Krishnamurti Bhadriraju. The Dravidian Languages

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7.6 F

inite verbs in past

and non-past

321

2pl wa

du-t-¯aru, a

t-¯aru, c¯us-t-¯aru

3m sg wa

du-t-¯a

du, a

t-¯a

du, c¯us-t-¯a

3h pl wa

du-t-¯aru, a

t-¯aru, c¯us-t-¯aru

3n-m sg wa

du-tun-di, a

tun-di, c¯us-tun-di

3neu pl wa

du-t-¯ay, a

t-¯ay, c¯us-t-¯ay

Both the past and non-past markers can be traced to Proto-Dravidian sources: Te. -

-in-toPD

∗

-in-/

∗

-iy- and -t- to Proto-Dravidian non-past

∗

-t-/-tt-, followed by

∗

-¯a which

is part of the personal sufﬁx. The non-past -t- is also involved in the formation of the

periphrastic durative, which will be described later.

11. Gondi: past and non-past Rao (1987b: §4.2.3) reconstructs the following para-

digm for the simple indicati

ve past for Gondi dialects, e.g.

tin-(ti-tt-) ‘to eat’. The past

stem is derived from

∗

tin-tt- with the loss of -n. Except Telugu all languages of South

Dravidian II lose the root-ﬁnal

∗

-n before

∗

-tt.

1sg ti-tt-an, 1pl ti-tt-om, 2sg ti-tt-i(n), 2pl ti-tt-ir,3msgti-tt-o

r,3mpl

ti-tt-or, 3n-m sg ti-tt-u, 3n-m pl ti-tt-u-

The non-past (also called present-future) is marked by -nt-/-int-/-t- in different dialects,

e.g. tin- ‘to eat’, w¯a- ‘to come’: tin-t-on ‘I eat/am eating’, w¯a-t-an ‘I come/am coming’

(South Bastar), tin-t-on, w¯a-nt-on (Adilabad), tin-da-t-o-na, w¯ay-i-t-o-na (Western/

Northern) (Rao 1987: 220). Rao reconstructs forms like

∗

tinda-t-an for simple non-

past, in which -da- got dropped in the Adilabad dialect. Still, the contrast between past

and non-past is maintained as ti-tt-an vs. tin-t-an. It appears that the dental is presum-

ably related to non-past -t-/-tt- found in South Dravidian I and Telugu. The origin of

the allomorphs -ant-/-int-/-nt- needs to be examined. In the dialects in which w¯a-t-an is

non-past, the past is wa-tt-an.

The future in Gondi is signalled by -k-/-kk-/-ak-, -an-/-ar-/-al- (Rao 1987b: 226–8),

e.g. tin- ‘to eat’, doh- ‘to tie’, w¯a- ‘to come’:

Wester

n North Bastar

1sg tin-da-k-a tind(a)-k-a(n)

1pl (excl) tin-da-k-om tind(a)-k-om

1pl (incl) tin-da-k-a

t –

2sg tin-da-k-i tind(a)-k-i(n)

2pl tin-da-k-i

t tind(a)-k-i

3m sg tin-d-an-ul tinda-n-or

3m pl tin-d-an-ur tinda-n-ur

3n-m sg tin-d-al-Ø tind-yar-Ø

3n-m pl tin-d-an-u

tind-an-u

In verb stems of (C)

V- type, the dental sufﬁx is not attested, s¯ı-k-a ‘I will give’, w¯a-i-ka

‘I will come’, h¯ur-k-a ‘I will see’. There is also a past habitual conjugation in Gondi

322 The verb

able 7.6.

ense markers

in Gondi dialects

(based on Rao

1987b: 233)

