136.

72. KTB Kdostab RFSS, published in Unsere Ehre heißt Treue. Kriegstagebuch des

Kommandostabes Reichsfu

hrer-SS, Ta

tigkeitsberichte der 1. und 2. SS-Infanterie-

Brigade, der 1. SS-Kavallerie-Brigade und von Sonderkommandos der SS (Vienna,

1965), 219 and 30. The Cavalry Brigade was formed on 2 August 1941.

73. Dienstkalender, 21 July 1941.

74. Ibid. 29–31 July 1941.

75. OA Moscow, 500-1-25,Ja

ger’s report.

76.EM96; Wilhelm, Einsatzgruppe A, 113.

77. Judgment passed at Ulm, 29 August 1958, published in Justiz und NS-Verbre-

chen. Sammlung deutscher Strafurteile wegen nationalsozialistischer To

tungsverbrechen

1945–1966, vol. 15 (Amsterdam, 1976), no. 465.

78. KTB Kdostab RFSS, 31 July 1933,

published in Unser

e Ehre, 33; BAB,

R 20/45b, diary of von dem Bach-Zelewski. See also Dienstkalender.

79. KTB Kdostab RFSS, 28 July 1941, published in Unsere Ehre, 220 ff.

80. BAM, RS 3-8/36; on the meeting with Himmler see also BAB, R 20/45b,

diary of von dem Bach-Zelewski, 31 July 1941.

81. BAM, RS 4/441, Abt.-Befehl Nr. 2;Cu

ppers, Wegbereiter, 143.

82.Cu

ppers, Wegbereiter, 142 ff.

83. BAM, RS 4/441;Cu

ppers, Wegbereiter, 151.

84.Cu

ppers, Wegbere iter, 253 ff. The discrepancies in the ﬁgures presumably arose

from initial misunderstan dings when they were passed on.

85. USHMM, RG-48.004, Reel 2,

Box 24, 2nd

Cavalry Regiment, mounted

detachment, Report of 12 August 1941 (copies from the Military Archive ,

Prague), published in Unsere Ehre, 227 ff.

86.Cu

ppers, Wegbereiter, 194 ff.

87. Ibid. 203. In its ﬁnal report of 18 September 1941 for both phases of their

‘cleansing operation’ the brigade notiﬁed a total of 14,178 looters shot, 1,001

partisans shot, and 699 members of the Red Army (USHMM, RG 48.004, Reel

2, Box 24).

88. Amongst others with Daluege, Jeckeln, and Knoblauch (Dienstkalender, 8, 12,

and 13 August 1941).

89. IfZ, NOKW 1165, report of HSSPF South to Army High Command, 1

August 1941, report on cleansing operation. On the 1st Brigade’s murders

in July and August see Cu

ppers, Wegbereiter, 165 ff., and also Bernd Boll,

‘“Aktionen nach Kriegausbruch”. Wehrmacht und 1. SS-Infanteriebrigade

1941’, Zeitschrift fu

r Geschichtswissenscha ft , 48 /9 (20

00), 775–88.

endnotes 893

90. Report from 1st SS Brigade, 30 July 1941, for 27 to 30 July, in Unsere Ehre, 197

ff. See also BAB, NS 33/39, report from 1st SS Brigade, 30 July 1941, on the

period 27 to 30 July, and in addition NS 33/22, report on the activities of the

Commando Staff RFSS, 6 August 1941, on the period 28 July to 3 August 1941.

91. Report from 1st SS Brigade for the period 3 to 6 August, in Unsere Ehre, 108 f.;

see also Shmuel Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 1941–1944 ( Jerusa-

lem, 1990), 76 f., for further details, and also Cu

ppers, Wegbereiter, 174, whose

estimates have been used here.

92. Dienstkalender; BAB, NS 33/320, adjutant to RFSS, 11 August 1941, also NS

33/312, Commando Staff, 12 August 1941.

comparison of the numbers of

victims shows that the Cavalry Brigade had already shot a considerably larger

number of Jews.

93. Report from 1st SS Brigade of 10 August 1941 for the period 6 to 10 August, in

Unsere Ehre, 111 ff.; EM 59 of 21 August 1941;NS33/22, report of Comman-

do Staff of 10 September 1941 on activity 1 to 7 September. On further units

see Cu

ppers, Wegbereiter, 203 ff.

94.EM60; see also NS 33/22, Jeckeln’s reports to the Commando Staff, 27 to 30

August 1941.

