Krishnamurti Bhadriraju. The Dravidian Languages
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7.5 Pr
onominal suf
fixes (gnp
markers)
311
T
able 7.3.
Pr
onominal suf
fixes
(gender
–number–per
son markers)
in
finite
verbs in
Central Dravidian
Kolami (W) Nk./Nk.(Ch.) Parji Ollari Gadaba
1sg un, n, an un, n, an on, en, an, an, on, en, nan, on, en, n
n, in
1pl (excl) um, am, mum, am, mam, um, am, em, am, em,
om, mom, mom, m
1pl (incl) am – ?Imp. ar at, t
Pot. umur
2sg iv, vi ot, at, ut, ta
.
t, o
.
t, e
.
t,
.
ta
.
t, o
.
t, e
.
t,
.
t
2pl ir, rir or, ur, ar, rar, er, or, rer, or, ar, r
3m sg an, en, n, nd an, en, ned/od, ad, a
.
n
.
d, e
.
n
.
d, a
.
n
.
d, e
.
n
.
d,
id, do
.
n
.
d,
.
n
.
do
.
n
.
d,
.
n
.
d
3m pl ar, er ar, er, rar, or, er, ar, er, ar, er,
ir, ror, ror, r
3n-m sg a(d), d, d, un, an o, a, u, øa, e
.
te, e, a, e
.
te, e,
un, in d, ø (a)d
3n-m pl av, ev e, aav, ev, uv, vav, ev, e
.
tev ?er, ev, av,
v, e
.
tev
by a vo
wel). This means that the
final consonant
∗
-t was lost
in these two lan-
guages in the free forms. There is more variation in the non-masculine third-person-
singular
∗
-at and pl
∗
-aw. The singular
∗
-ad is represented in Telugu, Ko
.
n
.
da and
Pengo. Telugu non-masculine plural -wu/-wi is a reflex of the pronoun awi (<
∗
aw-
ay). Gondi and Pengo -V
ŋ
is based
on the neuter plural suf
fix, found
in noun mor-
phology. Pengo has further innovated a separate marker for female human plural -ik
taken from derivational morphology, a feature not shared by the other members of the
subgroup.
7.5.3 Central Dravidian
The reconstructions for first person singular and plural are the same as in South
Dravidian I and II, i.e.
∗
-Vn and
∗
-Vm; similarly the masculine third singular and plural
remain
∗
-and and
∗
-Vr. There is greater uniformity in the non-masculine third singular
and plural reflecting broadly the initial/final syllables of the nominatives, PCD
∗
ad,
∗
aw
(< PD
∗
at-V,
∗
aw-ay). Kolami borrowed from Pre-Telugu the second singular and plural
n¯ıw(u) and
∗
n¯ır (> later in Te. m¯ıru) as well as the personal markers
∗
-Vw and -Vr.
Ollari first plural inclusive -at and the second singular -Vt/-V
.
t (<
∗
-Vtt) look parallel
to Gondi redundant plural -
.
t and the South Dravidian II first plural inclusive marker
derived from
∗
-att.
312 The verb
T
able 7.4.
Pr
onominal suf
fixes
(gender
–number–per
son markers)
in
finite
verbs in
North Dravidian
Ku
.
rux Malto Brahui
1sg nin, en, on iv, ¯ev, v, r
1pl (excl) mim, em, om in, n
1pl (incl) at, t ––
2sg ay, y,(f)ai, (n) i (m) ne, e, ene, o (f/n) ni, i , eni is, ¯es, s
2pl ar, r (f) ai (n) ier, or ire, ¯ere, re
3m sg as, sah, ih, eh, oh e, ik, ak
3n-m sg ¯ı, (n) ¯ı (d/t) aθ, iθ , eθ , oθ
3h pl ar, r (f) ai er, ar, or ir, ¯er, as, os
3n-h pl – –
7.5.4 North Dravidian
The reconstructions for Proto-Dravidian are: 1sg/pl
∗
-Vn/
∗
-Vm, 1pl (incl)
∗
-Vtt, 2sg/pl
∗
-ay ∼
∗
-i/
∗
-ir, 3m sg/pl
∗
-Vnt/
∗
-Vr, 3n-m sg
∗
-Vd. Note that Brahui has lost gen-
der distinction but the contrasts
survive but indifferently as -
as/-os (<
∗
-ant),-ir,-¯er
(<
∗
Vr),-e (<
∗
-Vd); the neuter plural is -Vk in noun morphology which is used as one
of the singular markers.