Dialect Non-past Past Habitual past Future

Western tttnd k, an/al

Northern tttnd k, an/al/ar

South-Bastar it tt nd k

South-Bastar (S) tttn k

South-East it tt ? k/kk

Central int tt nd k, an/al

North-Bastar int tt nd k, n, ar

Hill-Maria int tt nd k, n, aR

Adilabad ant tt (a)nd k, n, ar

Southern ant tt nd k, an/ar

Table 7.7. Past and non-past ﬁnite verbs in Ko

Person Past Non-past

1sg

dig-it-a, ki-t-a, m¯u-

t-a, i-R-a

dig-n-a, ki-n-a, m¯u-

n-a, in-Ø-a

1pl (excl)

dig-it-ap, ki-t-ap, m¯u-

t-ap, i-R-ap

dig-n-ap, ki-n-ap, m¯u-

n-ap, in-Ø-ap

1pl (incl)

dig-it-a

t, ki-t-a

t, m¯u-

t-a

t, i-R-a

t dig-n-a

t, ki-n-a

t, m¯u-

n-a

t, in-Ø-a

2sg

dig-it-i(d), ki-t-i(d), m¯u-

t-i(d), i-R-i(d)

dig-n-i(d), ki-n-i(d), m¯u-

n-i(d), in-Ø-i(d)

2pl

dig-it-ider, ki-t-ider, m¯u-

t-ider, i-R-ider

dig-n-ider, ki-n-ider, m¯u-

n-ider, in-Ø-ider

3m sg

dig-it-an, ki-t-an, m¯u-

t-an, i-R-an

dig-n-an, ki-n-an, m¯u-

n-an, in-Ø-an

3m pl

dig-it-ar, ki-t-ar, m¯u-

t-ar, i-R-ar

dig-n-ar, ki-n-ar, m¯u-

n-ar, in-Ø-ar

3n-m sg

dig-it-ad, ki-t-ad, m¯u-

t-ad, i-R-ad

dig-n-ad, ki-n-ad, m¯u-

n-ad, in-Ø-ad

3n-m pl

dig-it-e, ki-t-e, m¯u-

t-e, i-R-e

dig-n-e, ki-n-e, m¯u-

n-e, in-Ø-e

formed by the addition of -nd-/-Vnd- to the stem only in some dialects. Rao (1987b:

230–3) reconstructs -Vnt- as the non-past sufﬁx, with loss of V and n in different dialects

resulting in -t- as the non-past marker in some dialects. He also reconstructs -Vk- as the

future sufﬁx in Proto-Gondi and gives a comparative table of different tense markers in

different dialects, shown here as table 7.6.

12. Ko

da: past and non-past The past marker is -t- with its sandhi variants (-it-,

t-, -R-) and the non-past marker is -n- with its sandhi variants (-

n-, -Ø-), e.g. past:

dig-

(

dig-it-) ‘to get down’, ki-(ki-t-) ‘to do’, m¯ul-(m¯u

t-) ‘to urinate’, in-(iR-) ‘to say’;

non-past:

dig-n-, ki-n-, m¯u

n-, in-Ø-.

da has another ﬁnite verb paradigm, durative (past and non-past), formed by -sin-/

-zin-, which is a combination of perfective marker -si-/-zi- and the non-past-tense marker

-n-. Such constructions with complex tenses/aspects are discussed below (section 7.12).

13. Kui: past and non-past The past-tense allomorphs are -t-/-it-/-d- with sandhi

variants -

t-, -s- and the future-tense allomorphs are -d-/-n- in morphological

7.6 F

inite verbs in past

and non-past

323

able 7.8.

ast and non-past

conjugations

in Kui

Person Past Non-past (future tense) Hortative

1sg k¯o-t-e k¯o-Ø-it¯ak-ak-anu ‘let me walk’

1pl (excl) k¯o-t-amu k¯o-n-amu t¯ak-ak-amu

1pl (incl) k¯o-t -asu k¯o-n-asu t¯ak-ak-asu

2sg k¯o-t-i k¯o-d-i t¯ak-ak-ati

2pl k¯o-t-eru k¯o-d-eru t¯ak-ak-ateru

3m sg k¯o-t-enju k¯o-n-enju t¯ak-ak-anju

3m pl k¯o-t-eru k¯o-n-eru t¯ak-ak-aru

3n-m sg k¯o-t-e k¯o-n-e t¯ak-ak-ari

3n-m pl k¯o-t-u k¯o-n-u t¯ak-ak-ai

Table 7.9. Past and non-past ﬁnite verbs in Kuvi

Person Past Non-past (future tense) Non-past (permissive)

1sg h¯ı-t-e

eh¯ı-

-i v¯a-p-e

e ‘I may come’

