Longerich Peter. Heinrich Himmler: A Life

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Wirtschaft, Besatzungspolitik und Milita

rverwaltung, compiled and ed. Martin

Moll (Stuttgart, 1997 ).

63. This agreement was contained in a Ribbentrop edict of 26 October 1939,

which is referred to by Likus in a note dated 8 August 1940 about the SD

abroad (PAA, Inland IIg 71).

64. BAB, R 58/243, agreement of 8 August 1940 (Annex A of the RFSS’s circular

edict of 23 May 1942).

65. Vo

lkischer Beobachter, 22 and 23 Oct ober 1936.

66. On the police conferences see Jacobsen, Nationalso zialistische Außenpolitik,

462 f.

67. PAA, Inland IIg 71; BAB, NS 19/253, programme for the German–Italian

conference: NS 19/256,Bu

low-Schwandte (Foreign Ministry) to Himmler

concerning the impending conference, 24 August 1937.

68. BAB, NS 19/2736, Personal staff (Brandt) to the RFSS’s press ofﬁce, 28 August

1937.

69. ‘Unter Kameraden’ (articles and photos on the visit), in Das Sc hwarze Korps, 28

October 1937.

70. USHMM, Acc. 1999.A.0092.

71.

Ibid. 15 Novem

ber 1937.

72. Ibid. 14, 17, and 19 November 1937.

73. On Dollmann see PAA, Inland IIg 82, Pusch notes for Luther, 3 and 9 March

1942, which refer to a ‘close relationship of trust’ between them. See also

Dollmann’s memoirs, Dolmetscher der Diktatoren (Bayreuth, 1963).

74. Dollmann, Dolmetscher, 82.

75. USHMM, Acc. 1999.A.0092, 9–13 December 1937.

76.NARA, T 580/207/725, RFSS to Wu

st, 10 December 1937.

77. Doc. PS-386, in: IMT, vol. 25,pp.402 ff., minutes by Colonel Hossbach dated

10 November 1937 of the meeting of 5 November 1937; see in particular

Walter Bussmann, ‘Zur Entstehung und U

berlieferung der “Hoßbach-Nie-

derschrift”’, Vierteljahrshefte fu

r Zeitgeschichte, 16 (1968), 373–84,

and Bradley

Smith, ‘Die U

berlieferung der Hoßbach-Niederschrift im Lichte neuer

Quellen’, Vierteljahrshefte fu

r Zeitgeschichte, 38 (1990), 329–36. On the ‘decisive

year 1937’ see Klaus Hildebra nd, Das vergangene Reich. Deutsche Außenpolitik von

Bismarck bis Hitler 1871–1945 (Stuttgart, 1995), 632 ff.

78. On the Blomberg–Fritsch affair see Mu

ller, Heer, 255 ff.; Karl-Heinz Janssen

and Fritz Tobias, Der Sturz der Genera

le. Hitler und die Blomberg–Fritsch-Krise

1938 (Munich, 1994).

79. On this reshufﬂe see Tobias, Sturz, 48 ff. Janssen und Tobias convincingly

demonstrate that, with his reshufﬂe of 1938, Hitler found a way out of a crisis

which was unexpected and which had initially bafﬂed him, indeed plunged

him into despair; this is also shown by the Goebbels diaries for this period.

80. Walter Schellenberg, The Schellenberg Memoirs, ed. Louis Hagen (London,

1956), 31 f.

850 endnotes

81. Horst Mu

hleisen, ‘Die Fritsch-Krise im Fru

hjahr 1938. Neue Dokumente aus

dem Nachlaß des Generalobersten’, in Milita

rgeschichtliche Mitteilungen, 56/

2 (1997), 471–508. This contains Fritsch’s letter to Himmler (doc. 5), which

was not sent, in which he spelled out his failures and challenged him to a duel.

In particular, in the statements published here as documents 7 and 8, Fritsch

accused Himmler of having intentionally initiated the affair.

82. Tagebu

cher Goebbels, 31 January 1938.