95. Randolph L. Braham, ‘The Kamenets-Podolsk and De

lvide

k Massacres: Pre-

lude to the Holocaust in Hungary’, Yad Vashem Studies, 9 (1973), 133–56;

Klaus-Michael Mallmann, ‘Der qualitative Sprung im Vernichtungsprozess.

Das Massaker von Kamenez-Podolsk Ende August 1941’, Jahrbuch fu

r Anti-

semitismusforschung, 10 (2001), 239–64.

96.EM88; see also NS 33/22,

telex from HSSPF South, 5 Septe

mber 1941.

97.EM106.

98. On the Babi Yar massacre see Krausnick, ‘Einsatzgruppen’, 189 f.; Hartmut

ss, ‘Wer war verantwortlich fu

r das Massaker von Babij Jar?’, Milita

rgeschich-

tliche Mitteilungen, 57/2 (1998), 483–508; Erhard Roy Wiehn (ed.), Die Schoa

von Babij Jar. Das Massaker deutscher Sonderkommandos an der ju

dischen Bevo

lk-

erung von Kiew 1941 fu

nfzig Jahre danach zum Gedenken (Konstanz, 1991); Klaus

Jochen Arnold, ‘Die Eroberung und Behandlung der Stadt Kiew durch die

Wehrmacht im September 1941. Zur Radikalisierung der Besatzungspolitik’,

Milita

rgeschichtliche Mitteilungen, 58/1 (1999), 23–63.

99. On Einsatzgruppe C see Dieter Pohl, ‘Schauplatz Ukraine. Der Massenmord

an den Juden im Milita

rverwaltungsgebiet und im Reichskommissariat

1941–1943’, in Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, O

ffentlichkeit. Neue Studien zur natio-

nalsozialistischen Lagerpolitik, ed. Norbert Frei, Sybille Steinbacher, and Bernd

C. Wagner for the Institut fu

r Zeitgeschichte (Munich, 2000), 135–73; Pohl,

‘Die Einsatzgruppe C 1941/42’,

in Peter Klein (ed.), Die

Einsatzgruppen in

der besetzten Sowjetunion 1941/42. Die Ta

tigkeits- und Lageberich te des Chefs

der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD (Berlin, 1997), 71–87. On the individual units

there is the following information: Einsatzkommando 5 shot all inhabitants of

one place, including women and children, for the ﬁrst time in the middle of

894 endnotes

September and then continued this practice (EM 119 of 20 October 1940:

Bogusslaw, Uman, Cybulow, and others). In the Shitomir area Kommando

4a had been shooting women in large numbers, and very soon after children

as well, from the beginning of A ugust (ZStL, judgment of the regional court

at Darmstadt, 29 November 1968). Police battalion 45, which belonged to the

police regiment South began shooting Jews indiscrimin ately at the end of

July/beginning of August (ZStL, II 204 AR-Z 1251/65, indictment and

judgment). The commander, Besser, stated he had been acting in accordance

with an order from the commander of the police regiment South, who in

issuing the command had in turn referred to a general command from

Himmler to liquidate (ibid. indictment). It can be veriﬁed that police battal-

ion 314, also part of police regiment South, had been shooting women and

children since 22 July (ZStL, 204 AR-Z 1251/65 D, note at the end of the ﬁle

by the Bavarian State Criminal Police, 19 December 1977. In addition BAB,

NS 33/22, telex from HSSPF South , 21, 24, und 27 August with reports of

shootings carried out by battalion 314).

100. Dienstkalender.

101. Ibid.; on this journey see also in particular Gerlach, Morde, 571 ff.

102. Klaus Hesse, ‘“ ...Gefangenen lager, Exekution,...Irrenanstalt ...”. Walter

Frentz’ Reise nach Minsk im Gefolge Heinrich Himmlers im August 1941’, in

Hans Georg Hiller von Gaertringen (ed.), Das Auge des Dritten Reiches. Hitlers

Kameramann und Fotograf Walter Frentz (Munich and Berlin, 2006), 176–94.

103. Paul D., testimony of 8 January 1963, ZStl 208 AR-Z 203/59,

red

ﬁle, Z-

Prot. II, vol. 3, Quoted after Riess, Anfa

nge, 275 f. Riess rightly rejects all

assertions as unproven that Himmler felt ill at this shooting and that this

personal experience was responsible for the introduction of gassing vehicles in

the east.

104. ZStL, 201 AR-Z 76/59, 8 October 1971, vol. 11, pp. 7605 ff.

105. Gerlach, Morde, 572 f. According to Gerlach the relevant testimony of von

dem Bach-Zelewski provides no evidence that Himmler alluded to the

murder of all Jews in his speech.