7.5.5 Summary
The personal suffixes reflect the gender contrasts of the subject pronouns in the third
person. -Vr in the third plural represents [+human]; in South Dravidian II, other than
Telugu, and Central Dravidian, -Vr refers to subject words meaning ‘men or men and
women’, but not an exclusive group of women. The non-masculine (neuter) plural
stands for ‘they’ (non-men). This semantic extension is therefore reconstructable for
Proto-Dravidian. Through a later innovation, following natural circumstances, South
Dravidian I, Telugu and Ku
.
rux–Malto extended it to an exclusive group of women also
and restricted the meaning of neuter plural to non-human categories.
7.6 Finite verbs in the past and non-past
Morpholo
gically most
finite verbs
have three constituents, stem
+ tense/mood +
pronominal
suf
fix, of w
hich the last agrees with the subject noun phrase in (gender-)
number-person. Steever (1988: 111–14) defines finiteness as a syntactic property. Gen-
der occurs only in the third person. Some finite verbs may not carry agreement markers,
but those that carry tense and agreement markers are always finite. In the light of the
description and distribution of tense and person markers, some sample paradigms of
finite verbs are given below.
7.6 F
inite verbs in past
and non-past
313
7.6.1 South Dravidian I
1a. Old Tamil: past Following the past stem and before the personal suffixes, Old
Tamil optionally uses certain ‘empty markers’ called c¯ariyai (-a
n/-in)
11
which have no
parallels in the other Dravidian languages. The diversity of personal morphs indicates a
mixture of several chronological layers as well as regional varieties in the poetic dialects
of Early Tamil. Where the verb stems have morphophonemic changes in inflection, the
roots are cited separately.
1sg k¯a
.
n- ‘to see’: ka
.
n
.
t-a
n-an ‘I saw’, mara-nt-iciny¯an ‘I forgot’, to
.
tu-tt-en
‘I got hold of’, e
.
tu-tt-¯e
n ‘I acquired’, var- ‘to come’: va-nt-¯en ‘I came’,
t¯o
nr-iy-¯en ‘I appeared’
1pl ka
.
ti-nt-a
n-am ‘we av
oided
’ (with -an as an empty
marker),
v¯e
.
n
.
t-in-
am ‘we wished’, k¯av-i
n-em ‘we lifted (the pots) by hanging’, v¯e-
.
t
.
t-¯em
(← v¯e
.
l-tt-¯em) ‘we desired’
2sg va-nt-atai ‘you arrived’ (here both at- and -ai appear to be the 2 person
markers); va-nt-a
n-ai ‘you came’ (with -an as an empty marker), ¯anr-
ici
nn¯ı ‘youstop...’,ninai-in-ai ‘you thought’, va-nt-¯oy ‘you came’
2pl o-tt-a
n-ir ‘you were agreeable’, ko
.
l- ‘to receive’: ko-
.
n
.
t-ir ‘you re-
ceived’, u
.
l
.
l-i
n-ir ‘you thought of’, encey-t -¯ır ‘what did you do?’
3m sg cey-t-a
n-an ‘he did’, t¯ır-tt-an-an ‘he removed, cured’, t¯a˙nk-in-an
‘he held up’,
∗
k¯o
.
l-pa
.
tu ‘to be caught’: k¯o
.
t-pa
.
t
.
t-¯am ‘we were caught’,
ko
.
n-
.
t-¯a
n ‘he
took hold
’, cenr-icin-¯on ‘he
left
’
3f sg ko
.
n
.
t-a
n-a
.
l ‘she took’, to
.
ta˙nk-in-a
.
l ‘she started’, p¯oy-in-¯a
.
l ‘she went’
3h pl/hon sg ma
ra-nt-an-ar ‘he (hon) forgot’, cey-t-¯or ‘he/they did’, ko
.
tu-
tt-¯or ‘they gave away’
3neu sg cel- ‘to go’: cen
r-atu (<
∗
cel-nt-atu) ‘it left’, curu˙nk-in-ru ‘they
dwindled’
3neu pl cey-t-a ‘they (neu) did’
1b. Old Tamil: non-past
1sg k¯a
.
n-p-al/k¯a
.
n-kuv-al ‘I see’, varu-v-al ‘I shall come’, kara-pp-a
n ‘I
will hide’, malai
1
aka
.
z-kkuv-an
2
‘I will dig
2
the mountains
1
’, ka
.
tal
1
t¯ur-kkuv-an
2
‘I will fill up
2
the ocean
1
’, mara-pp-en-¯o ‘will I forget?’,
uva-pp-¯e-
n ‘I shall rejoice’, ari-v-¯en ‘I realize’
1pl k¯a
.
n-k-am/k¯a
.
n-kuv-am ‘we will look at’, cel-v-¯am ‘we will/let us go’,
n¯a
.
n
1
niru-pp-¯am
2
‘we will contain
2
our shame
1
’, ¯aku-t-um ‘we are be-
coming’, varu-t -um ‘we are coming’, amai-k-um ‘we agree with’, cel-
11
The examples are all from Ca˙nkam Classics, cited from Rajam (1992: 585–603).