83. Ibid. 18 March 1938.

84. Ibid. 12 August 1938.

85. All documents in BAB, NS 19/3940: with a letter of 28 February 1938

Himmler had initially assigned the investigation to the Small Arbitration

Court, but, after receiving a report, subsequently ordered proce edings to be

started by the Great Arbitration Court. See also the report of the Great

Arbitration Court of 23 May 1938 and RFSS to the Arbitrator of the Great

Arbitration Court, 17 June 1938.

86. Ibid.

87. BAB, NS 19/4005, speech to the Gruppenfu

hrer meeting in Munich, 8 No-

vember 1938.

88. BAB, BDC, SS-O Wittje, Himmler to Daluege, 11 September 1942.

89. Janssen and Tobias, Sturz, discuss the possibility that Himmler wanted to

become War Minister or to take over a new ministry in the military ﬁeld. In

any case, Hitler made it clear to the generals that he decisively rejected such an

idea (128 ff.).

90.

USHMM

, Acc. 1999.A.0092.

91. Neufeld, Huck, and Tessin, Ordnungspolizei, 9 ff.

92. On the occupation and annexatio n of Austria see Dokumentationsarchiv (ed.),

‘Anschluß’ 1938. Protokoll des Symposiums in Wien am 14. und 15 .Ma

rz 1978

(Vienna, 1981); Gerhard Botz, Die Eingliederung O

sterreichs in das Deutsche Reich.

Planung und Verwirklichung des politisch-administrativen Anschlusses (1938–1940),

2nd rev. edn. (Vienna, 1976); Norbert Schausberger, Der Griff nach O

sterreich.

Der Anschluß (Vienna and Munich, 1978).

93. Helmuth Koschorcke, ‘“Unternehmen Otto”. Die deutsche Polizei in den

historischen Tagen der Wiedererschaffung Großdeutschlands’, in Die Deutsche

Polizei, 7,of1 April 1938.

94. Tagebu

cher Goebbels, 3 April 1938.

95. Himmler order of 12 March 1938, published in Die faschistische Okkupationspo-

litik in O

sterreich und der Tschechoslowakei (1938–1945), documents selected and

introduced by Helma Kaden (Berlin, 1988), doc. no. 3. He had already

organized the deployment of the order and security police for the occupation

of Austria on the day before his ﬂight: BAB, R 19/401, Himmler order re:

‘Special assignment Austria’, 11 March 1938.

endnotes 851

96. Statement by Peter Revertera, the former director of security for Upper

Austria, April 1946, published in Dokumentationsarchiv (ed.), ‘Anschluß’

1938, 328.

97. RMBliV, 23 March 1938, 472 ff. Heydr ich had already issued the relevant

instructions internally on 15 March; see Franz Weisz, ‘Personell vor allem ein

“sta

ndestaatlicher” Polizeiko

rper. Die Gestapo in O

sterreich’, in Gerhard

Paul and Klaus-Michael Mallm ann (eds), Die Gestapo. Mythos und Realita

(Darmstadt, 1995), 439– 62.

98. Weisz, ‘Personell’, 439 f. and 445.

99. Ibid. 440.

100. BAB, NS 19/3951, ofﬁce diary for 1938.

101. See e.g. Widerstand und Verfolgung in Wien 1934–1945. Eine Dokumentation,

published by the Dokumentationsarchiv des o

sterreichischen Widerstandes,

ed. Wolfgang Neugebauer, 3 vols. (Vienna, 1975), vol. 2, doc. no. 1, contains

the report of an e

migre

newspaper of 2 April 1938 from which it is clear that

120 socialists had already been arrested in Vienna; the report of the Vienna

Gestapo on the communist and Marxist movement from the beginning of

1939 states that since the Anschluss 890 communist suspects had been arrested

(doc.

no. 20).

102.

BAB, NS 19/3951, ofﬁce diary for 1938.

103. USHMM, Acc. 1999.A.0092, 4 May 1938.

104. Neufeld, Huck, and Tessin, Ordnungspolizei, 11; doc. USSR-509,inIMT, vol.

39, pp. 536 ff.: note of June 1938 concerning the deployment off the SD in the

case of ‘SR’; Gesta po presentation for Best concerning the deployment of the

SD in the ‘SR’ 29 June 1938; Security Main Ofﬁce proposal for the deploy-

ment of the SD in the event of an occupation of the whole of Bohemia–-

Moravia–Silesia, 29 September 1938.