106. Dienstkalender, 15 August 1941.

107. Ibid.; BAB, BDC, SS-O Pﬂaum, letter to Himmler of 11 July 1941 and

Pﬂaum’s note of 25 August 1941.

108.BAB,R 6/23, Himmler to Rosenberg, 19 August 1941, also Rosenberg to

Lammers, 23 August 1941.

109. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 420 f.

110. Dienstkalender.

111. OA Moscow, 1323-1-53,

and BAB, R 43 II/684a,

Lammers to Rosenberg re

Himmler’s spheres of responsibility, 6 September 1941.

112. In a discussion on 22 October Himmler and Lammers agreed for the time

being not to approach Hitler concerning this matter, though in Lammers’s

view that would be necessary if the matter were to be pursued (BAB, R 43 II/

endnotes 895

396, Heydrich to Lammers, 18 September 1941, and also Lammers’s note of

23 October 1941, published in Deutsche Politik im ‘Protektorat Bo

hmen und

hren’ unter Reinhard Heydrich 1941–1942. Eine Dokumentation, ed. Miroslav

rny’, Jaroslava Milotova

, und Margita Ka

rna

(Berlin, 1997), 82 ff. and 132;

see also Dienstkalender , 22 October 1941.On14 and 15 October Rosenberg

complained again about SS and police attempts to extend their powers in the

Soviet territories (BAB, R 43 II/684a, Lammers’s notes of 23 and 28 October

1941). The consequence was the discussion betw een Himmler and Rosenberg

of 15 November 1941, about which Himmler informed Lammers on 25

November 1941 (see below p. 538).

113. BAB, NS 19/1734.

114. BAB, R 6/9, note from HSSPF Ostland, 17 February 1942.

115. Dienstkalender .

116. Ibid.

117. Ibid.; PRO,

HW 16/32,

Himmler to HSSPF Koppe, Posen.

118. Dienstkalender and also BAB, NS 19/ 3957, itinerary on which Cherson is

noted.

119. ZStL, 213AR 1898/66, indictment of 8 March 1966. See also IfZ,NOKW

3233, report on the activity of Sonderkommando 11a in Nikolajev, 18–31

August 1941; cf. Angrick, Besatzungspolitik, 241 ff.

120. Dienstkalender , 4. October 1941; what Himmler said emerges from a post-war

testimony of the former head of Einsatzkommando 11a, Paul Zapp, who

reports on it.

121. StAnw Mu

nchen, 118 Ks 268, indictment of 8 March 1966; BAM, RH 20-

11/488, report on the activity of Sonderkommando 11a in Cherson, 22

August to 10 September 1941. Se e Angrick, Besatzungspolitik, 251 ff.

122. BAB, R 6/34a, published in Werner Koeppen, Herbst 1941 im ‘Fu

hrerhaupt-

quartier’. Berichte Werner Koeppens an seinen Minister Alfred Rosenberg, ed. and

with

commentary by Martin Vogt (Koblenz, 2002), 59.

123. Dienstkalender.

124. Ibid.

125. Ibid.; Christian Gerlach, ‘Failure of Plans for an SS Extermination Camp in

Mogilev, Belorussia’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 11/1 (1997), 60–78.

126. Dienstkalender.

127. Ibid.

128. Hitler, Monologe, 25 October 1941.

129. BAB, R 6/9, joint instruction from Himmler und Rosenberg, 19 November

1941.

130. BAB, R 43 II/684a.

131. BAB, NS 19/38 85, note on the ﬁle from Himmler , 15 November 1941 ; R 6/

9, note from Rosenberg, 19 November 1941. On the meeting with Hitler,

attended also by Bouhler, see Dienstkalender. See also Piper, Rosenberg , 587.

Three days previously Himmler had also, though unsuccessfully, tried to get

896 endnotes

himself acknowledged by the party as having sole responsibility for the

‘consolidation of the Germ an nation’. He was, however, obliged to make

do with an ‘Ofﬁce for National Identity (Volkstum)’ (Dienstkalender, 13

November 1941).

132.BAB,NS19/4010, published in Himmler, Geheimreden, 162 ff., quotation 169.