314 The verb
‘to go’: c¯e-
r-um ‘we shall go’ (< cel-t-), cel-v-¯em ‘we are going’, ari-
vi-pp-¯em ‘we will make (somebody) know’, t¯ır-kkuv-¯om ‘we will cure’
2sg e
n-p-¯a ‘you are saying’, tura-pp-¯ay ‘you are renouncing (her)’, p¯o-kuv-
¯ay ‘you are going’, i
ra-tt-i ‘you are departing’, a˜ncu-t-i ‘you are afraid
of’, p¯oku-t-i ‘you are leaving’, ¯a-v-ai ‘you are/will be’, cey-kuv-ai ‘you
make’
2pl a
ri-t-ir ‘you know’, e
.
n
.
nu-t-ir ‘you are thinking’, maru
.
l-t-¯ır ‘you are
confused’, e
n-p-¯ır ‘you are asking’
3m sg varu-kuv-a
n/varu-v-an ‘he will come’, y¯a
.
n
.
tu
1
o
.
li-pp-¯an
2
‘where
1
is
he hiding
2
?’, aracum
1
cell-um
2
‘even the king
1
will go
2
’
3f sg e
n-p-a
.
l ‘she says’, varuntu-v-a
.
l ‘she is g
rieving
’, cel-v-¯a
.
l ‘she will
leave’, iva
.
lum
1
t¯emp-um
2
‘even she
1
is sobbing
2
’
3h pl ¯a-p-a/¯aku-p-a ‘they will belong’, k¯a
.
n-p-ar ‘they will see’, ma
ra-pp-
ar ‘he (hon) will forget’, ko
.
tu-kkuv-ar ‘they will give’
3neu sg v¯e-v-atu ‘it will heat up’, m¯ı
nva
.
za˙nk-un-tu (< -um-tu) ‘the fish
move about’, ulakam
1
viya-kk-um
2
‘the world
1
admires
2
’
3neu pl ka
.
n
.
num
1
pa
.
tu-kuv-a
2
‘eyes
1
will close
2
’, ka
.
n
.
num
1
civa-kk-um
2
‘the eyes
1
are turning red
2
’
2a. Modern Tamil: past (Schiffman 1999: 65–71)
p¯ar ‘to see’, iru ‘to be located’, s¯appi
.
du ‘to eat’, v¯angu ‘to buy, fetch’, pa
.
di
‘to read’, o
.
de (v.i./v.t.) ‘to break’
1sg p¯a-tt-¯en, iru-nd-¯en, s¯appi-
.
t
.
t-¯en, v¯ang-in-¯en, pa
.
di-cc-¯en, o
.
de-cc-¯en
1pl p¯a-tt¯o-m, iru-nd-¯om, s¯appi-
.
t
.
t-¯om, v¯ang-in-¯om, pa
.
di-cc-¯om, o
.
de-cc-¯om
2sg p¯a-tt-¯e, iru-nd-¯e, s¯appi-
.
t
.
t-¯e, v¯ang-in-¯e, pa
.
di-cc-¯e, o
.
de-cc-¯e
2pl p¯a-tt-¯ınga, iru-nd-¯ınga, s¯appi-
.
t
.
t-¯ınga, v¯ang-in-¯ınga, pa
.
di-cc-¯ınga, o
.
de-
cc-¯ınga
3m sg p¯a-tt-¯an, iru-nd-¯an, s¯app-
.
t
.
t-¯an, v¯ang-in-¯an, pa
.
di-cc-¯an, o
.
de-cc-¯an
3f sg p¯a-tt-¯a, iru-nd-¯a, s¯appi-
.
t
.
t-¯a, v¯ang-in-¯a, pa
.
di-cc-¯a, o
.
de-cc-¯a
3h pl/hon sg (mf ) p¯a-tt-¯aru, iru-nd-¯aru, s¯appi-
.
t
.
t-¯aru, v¯ang-in-¯aru, pa
.
di-
cc-¯aru, o
.
de-cc-¯anga
3neu sg p¯a-tt-adu, iru-nd-adu, s¯appi-
.
t
.
t-adu, v¯ang-in-adu, pa
.
di-cc-adu,
o
.
de-cc-adu (v.t.), o
.
de-nj-adu (v.i.)