105. Oldrich Sla

dek, ‘Standrecht und Standgericht. Die Gestapo in Bo

hmen und

hren’, in Gerhard Paul and Michael Mallmann (eds), Die Gestapo im

Zweiten Weltkrieg. ‘Heimatfront’ und besetztes Europa (Darmstadt, 2000),

317–39, esp. 317–21;Jo

rg Osterloh, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung im

Reichsgau Sudetenland 1938–1945 (Munich, 2006), 185 ff.

106. George H. Stein, Geschichte der Waffen-SS (Du

sseldorf, 1967), 21; details of the

military deployment are contained in the bundle of documents PS-388 in

the

IfZ.

107.

Werner Ro

hr, ‘Das Sudetendeutsche Freikorps—Diversio nsinstrument der

Hitler-Regierung bei der Zerschlagung der Tschechoslowakei’, Milita

geschichtliche Mitteilungen, 52 (1993), 35–66.

108. Doc. EC- 366,inIMT, vol. 36, pp. 356 ff., Report on his activities as OKW

liaison ofﬁcer with the Sudeten German Free Corps, quotation 360.

109. Ibid. 361.

110. BAB, NS 19/4005, speech at the Gruppenfu

hrer meeting in Munich, 8 No-

vember 1938, published in Himmler, Geheimreden, 25 ff.

852 endnotes

111. Herbert Rosenkranz, Verfolgung und Selbstbehauptung. Die Juden in O

sterreich

1938–194 (Vienna, 19 78), 20 ff.

112. On the background and establishment of th e Central Agency see Hans

Safrian, Die Eichmann-Ma

nner (Vienna and Zurich, 1993), 23 ff.; Rosenkranz,

Verfolgung, 120 ff.

113. Peter Longerich, Politik der Vernichtung. Eine Gesamtdarstellung der nationalso-

zialistischen Judenverfolgung (Munich and Zurich, 1998), 177.

114. The matter is in OA Moscow, 500-1-549.

115. Walk (ed.), Sonderrecht,II569.

116. Longerich, Politik, 195 ff.; Trude Maurer, ‘Abschiebung und Attentat. Die

Ausweisung der polnischen Juden und der Vorwand fu

r die “Kristallnacht”’,

in Walter H. Pehle (ed.), Der Judenpogrom 1938. Von der ‘Reichskristallnacht’

zum Vo

lkermord (Frankfurt a. M., 1988), 52–73.

117. On the press coverage see Longerich, ‘Davon’, 124 ff.

118. On the events in Kurhessen see Dieter Obst, ‘Reichskristallnacht’. Ursachen und

Verlauf des antisemitischen Pogroms vom November 1938 (Frankfurt a. M., etc.,

1991), 67 ff.; Wolf-Arno Kropat, Kristallnacht in Hessen. Der Judenpogrom vom

November 1938. Eine Dokumentation (W

iesbade

n, 1988), 21 ff.

119.BAB,NS19/4005, speech at the Gruppenfu

hrer meeting in Munich, 8 No-

vember 1938, published in Himmler, Geheimreden, 25 ff., quotation 37.

120. Tagebu

cher Goebbels, 10 November 1938. Vom Rath, who was attended by

Hitler’s personal doctor with strict instructions ‘to act as consultant and report

directly’, died around 4 p.m. (Vo

lkischer Beobachter, 9 November 1938); the

fact that news of his death reached Munich in the course of the afternoon was

conﬁrmed both by the Reich Press Chief Otto Dietrich (12 Jahre mit Hitler

(Munich, 1955), 56) and by the Gauleiter of Magdeburg-Anhalt (Rudolf

Jordan, Erlebt und Erlitten. Weg eines Gauleiters von Mu

nchen bis Moskau

(Leoni and Starnb. See , 1971), 180 ).

121. This is clear from the seating arrangements, which are in the ﬁle Bu

rgerme-

ister und Rat Nr. 458/3 (Handakten Fiehler) in the Munich city archive.

122. Obst, ‘Reichskristallnacht’; Hans-Ju

rgen Do

scher, ‘Reichskristallnacht’. Die No-

vemberpogrome 1938 (Frankfurt a. M., etc., 1988).