133.BAB,NS19/4014, published in Himmler, Geheimreden, 203.

chapter 20

1. The hypothesis that as early as the summer of 1941 theregimehadtakena

fundamental decision systematically to murder all European Jews and had drawn

up relevant plans is no longer tenable, however (details can be found in Long-

erich, Politik, 421 ff.) Thus Richard Breitman’s thesis that at the end of August, a

few weeks after Heydrich’s ‘authorization’ by Go

ring, Himmler had approved a

completed ‘plan’ by Heydrich for the murder of the European Jews by gassing

rests on an error: the entry in the diary kept by Himmler’s private secretaries for

26 August 1941, on which Breitman’s argument is based, in fact refers to the

approval of a ‘travel plan’ by Heydrich, who intended to ﬂy to Norway (Breit-

man, Architekt, 262 and 272; Dienstkalender, 26 August 1941). In addition, the

testimony of the Auschwitz commandant Rudolf Ho

ss that some time in

‘summer 1941’ he had been summoned to Himmler and told in conﬁdence

that Hitler had ‘ordered the ﬁnal solution to the Jewish question’ and that he,

Himmler, had identiﬁed Auschwitz for this, cannot be quite accurate, as the

‘existing annihilation locations in the east’, of which, according to Ho

ss’s

recollection, Himmler spoke, at this point did not yet exist. If this interview

took place at all a date of 1942 appears more plausible, the more so because in his

post-war testimonies Ho

ss frequently confused these two years (Rudolf Ho

ss,

Kommandant in Auschwitz. Autobiographische Aufzeichnungen,withanintroduc-

tion and commentary by Martin Broszat (Stuttgart, 1958), 157 ff.; see also his

corroborating statement of 14 April 1946 in IMT,vol.11,pp.438–66).

2. Longerich, Politik, 427 .

3. Wolf Gruner draws attention to this: ‘Von der Kollektivausweisung zur

Deportation der Juden aus Deutschland (1938–1945). Neue Perspektiven

und Dokumente’, Beitra

ge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus, 20 (2004),

21–62,at48.

the sources see the details in the Dienstkalender, 2 and 4

September 1941. The editors point to the fact that Koppe’s letter of 10

September is not preserved but that what it refers to can be reconstructed

from the record of correspondence kept by the Personal Staff.

4.OttoBra

utigam, ‘Aus dem Kriegstagebuch des Diplomaten Otto Bra

utigam’,

with an introduction and commentary by H. D.Heilmann, Beitra

ge zur natio-

nalsozialistischen Gesundheits und Sozialpolitik, 4 (1989), 123–87, 14 September

endnotes 897

1941.Bra

utigam was Rosenberg’s liaison with the Wehrmacht High Com-

mand.

5. Dienstkalender. The author of this suggestion, Carltheo Zeitschel, had already

formulated it in August (CDJC, V- 821.8.41, published in Klarsfeld, Vichy,

367). Zeitschel informed Dannecker, the Gestapo ofﬁcer for Jewish matters in

Paris, about the meeting of Himmler and Abetz on 8 October (CDJC, V-16;

published in Serge Klarsfeld, Die Endlo

sung der Judenfrage in Frankreich (Paris

1977), 25).

6. Dienstkalender; ADAP, Series D, vol. 13, 2, no. 327, 16 September 1941.

7. BAB, NS 19/2655, published in Longerich, Ermordung, 157.

8. BAB, R 6/34, Koeppen-Aufzeichnungen, 21 September 1941, published in

Koeppen, Herbst 1941, 34 f. Koeppen had this information from the diploma t

Gustav Adolf Steengracht, who belonged to Ribbentrop’s Personal Staff. It is

possible that at this point Steengracht was not yet aware of Hitler’s decision to

deport the Jews.

9. Goebbels gave the instruction that if corres pondents asked questions they

should be told that the Jews were being sent to the east ‘to work’ (NS 18

alt/622, minutes of the propaganda conference, 23 October 1941). On the

details see Longerich, Davon, 182 f.

10. See for example the Neue Zu

rcher

Zeitun

g of 20 October 1941, which published

a UPI report on 18 October about the deportations from the Rhineland and

Berlin. The New York Times had already carried a report on 18 October 1941

with further details about the situation of the Berlin Jews. On 22 October the

Neue Zu

rcher Zeitung, on the basis of a UPI report of 20 October, wrote that the

deportations were continuing and that a total of 20,000 people were affected.

11. Longerich, Politik , 427 ff.

12. Longerich, Davo n, 199 f.

13.On4 October Heydrich spoke of the ‘plan to resettle all Jews outside Europe’,

referring on 6 October to a statement ‘from the highest level’ that ‘Jewry’ had

‘to disappear from Europe once and for all’ (BAB, NS 19/1734, at a meeting

with representatives from the Ministry for the East and also CDJC, I 28,

published in Klarsfeld, Vichy, 369 f., letter to the army Quartermaster-General).