2b. Modern Tamil: future
1sg p¯a-pp-¯en, iru-pp-¯en, s¯appi
.
du-v-¯en, v¯angu-v-¯en, pa
.
di-pp-¯en, o
.
de-pp-¯en
1pl p¯a-pp-¯om, iru-pp-¯om, s¯appi
.
du-v-¯om, v¯angu-v-¯om, pa
.
di-pp-¯om, o
.
de-
pp-¯om
2sg p¯a-pp-¯e, iru-pp-¯e, s¯appi
.
du-v-¯e, v¯angu-v-¯e, pa
.
di-pp-¯e, o
.
de-pp-¯e
7.6 F
inite verbs in past
and non-past
315
2pl p¯a-pp-¯ınga, iru-pp-¯ınga, s¯appi
.
du-v-¯ınga, v¯angu-v-¯ınga, pa
.
di-pp-¯ınga,
o
.
de-pp-¯ınga
3m sg p¯a-pp-¯an, iru-pp-¯an, s¯appi
.
du-v-¯an, v¯angu-v-¯an, pa
.
di-pp-¯an, o
.
de-
pp-¯an
3f sg p¯a-pp-¯a, iru-pp-¯a, s¯appi
.
du-v-¯a, v¯angu-v-¯a, pa
.
di-pp-¯a, o
.
de-pp-¯a
3h pl/hon sg (mf) p¯a-pp-¯anga, iru-pp-¯aru, s¯appi
.
du-v-¯aru, v¯angu-v-¯aru,
pa
.
di-pp-¯anga, o
.
de-pp-¯anga
3neu sg p¯a-kk-um, iru-kk-um, s¯appi
.
du-um, v¯ang-um, pa
.
di-kk-um, o
.
de-kk-
um (v.t.), o
.
dey-um (v.i.)
The conjugations of Modern Spoken Tamil are much simpler and systematic. Com-
pared to Old Tamil, the phonological changes include (a) representing the voiced stops
distinctly, (b) loss of stem final r before geminate consonants, p¯a(r)-tt-/-pp-, (c) palatal-
ization of a dental following a front vowel or y, e.g. o
.
de-nj-(< o
.
tay-nt-), pa
.
di-cc-
(<
∗
pa
.
ti-tt-) etc., (d) stem-final -e < -ai. Morphological changes include (e) the replace-
ment of human plural -Vr in the second and third persons by -nga <
∗
-m-ka
.
l,(f)
restricting the OTa. aorist -um to the third neuter singular, and (g) the Old Tamil non-
past markers have become regular future-tense markers.
3. Iru
.
la: past and non-past The past is marked by -t(t)-/-
.
t(
.
t)-, -nd-/-n
d-/-
.
n
.
d-, -in-/-n-
and non-past by -kk-/-g- (Zvelebil 1973: 22–3), mu
.
di- ‘to finish’: mu
.
di-tt-e, mu
.
di-kk
-e (1sg), iru- ‘to sit’: iru-nd-e, iru-kk-e, k¯a- ‘to guard’: k¯a-tt-e, k¯a-kk-e, nil- ‘to stand’:
ni-n
d-e, ni-kk-e; tin- ‘to eat’: tin-d-e, tin-g-e, p¯o- ‘to go’: p¯o-n-e, p¯o-g-e. The distribution
of -kk-, -g- corresponds to strong and weak verbs of Tamil. Also there is no palatalization
of the past -tt-inIru
.
la unlike in Middle Tamil, Malay¯a
.
lam and Ko
.
dagu. The paradigm of
var- ‘to come’ in non-past is given below; the second example occurs when followed by
a vowel (Zvelebil 1973: 26):
1sg var (u)-g-e ‘I come’, var(u)-g-en-o? ‘do I come?’
1pl (excl) var(u)-g-amu/var(u)-g-¯emu, ...m-o?
1pl (incl) var(u)-g-o, var(u)-g-om-o?
2sg var(u)-g-a, var(u)-g-a
.
l-o?
2pl var(u)-g-iri, var(u)-g-iriy-o?
3m sg var(u)-g-e, var(u)-g-en-o?
3f sg var(u)-g-a, var(u)-g-a
.
l-o?
3h pl var(u)-g-aru/var(u)-g-¯aru, ...r-o?
3neu sg var(u)-g-udu, ...d-o?
3neu pl var(u)-g-ina, var(u)-g-ina
.
l-o?
4. Kota: past and non-past There seems to be a reversal in the semantics of past and
non-past suffixes in Kota. The past stem formed the regular base to which a non-past
316 The verb
suffix - p-/-k- is added before the personal suffixes in forming the past finite verb, e.g.
v¯a-(va-d-) ‘to come’ (the first paradigm is the regular past and the second past irrealis).
In historical terms, the ascribing of a past meaning to an original non-past suffix -p-is
an innovation in Kota. The suffix -c- in the second past is an original past-tense marker.
But note that vad-(< va-nd-) itself is a past stem historically.