123. Statement by Karl Wolff, IfZ, ZS 317 II, 22 March 1948.

Wolf

f’s statement is

supported by that of his colleague Luitpold Schallermeier: IMT, vol. 42,

pp. 510 ff., and vol. 21,p.392; see also IfZ, ZS 526, interrogation of 23

June 1947.

124. Doc. PS-374,inIMT,vol.25, pp. 377 f.

125. Doc. PS-3051,inIMT, vol. 31 , pp. 516 ff.

126. On the mass arrests see Heiko Pollm eier, ‘Inhaftierung und Lagererfahrung

deutscher Juden im November 1938’, Jahrbuch fu

r Antisemitismusforschung,

8 (1999), 107–30; Harry Stein, ‘Das Sonderlager im Konzentrationslager

Buchenwald nach den Pogromen 1938’, in Monica Kin green (ed.), Nach der

endnotes 853

Kristallnacht. Ju

disches Leben und antiju

dische Politik in Frankfurt am Main

1938–1945 (Frankfurt a. M., 1999), 19–54.

127. This refers to the sessions chaired by Go

ring on 12 November (doc. PS-1816,

in IMT, vol. 28, pp. 499 ff.) and 6 December (Go

tz Aly and Susanne Heim,

‘Staatliche Ordnung und “organische Lo

sung”. Die Rede Hermann Go

rings

“u

ber die Judenfrage” vom 6. Dezember 1938’, Jahrbuch fu

r Antisemitismus-

forschung, 2 (1993 ), 378–404) and the meeting chaired by Frick on 16 Decem-

ber, in Bevo

lkerungsstruktur und Massenmord. Neue Dokumente zur deutschen

Politik der Jahre 1938–1945, compiled and with a commentary by Susanne

Heim and Go

tz Aly (Berlin, 1991), doc. no. 1, 15– 21.

128. Doc. PS-1816 ,inIMT, vol. 28, pp. 499 ff. On this meeting see the account in

Walter Strauss, ‘Das Reichsministerium des Inneren und die Judengesetzge-

bung. Die Aufzeichnungen von Dr. Bernhard Lo

sener: Als Rassereferent im

Reichsminis

terium des Inneren’, Vierteljahr

shefte fu

r Zeitgeschichte, 9 (1961),

262–313, here 286 ff.

129. BAB, R 58/276.

130. RGBl 1939 I, 1097. For details on the background see Wolf Grun er, ‘Poverty

and Persecution: The Reichsvereinigung, the Jewish Population, and Anti-

Jewish Policy in the Nazi State, 1939–1945’, Yad Vashem Studies, 27 (1999),

23–60, here 28 ff., and Esriel Hildesheimer, Ju

dische Selbstverwaltu ng unter dem

NS-Regime. Der Existenzkampf der Reichsvertretung und Reichsvereinigung der

Juden in Deutschland (Tu

bingen, 1994), 79 ff.

131. Adam, Judenpolitik , 213 ff.; Longerich, Politik, 212 ff.

132. Frankfurter Zeitung, 11 November 1938, Order of the Reichsfu

hrer-SS and

Chief of the German Police; Decree Concerning the Banning of the Posses-

sion of Weapons by Jews of 11 November 1938,inRGBl 1938 I, 1573.

133.

Ibid. 1676 and 17

04.

134. Walk (ed.), Sonderrecht,II37, order of 29 November 1938.

135. Ibid. III 47.

136. Herbert A. Strauss, ‘Jewish Emigration from Germany. Nazi Policies and

Jewish Response’, Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook, 25 (1980), 313–61 (I), and 26

(1981), 343–409.

137. On these negotiations see Ralph Weingarten, Die Hilfeleistungen der westli chen

Welt bei der Endlo

sung der deutschen Judenfrage. Das ‘Intergovernmental Committee

on Political Refugees’ IGC 1938–1939 (Bern, Frankfurt a. M., and Las Vegas,

1981).

138. BAB, NS 19/3666.

139. Neufeld, Huck, and Tessin, Ordnungspolizei, 11.

140. Decree Concerning the Establishment of the Administration and of the

German Security Police in the Protectorate, RGBl 1939 I, 1682f.; Sla

dek,

‘Standrecht’; Helmut Krausnick, ‘Die Einsatzgruppen vom Anschluß O

ster-

reichs bis zum Feldzug gegen die Sowjetunion. Entwicklung und Verha

ltnis

zur Wehrmacht’, in id. and Hans-Heinrich Wilhelm, Die Truppe des Wel-

854 endnotes

tanschauungskrieges. Die Einsatzgruppen der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD

1938–1942 (Stuttgart, 1981), 13–278, here 25 f.; Detl ef Brandes, Die Tschechen

unter deutschem Protektorat, vol. 1: Besatzungspolitik, Kollaboration und Wider-

stand im Protektorat Bo

hmen und Ma

hren bis Heydrichs Tod 1939–1942 (Muni ch,

1969), 37 f.

141.BAB,NS2/86, RFSS, Head of the Main Ofﬁce, signed Himmler, 3 September

1935.

142. Ibid. undated, signed Himmler.

143. Ibid. undated and unsigned note. On the beginnings of settlement policy see

Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 71 ff.; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 251 ff.

144. Andrea D’Onofrio, ‘Rassenzucht und Lebensraum: Zwei Grundlagen im

Blut- und Boden-Gedanken von Richard Walther Darre

’, Zeitschrift fu

Geschichtswissenschaft ‘Berlin’, 49 (2001), 140–57, with the text for the speech

at the conference of Gau agricultural advisers in Weimar on 23–4 January

1936—see in particular p. 55; for further examples of similar comments by

Darre

or members of his entourage see Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 71.

145. BAB, BDC, SS-O Reischle,

two undated speeches on the topic of settling

‘new

space’, given around March 1939. In fact Reischle wanted to resettle

around 700,000 Czechs from the agrarian districts of the Bohemian–Mor-

avian region to the towns and to settle a similar number of Germans from the

Reich in the same area in two stages.

146. On the DAG see Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 288 ff.; BAB, NS 2/ 86, Gottberg

(Settlement Ofﬁce) to the board of the Dresdner Bank re: the (disguised)

takeover of the DAG by the SS, 24 October 1938, and report of the DAG to

the head of the Ministry of Agriculture in Vienna, 8 November 1938;NS2/

55, Darre

to Himmler, 20 September 1939: ‘The German Settlement Associ-

ation, Berlin, is working closely with the SS Race and Settlement Main

Ofﬁce; it has been provisionally designated by me as the ofﬁcial settlement

association for the whole of the Reich including the Eastern March and most

of the Sudetenland.’

147. On the activities of the DAG in Austria see Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 121 ff.;

Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 294 f.

148.BAB,NS2/86, Gottberg to the head of RuSHA, 20 August 1938.

149.BAB,NS2/54, Pancke to Himmler, 7 October 1938;NS2/64 Pancke to the

Personal Staff, 15 July 1938.

150. Kaienburg elucidates this difference of opinion between Darre

and Himmler,

see Wirtschaft, 265 ff.

151.

ustavo Corni and Horst Gies, Brot—Butter—Kanonen. Die Erna

hrungs-

wirtschaft in Deutschland unter der Diktatur Hitlers (Berlin, 1997), 184 f. and 194.

152.BAK,NL1094,I65a, so-called Darre

Diary, edited by Hanns Deetjen. It is

clear from the preface that in 1969 Deetjen prepared excerpts from the

original diary.

153. Ibid.

endnotes 855

154. Ibid. 25 December 1937 and 3 January 1938.

155. BAK, NL 1094,I10, Darre

to Himmler, 8 February 1938.

156. However, Himmler dismissed Darre

‘subject to the Fu

hrer’s approval’ (ibid.

Himmler to Darre

, 28 February, conﬁrmation by Darre

of 1 March 1938).

157. BAK, NL 1094,I10.

158. Ibid. note concerning a phone-call from the Reich Peasant Leader from

Berchtesgaden, 28 February 1938.

159. Himmler had already secured approval on 2 March 1938 (BAB, BDC, SS-O

Darre

, note of 5 March 1938). He informed Darre

of this decision only on 26

April 1938 (ibid. letter of 26 April 1938).