1sg vad-p-¯e(n) ‘I came’, vad-c-¯e ‘I would have come’
1pl (excl) vad-p-¯em, vad-c-¯em
(incl) vad-p-¯om, vad-c-¯om
2sg vad-p-¯ı, vad-c-¯ı
2pl vad-p-im, vad-c-¯ım/-¯ır
3 (sg/pl) vad-k-¯o;
3m sg vad-c-¯an(¯e)
3f sg vad-c-¯a
.
l(¯e)
3h pl vad-c-¯ar(¯e)
3neu sg/pl vad-c-ad(¯e)
5. Toda: past and non-past Past and non-past, e.g. p¨ı: x-(p¯ı-) ‘to go’, p¯or-(pod-)
‘to come’. S
2
given in parentheses is the past stem, which forms the basis of both past
and non-past tenses (Emeneau 1984: 114, 130–1).
1sg p¯ı-ˇs- p-en ‘I went’, pod-ˇs- p-en ‘I came’; p¯ı- p-en ‘I will go’, pod-p-en
‘I will come’
1pl (excl) p¯ı-ˇs- p-em, pod-ˇs- p-em; p¯ı- p-em, pod- p-em
(incl) p¯ı-ˇs- p-um, pod-ˇs- p-um; p¯ı- p-um, pod-p-um
2sg p¯ı-ˇs-p-y, pod-ˇs-p-y; p¯ı-p-y, pod-p-y
2pl p¯ı-ˇs, pod-ˇs; p¯ı-t-ˇs, pod-t-ˇs
3sg pl p¯ı-ˇc, pod-ˇs; p¯ı-t, pod-t
6. Ko
.
dagu: past and non-past Stems of Cl. I ¯od-(¯od-i) ‘to read’, Cl. II ¯ay-(¯a-˜nj-)
‘to choose’, mara-(mara-nd-) ‘to forget’, Cl. III k
¨e
.
l-(k¨e
.
t
.
t-) ‘to ask’, ora
.
d-(ora
.
t-) ‘to
answer’ (Ebert 1996:
10
–13, 18).
1sg ¯od-¨ın-¨e, ¯a-nj-¨e, mara-nd-¨e, k
¨e-
.
t-¨e, ora-
.
t-¨e; ¯odu-v-i, ay-uv-i, mara-p-i,
k
¨e-p-i, ora
.
d-uv-i;
1pl ¯od¨ı-c-i, ¯a-nj-at¨ı, mara-nd-at¨ı, k
¨e-
.
t-at¨ı, ora-
.
t-at¨ı; ¯od-uv-a, ay-uv-a,
mara-p-a, k
¨e-p-a, ora
.
d-uv-a;
2sg ¯od-i-ya, ¯a-nj-iya, mara-nd-iya, k
¨e-
.
t-iya, ora-
.
t-iya; ¯od-uv-iya, ay-uv-
iya, mara-p-iya, k
¨e- p-iya, ora
.
d-uv-iya
2pl ¯od-i-ra, ¯a-nj-ira, mara-nd-ira, k
¨e-
.
t-ira, ora-
.
t-ira; ¯od-uv-ira, ay-uv-ira,
mara-p-ira, k
¨e- p-ira, ora
.
d-uv-ira;
3sg/pl = 1pl structurally.
The first person plural and the third-personal forms in the singular and plural are
totally identical. Apparently there is neutralization of gender and number in the third
7.6 F
inite verbs in past
and non-past
317
person, e.g. ¯od¨ı-c-i ‘we, he/she /it /they read (past)’, ¯od-uv-a ‘we, he/she/it/they will
read’.
7a. Old Kanna
.
da
Past -t-/-d-/id-/-nd-, non-past -v-.
1sg ir- ‘to be’: ir-d-eN ‘I was’, t¯o
ru ‘to show’: t¯or-id-eN ‘I showed’, i
.
d-
‘to hit’: i
.
t-
.
t-eN ‘I hit’, pe
ru- ‘to obtain’: pet-t-eN ‘I obtained’, ke
.
du-
‘to perish’: ke
.
t-
.
t-eN ‘I was ruined’,
∗
ko
.
du-/ku
.
du- ‘to give’: ko
.
t-
.
t-eN ‘I
gave’: similarly, b¯a
.
z-d-eN ‘I lived’, i-tt-eN ‘I gave’, t¯o
ru-v-eN/t¯or- p-eN
‘I will show’, ¯ı-v-eN ‘I will give’, m¯a
.
du- ‘to do’: m¯a
.
du-v-eN/m¯a
.
z-p-eN
‘I will perform’.
1pl ba-nd-evu ‘we came’, p¯e
.
l-d-evu ‘we spoke’, p¯e
.
l-v-evu ‘we will speak’.
2sg m¯a
.
n-d-e ‘you (sg) stopped’, sa-tt-e ‘you died’, m¯a
.
d-id-ai ‘you did’,
ba-nd-ai ‘you came’, ko
.
t-
.
t-ai ‘you gave’, t¯o
ru-v-ai ‘you are showing’,
nu
.
du-v-ai ‘you are talking’.