160. Pohl was prompted to make this ‘bold suggestion’ when the Finance Minister

rejected an increase in the subsidy paid to RuSHA (BAB, BDC, SS-O Pohl,

30 March 1938 ). On the reorganization of the Indoctrination department see

Himmler’s order of 1 August 1938 (NS 2/ 86).

161. On his resignation see Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 112 f.;

Uwe Mai, ‘Rasse

und

Raum’. Agrarpolitik, Sozial- und Raumplanung im NS-Staat (Paderborn, etc.,

2002), 114 ff.; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 268 ff.; Bramwell, Blood, 133.On

Pancke’s appointment see BAB, BDC, SS-O Pancke, overview of service

record.

162. BAB, BDC, SS-O Dar re

, Darre

to Himmler, 6 July 1938.

163. BAK, NL 1094 , 65a, entries for 17 April and 8 and 25 December 1937, 9 and

13 January, and 28 February 1938.

164. See the private correspondence between the two in BAK, NL 1094,I58, and

Darre

’s letter to Himmler of 6 July 1938 (BAB, BDC, SS-O Darre

165. On the South Tyrol question see Conrad F. Latour, Su

dtirol und die Achse

Berlin–Rom 1938–1945 (Stuttgart, 1962); Leopold Steurer, Su

dtirol zwischen

Rom und Berlin 1919–1939 (Vienna, etc., 1980); Karl Stuhlpfarrer, Umsiedlung

dtirol 1939–1940 (Vienna, etc., 1985).

166.

Stuhlpf

arrer, Umsiedlung, 53. It is clear from Likus’s (SS liason ofﬁcer with the

Foreign Ministry) note of 4 April 1939 that Himmler had already received the

commission at this point; this is also the source of the 30,000 ﬁgure (BAB, NS

19/2070).

167. Stuhlpfarrer, Umsiedlung, 54. In his letter to Himmler of 14 April 1939 ,

however, Hofer still appears uncertain as to whether South Tyrol is to be

ﬁnally given up for ever (BAB, NS 19/2070).

168. BAB, NS 19/2070, memorandum of 30 May 1939; Stuhlpfarrer, Umsiedlung,

63 ff.

169. BAB, NS 19/2070, Himmler’s note on the meeting. Wolff produced more

detailed minutes and Greifelt another version (ibid.). On the German side,

Lorenz, Behrends, Bohle, state secretary von Weizsa

cker, and other repre-

sentatives of the Foreign Ministry took part. See Stuhlpfarrer, Umsiedlung,

68 ff.

856 endnotes

170.BAB,NS19/2070, memorandum concerning the German–Italian negotia-

tions on the question of the resettlement of the South Tyroleans (with a

detailed chronology), 9 December 1939.

171. Stuhlpfarrer, Umsiedlung, 86 ff.; on the agreements reached on 21 October

1939 see ibid. 148 ff.

172. On the results of the negotiations see ibid. 97 ff. The deadline of three months

for the Reich Germans was to start from the date at which the resettlement

agencies had been established.

173. Liaison ofﬁce with RuSHA in Prague, 18 April 1939, concerning the takeover

of the Land Ofﬁce ‘on political grounds’ in accordance with the agreement

between the head of the SS Race and Settlement Main Ofﬁce and the head of

the SS Security Main Ofﬁce. Pancke had proposed the takeover of the Land

Ofﬁce in a letter to Heydrich of 31 March 1939 ; Pancke referred to the recent

‘abrupt takeover and securing of the Lithuanian and Jewish farms in Memel’.

Pancke justiﬁed the SS acquiring responsibility as follows: ‘Since in my view

the settlement problem, particularly outside the old frontiers of the Reich, is

primarily a political one, in my view it can only be dealt with by a political

organization, in other word s the SS, and not by ministerial agencies, which

hitherto have generally demonstrated their unsuitability for carrying out

political tasks.’ On the takeover of the Land Ofﬁce and its work under

Gottberg see Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 168 ff., Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 131 ff., and

Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 313 ff.

174. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 139.

175.BAB,NS2/164, Gottberg to Himmler, 12 July 1939; see Heinemann, ‘Rasse’,

144.