2pl m¯a
.
d-id-ir ‘you did’, a
ri-v-ir ‘you will know’, bar-p-ir ‘you will come’.
3m sg ba
.
zal-d-aN ‘he became tired’, ugu
.
z-d-aN ‘he spat’, a
.
zi-v-aN ‘he
will destroy’.
3f sg ir-d-a
.
l ‘she was’, pet-t-a
.
l ‘she gave birth to’, me
.
t
.
tu-v-a
.
l ‘she will step
on’.
3h pl a
ri-d-ar ‘they knew’, ba-nd-ar ‘they came’, ki
.
du-v-ar ‘they will
perish’.
3neu sg ba-nd-udu ‘it came’, bar-p-udu ‘it will come’, ku
.
du-v-udu ‘it will
give’.
3neu pl a
.
z-tu-vu ‘they cried’, su
.
t-
.
tu-vu ‘they burnt’, bar-p-uvu ‘they will
come’.
7b. Modern Kanna
.
da (Sridhar 1990: 219–27) m¯a
.
du- ‘to do, make’, kollu- ‘to kill’.
In colloquial Kanna
.
da the Old Kanna
.
da non-past markers -v-/- p- have been, by and
large, replaced by the present-tense marker -utt- to denote present, habitual and future
(Sridhar 1990: 219–20).
1sg m¯a
.
d-id-e(nu) ‘I did’, ko-nd-e(nu) ‘I killed’; m¯a
.
d-utt-¯ene/-¯ıni ‘I do/
will do’
1pl m¯a
.
d-id-evu, ko-nd-evu, m¯a
.
d-utt-¯eve/-¯ıvi
2sg m¯a
.
d-id-e/-i, ko-nd-e, m¯a
.
d-utt-iye/-¯ıya/m¯a
.
du-v-e
2pl m¯a
.
d-id-iri, ko-nd-iri, m¯a
.
d-utt-iri/-¯ıra
3m sg m¯a
.
d-id-a(nu), ko-nd-a(nu), m¯a
.
d-utt-¯ane/m¯a
.
du-v-anu
3f sg m¯a
.
d-id-a
.
lu, ko-nd-a
.
lu, m¯a
.
d-utt-¯a
.
le/m¯a
.
du-v-a
.
lu
3h pl m¯a
.
d-id-aru, ko-nd-aru, m¯a
.
d-utt-¯are/m¯a
.
du-v-aru
3neu sg m¯a
.
d-i-tu, ko-nd-itu, m¯a
.
d-utt-ade/m¯a
.
d-at-te (?)
3neu pl m¯a
.
d-id-avu, ko-nd-avu, m¯a
.
du-tt-ave/m¯a
.
du-v-vu
318 The verb
8. Tu
.
lu: past and non-past The past markers are -Ø- in the neuter third singular,
otherwise -id/-d/-
.
d,-t,-y, e.g. tin- ‘to eat’: tin-d-ε ‘I ate’, tinn-¨ı ‘it ate’, k¯e
.
n- ‘to ask’:
k¯e
.
n-
.
d-ε ‘I asked’, k¯e
.
n-¨ı ‘it asked’; kal ‘to learn’ (Common dialect), ka
.
t¨ı ‘to tie’ (Brahmin
dialect). The present-future (habitual) markers are -v-/-b-, -p with phonological and mor-
phological conditioning, e.g. p¯o- ‘to go’: p¯o- p-ε ‘I go’, ka
.
n
.
du ‘to steal’: ka
.
n
.
du-p-e ‘he
steals’, a
.
dapu/dappu ‘to plough’: a
.
dapu-v-e/dappu-v-e ‘he ploughs’. Also cf. Kekunnaya
(1994: 85–99). The past paradigms of kal- ‘to learn’, ka
.
t- ‘to tie’:
1sg kal-t-ε, ka
.
t-y-ε
1pl kal-t-a, ka
.
t-y-o
2sg kal-t-a, ka
.
t-y-a
2pl kal-t-ar¨ı, ka
.
t-y-ar¨ı
3m sg kal-t-e, ka
.
t-y-e
3f sg kal-t-al¨ı, ka
.
t-y-a
.
l¨ı
3h pl kal-t-er¨ı, ka
.
t-y-er¨ı
3neu sg kal-t-i
.
n
.
d¨ı, ka
.
t-ø-
.
ni
3neu pl kal-t-a, ka
.
t-y-o
9. Koraga: past and non-past The past markers in different dialects are -k-/-kk-/-g-,
non-past
marker -
n-. The
personal suf
fixes are
separated by hyphens in the
examples
in table 7.5: ku
.
t
.
tu- ‘to beat’ (Onti dialect), ka
.
t
.
t¨ı- ‘to tie’ (Tappu dialect), ojji- ‘to say’
(Mudu dialect); paradigms in past and simple non-past (Bhat 1971).