176. That is clear from the speeches Hermann Reischle gave in the spring (BAB,

BDC, SS-O Reischle). Reischle wanted to settle around 150,000 German

peasa

families on the land and to drive around the same number of Czechs

into the towns of the Protectorate. Half of all the independent peasant farms

should be given to Germans.

177. For example Pancke to Himmler, 15 April 1939 (BAB, NS 2/138); see

Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 132 f.

178.BAB,NS2/139, 11 August 1939. See also NS 2/ 138, letter from Darre

of 17

May 1939, in which he objects to the SS taking over responsibility for

settlement. On the Darre

–Gottberg conﬂict and his dismissal see Heinemann,

‘Rasse’, 146 ff., and Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 327 ff.

179.BAB,NS2/139, Pancke, report on the inspection of the Prague Land Ofﬁce,

November 1939.

180.BAB,NS2/139, Gottberg to Reich Minister of the Interior, 9 August 1939.

181. Darre

complained to Himmler about it on 20 September 1939 (BAB, NS 2/

55); on the German Settlement Association (Deutsche Ansiedlungsge-

sellschaft) see in detail Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 288 ff.

182. Heinemann, ‘Rasse’, 148.

endnotes 857

183. Ibid. 150; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 332.

184. BAB,BDC, SS-O Jansen, letter of 27 August 1939.

185. Ibid. Personnel Main Ofﬁce (Schmitt) to Eicke, 18 January 1940. It states that

Jansen expressed a wish to Himmler ‘to spend some time at the front attached

to a high-level staff in order to gain impressio ns he can use later in his

writings’. Jansen’s service with the Death’s Head division is documented in

a note of 21 August 1940.

186. BAB, BDC, SS-O Jansen.

chapter 15

1.NARA, T 580/150/225, Ahnenerbe to Himmler, 9 September 1939. Among

other things the brief study compared ‘the chain of fortiﬁcations against the

Hungarians [ ...]with the building of our West Wall’.

2. See in particular Wildt, Generation, 419–580.

3. Ibid. 421 f.

4. Thus, in his Reichstag speech of 1 September 1939 Hitler declared: ‘Last

night, for the ﬁrst time the Polish army opened ﬁre on our territory. Now,

since 5.45 we have been returning ﬁre’ (Hitler, R eden und Proklamationen

[Domarus], ii.1312 ff., quotation 1315).

5. IfZ, ZS 573, interrogation of Emanuel Schaefer, the former head of the Stapo

ofﬁce, on 13 June 1952, by the Cologne public prosecutor.

6.Ju

rgen Runzheimer, ‘Die Grenzzwischenfa

lle am Abend vor dem deutschen

Angriffauf Polen’, in Wolfgang Benz and Hermann Graml (eds), Sommer 1939.

Die Großma

chte und der Europa

ische Krieg (Stuttgart, 1979), 107–47; see also id.,

‘Der U

berfall auf den Sender Gleiwitz im Jahre 1939’, Vierteljahrshefte fu

Zeitgeschichte, 10 (1962), 408–26;Ho

hne, Orden, 240 ff.;

doc.

PS-2751, state-

ment by Naujock, 19 November 1945,inIMT, vol. 31, pp. 90 ff.

7. Rolf Michaelis, Die Geschichte der SS-Heimwehr Danzig 1939 (Rodgau, 1990);

Dieter Schenk, Die Post von Danzig. Geschichte eines deutschen Justizmords

(Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1995).

8. Schellenberg, Memoirs, 71 ff.

9. Wegner, Politische Soldaten, 302.

10. BAB, NS 19/4005, published in Himmler, Geheimreden, 25 ff., here 31; see

Wegner, Politische Soldaten, 127.

11. Wegner, Politische Soldaten, 126; for further details see Otto Weidinger,

Division Das Reich. Der Weg der 2. SS-Panzer-Division ‘Das Reich’. Die

Geschichte der Stammdivision der Waffen-SS (O snabru

ck, 1967), vol. 1:

1934–1939, 139 ff. and 274 ff.

12. Wegner, Politische Soldaten, 126; Weidinger, Das Reich ,i

.320 ff.