We notice traces of South Dravidian I suffixes mainly in the second plural, third human
plural and third neuter singular. The second singular -a could be derived from South
Dravidian I -ay. The first singular and plural have lost the final consonants of the original
-en,-am. So has the third masculine singular with vowel-raising, -an > -en > -in > -i,
-ar > -er; Koraga past -k-/-g- may appear to be like that of North Dravidian, but there
are no other features that it shares with North Dravidian. It appears that the non-past
Table 7.5. Past and non-past finite verbs in Koraga dialects
Onti Tappu Mudu
past non-past past non-past past non-past
1sg ku
.
t
.
tu-g-e ku
.
t
.
tu-n-e ka
.
t
.
t¨ı-g-e ka
.
t-
.
n-e ojji-g-e ojji-n-e
1pl ka
.
t
.
tu-g-a ku
.
t
.
tu-n-a ka
.
t
.
t¨ı-g-a ka
.
t-
.
n-e ojju-g-u ojju-n-u
2sg ka
.
t
.
tu-g-a ka
.
t
.
tu-n-a ka
.
t
.
t¨ı-g-a ka
.
t-
.
n-a ojji-g-a ojji-n-a
2pl ka
.
t
.
tu-g-er¨ıka
.
t
.
tu-n-er¨ıka
.
t
.
t¨ı-g-er¨ıka
.
t-
.
n-er¨ı ojji-g-r¨ı ojji-n-r¨ı
3m sg ka
.
t
.
tu-g-i ku
.
t
.
tu-n-i ka
.
t
.
t¨ı-g-i ka
.
t-
.
n-i ojji-g-i ojji-n-i
3h pl ka
.
t
.
tu-g-er¨ıka
.
t
.
tu-n-er¨ıka
.
t
.
t¨ı-g-er¨ıka
.
t-
.
n-er¨ı ojji-g-r¨ı ojji-n-r¨ı
3fneu sg ka
.
t
.
tu-g-u ka
.
t
.
tu-n-
.
d¨ıka
.
t
.
t¨ı-g-¨ıd¨ıka
.
t
.
t¨ı-n-d¨ı ojji-g-¨ıd¨ı ojji-n-d¨ı
7.6 F
inite verbs in past
and non-past
319
velar has assumed a past meaning in this language, in the same manner that in Kota past
negative paradigm -p (non-past marker) is used as a past-tense sign. The non-past -n-
has its source in South Dravidian I. In most respects, Koraga seems to be closer to Tu
.
lu
common dialect than to any other member of South Dravidian I.
7.6.2 South Dravidian II
10a. Old Telugu: past and non-past The past is marked by -e-/-iye-, -iti- ∼ -ti- ∼ -
.
ti-
and non-past by -Ø-, -eda-/-du- ∼ -tu- before personal suffixes. Examples of wa
.
n
.
du-‘to
cook’, an- ‘to say’, c¯uc-/c¯u- ‘to see’ are:
Past
1sg wa
.
n
.
d-iti-ni ‘I cooked’, a
.
n-
.
ti-ni ‘I said’, c¯uc-iti-ni ‘I saw’ (in poetry
sometimes the final -ni can be changed to -n or completely dropped)
1pl wa
.
n
.
d-iti-mi , a
.
n-
.
ti-mi, c¯uc-iti-mi
2sg wa
.
n
.
d-iti-wi, a
.
n-
.
ti-wi, c¯uc-iti-wi
2pl wa
.
n
.
d-iti-ri, a
.
n-
.
ti-ri, c¯uc-iti-ri
3m
sg
wa
.
n
.
d-e-nu ‘he,
she, it (n-h) cooked
’, an-e-nu/an-iy-enu ‘he,
she, it,
they (n-h) said’, c¯uc-e-nu ‘he, she, it, they (n-h) saw’.
3hpl wa
.
n
.
d-i-ri ‘they (h) cooked’, an-i-ri ‘they (h) said’, c¯uc-i-ri ‘they (h)
saw’.
Non-past
1sg wa
.
n
.
d-udu-nu/wa
.
n
.
d-eda-nu ‘I cook’, an-du-nu/an-eda-nu ‘I say’,
c¯u-tu-nu/c¯uc-eda-nu ‘I see’
1pl wa
.
n
.
d-udu-mu/wa
.
n
.
d-eda-mu, an-du-mu/an-eda-mu, c¯u-tu-mu/c¯uc-
eda-mu
1pl hortative 1sg wa
.
n
.
du-da-mu ‘let us cook’, an-da-mu ‘let us say’, c¯u-ta-
mu ‘let us see’
2sg wa
.
n
.
du-du-wu/wa
.
n
.
d-eda-wu, an-du-wu/an-eda-wu, c¯u-tu-wu/c¯uc-
eda-wu
2pl wa
.
n
.
du-du-ru/wa
.
n
.
d-eda-ru, an-du-ru ∼ a
.
n-
.
d-ru/an-eda-ru, c¯u-tu-ru/
c¯uc-eda-ru
3sg/n-h pl wa
.
n
.
d-unu ‘he/she/it/they (n-h) cook’, an-unu ‘he/she/it/they
(n-h) say’, c¯uc-unu ‘he/she/it/they (n-h) see’.
3h pl wa
.
n
.
d-udu-ru/wa
.
n
.
d-eda-ru, an-du-ru ∼ a
.
n-
.
d-ru/an-eda-ru, c¯u-tu-ru/
c¯uc-eda-ru
The past-tense morpheme was -V
1
tV
2
- of which the -V
1
- part is predictable. The
past suffix is
∗
-tt-i, presumably a sequence of two past markers. After a root-final
alveolar/retroflex nasal, -t- becomes -
.
t-. In Old Telugu in the third person there was
neutralization of both gender and number yielding a peculiar opposition like human
plural vs. others (m sg, n-m sg, n-h pl) vs. human plural both in the past and non-past.
320 The verb
This feature is found only with -um in Old Tamil also but it was extended to the past tense
in Old Telugu. The past marker in the third singular and neuter plural was apparently
-iya- which later became -e-.
12
In the non-past, the second and third persons plural are totally identical. The non-
past marker -t- belongs to Proto-Dravidian. It appears that -du-/-eda- were not totally
synonymous. The -eda- forms were mostly in the present tense and the -du- forms in
habitual–future. However, this was an innovation in the Telugu literary language, which
was not successfully carried out. Both these non-past markers have become archaic
in Modern Telugu, which has -t-un- for the durative (present-progressive), -t- for the
habitual–future and -
æ
-for the past.
10b. Modern Telugu: past and non-past The past and non-past of Modern Telugu are
not directly related to corresponding markers of Literary Telugu. The past marker -
æ
-is
likely to have been derived from -in¯a- (past -in-, -¯a- presumably a part of the personal
suffix) with the loss of -n-. The non-past -t- was already in colloquial use in the twelfth
century but it entered
the literary dialect only
after the sixteenth century.
Past
1sg wa
.
n
.
d-
æ
-nu ‘I cooked’, an-n¯a-nu ‘I said’, c¯us-
æ
-nu ‘I saw’
1pl wa
.
n
.
d-
æ
-m(u) ‘we cooked’, an-n¯a-m(u) ‘we said’, c¯us-
æ
-m(u) ‘we saw’
2sg wa
.
n
.
d-
æ
-w(u) ‘you (sg) cooked’, an-n¯a-w(u) ‘you (sg) said’, c¯us -
æ
-vu
‘you (sg) saw’
2pl wa
.
n
.
d-
æ
-ru ‘you (pl) cooked’, an-n¯a-ru ‘you (pl) said’, c¯us -
æ
-ru ‘you
(pl) saw’
3m sg wa
.
n
.
d-
æ
-
.
du ‘he cooked’, an-n¯a-
.
du ‘he said’, c¯us -
æ
-
.
du ‘he saw’
3h pl wa
.
n
.
d-
æ
-ru ‘they (h) cooked’, an-n¯a-ru ‘they (h) said’, c¯us -
æ
-nu
‘they (h) saw’
3neu sg wa
.
n
.
d-in-di ‘she/it cooked’, an-na-di ‘she/it said’, c¯us-in-di ‘she/
it saw’
3neu pl wa
.
n
.
d-
æ
-y(i) ‘they (n-h) cooked’, an-n¯a-y(i) ‘they (n-h) said’, c¯us
-
æ
-y ‘they (n-h) saw’
Non-past (habitual–future)
1sg wa
.
n
.
du-t-¯anu ‘I cook/will cook’, a
.
n-
.
t-¯anu ‘I cook/will cook’, c¯us-t-¯anu
‘I see/will see’
1pl wa
.
n
.
du-t-¯am(u), a
.
n-
.
t-¯am(u), c¯us-t-¯am(u)
2sg wa
.
n
.
du-t-¯aw(u), a
.
n-
.
t-¯aw(u), c¯us-t-¯aw(u)
12
This alternation is found in older and later forms of a number of nouns ending in -e: kann-iya >
kann-e ‘maid’, pa
.
l
.
l-iya-mu > pa
.
l
.
l-e-mu ‘a metal plate’, wi
.
d-iya-mu > wi
.
d-emu ‘betel leaf and
betel-nut preparation’.