13.

Sydnor, Soldaten, 33 ff.

14. Wegner, Politische Soldaten, 124 f.; Sydnor, Soldaten , 37 ff.

858 endnotes

15. Wegner, Politische Soldaten, 126 f.; Friedrich Husemann, Die guten Glaubens

waren. Geschichte der SS-Polizeidivision (4. SS-Polizei-Panzer-Grenadier-Division),

vol. 1:1939–1942 (Osnabru

ck, 1971), 17 f.

16. Wegner, Politische Soldaten, 127 f.

17. For literature on the war against Poland and on the ﬁrst phase of occupation see

Dieter Pohl, Von der ‘Judenpolitik’ zum Judenmord. Der Distrikt Lublin des

Generalgouvernements 1939–1944 (Frankfurt a. M., etc., 1993); Jansen und Weck-

becker, ‘Selbstschutz’; Horst Rohde, ‘Hitlers erster “Blitzkrieg” und seine

Auswirkungen auf Nordosteuropa’, in Klaus A. Maier et al., Die Errichtung

der Hegemonie auf dem europa

ischen Kontinent (Stuttgart, 1979), 79–156; Czesław

Madajczyk, Die Okkupationspolitik Nazideutschlands in Polen 1939–1945 (Co-

logne, 1988); Krausnick, ‘Einsatzgruppen’, 32 ff.

18. Akten zur deutschen auswa

rtigen Politik 1938–1945. Aus dem Archiv des Auswa

rtigen

Amtes, Series D: 1937–1941, vol. 7: Die letzten Wochen vor Kriegsausbruch (Baden-

Baden, 1967), no. 193; Winfried Baumgart, ‘Zur Ansprache Hitlers vor den

hrern derWehrmacht am 22.8.1939:

eine quellenkritische Untersuchung’,

Vierte

ljahrshefte fu

r Zeitgeschichte, 16 (1968), 120– 49.

19. Krausnick, ‘Einsatzgruppen’, 44; Alexander B. Rossino, Hitler Strikes Poland:

Blitzkrieg, Ideology, and Atrocity (Lawrence, Kan., 2003 ), 66 and 259.

20. BAB, R 58/825, 8 September 1941.

21. Ibid. 16 October 1941.

22. Jansen and Weckbecker, ‘Selbstschutz’, 27 ff.; Włodzimierz Jastrze˛bski, Der

Bromberger Blutsonntag. Legende und Wirklichkeit (Posen, 1990 ).

23. Krausnick, ‘Einsatzgruppen’, 33 ff. There is a detailed account of the leadership

in Rossino, Hitler, 29 ff.

24. Helmut Krausnick, ‘Hitler und die Morde in Polen. Ein Beitrag zum Konﬂikt

zwischen Heer und SS um die Verwaltung der besetzten Gebiete’, Vierteljahr-

shefte fu

r Zeitgeschichte, 11/2 (1963), 196–209, here 207.

25. Dorothee Weitbrecht, ‘Erma

chtigung zur Vernichtung. Die Einsatzgruppen in

Polen im Herbst 1939’, in Klaus-Peter Mallmann and Bogdan Musial (eds),

Genesis des Genozids. Polen 1939–1941 (Darm

stadt, 2004), 57–70,

here 57; Dan

Michman, ‘Why Did Heydrich Write the “Schnellbrief ”? A Remark on the

Reason and on its Signiﬁcance’, Yad Vashem Studies, 32 (2004 ), 433–47, here

439 f.

26. Weitbrecht, ‘Erma

chtigung’, 59 ff.

27. IfZ, NO 2285, Himmler to the heads of the civil administration with the Army

High Commands, 26 September 1939. The decisive conference must have

taken place between 3 and 7 September 1939 ( Jansen and Weckbecker,

‘Selbstschutz’, 48, which is based on Berger’s Nuremberg statement: IfZ, MB

30, 3838 ff.). On 7 October 1939 Himmler issued ‘provisional guidelines for

the organization of the “Self-Defence” in Poland’, quoted in Jansen and

Weckbecker, ‘Selbstschutz’, 52 f., on the basis of documents in the Zentrale

Stelle Ludwigsburg.

endnotes 859