1pl (excl) h¯ı-t-omi h¯ı-n-omi –

1pl (incl) – – –

2sg h¯ı-t-i h¯ı-d-i –

2pl h¯ı-t -eri h¯ı-d-eri –

3m sg h¯ı-t -esi h¯ı-n-esi v¯a-p-esi ‘he may come/let him come’

3m pl h¯ı-t-eri h¯ı-n-eri v¯a-p-eri ‘they may come, let them come’

3n-m sg h¯ı-t-e h¯ı-n-e v¯a-pu ‘she or it may come/let her or it come’

3n-m pl h¯ı-t-u h¯ı-n-u v¯a-p-e ‘they may come/let them come’

complementation (-d- in the second person and -n- elsewhere). Some typical conju-

gations, e.g. k¯o- ‘to reap’, t¯ak- ‘to walk’, are shown in table 7.8.

It is interesting that both -d- and -n- occur as non-past markers in complementation;

-k-/-ak- in the Hortative is to be traced to Proto-Dravidian non-past

∗

-kk- which is also

found in the present participle -ki-, e.g. a

t-ki ‘joining’ from a

d- ‘to join’.

14. Kuvi: past and non-past The past markers are -t- with its sandhi variants -it-,

-cc-, -s-/-h-, e.g. ve-cc-(<

∗

wen-tt- ‘hear’ past) after n-ending stems which lose -n; the

non-past (future-tense) markers are -d- and -n- as in Kui. The permissive/hortative is

formed by adding -ap-(-mb- in some conjugations) which clearly seem to be related

to or even derived from Proto-Dravidian

non-past

∗

-mp-/-mpp- [-mb-/-mp-] adapted for

the paradigms in table 7.9; e.g. h¯ı- ‘to give’, v¯a- ‘to come’.

15. Pengo: past and non-past The past marker is -t- with its sandhi variants (-

t-, -c-)

and the non-past (future) is marked by -n- and its sandhi variants (-

n-, -Ø-), e.g. hu

r-‘to

see’.

324 The verb

able 7.10.

ast and non-past

ﬁnite

verbs in Peng

Person Past Non-past (future tense) Non-past (present)

1sg hu

r-t-a

r-n-a

g-a

1pl (excl) hu

r-t-ap hu

r-n-ap hu

r-n-ap-a

1pl (incl) hu

r-t-as hu

r-n-as hu

r-n-ah-a

2sg hu

r-t-ay hu

r-n-ay hu

r-n-ay-a

2pl hu

r-t-ader hu

r-n-ader/-ider hu

r-n-ader-a

3m sg hu

r-t-an hu

r-n-an hu

r-n-an-a

3m pl hu

r-t-ar hu

r-n-ar hu

r-n-ar-a

3n-m sg hu

r-t-at hu

r-n-at hu

r-n-at-a

3n-m pl f hu

r-t-ik,nhu

r-t-i

f hu

r-n-ik,nhu

re-ni

f hu

r-n-ik-a,nhu

r-n-i

g-a

Table 7.11. Past and non-past ﬁnite verbs in Man

Person Past Non-past (future tense) Non-past (present)

1sg k

rak-t-u k

rag-Ø-ik

rag-Ø-i-ba

1pl (excl) k

rak-t-u

rag-d-u

-ba

1pl (incl) – – –

2sg k

rak-t-i k

rag-d-i k

rag-d-i-ba

2pl k

rak-t-ir k

rag-d-ir k

rag-d-ir-ba

3m sg k

rak-t-un k

rag-n-un k

rag-n-un-ba

3m pl k

rak-t-ir k

rag-n-ir k

rag-n-ir-ba

3n-m sg k

rag-Ø-ik

rag-Ø-in k

rag-Ø-in-ba

3n-m pl k

rak-t-i

rag-n-i

-ba

The split of the non-past into future and present is an exclusive innovation of Pengo.

The future is also used as habitual. The present tense is created out of the future con-

struction by a simple addition of -a at the end. There are two morphophonemic changes:

the ﬁnal -

of the ﬁrst person singular, when followed by a vowel, is realized as /ŋg/.

Historically, the addition of -g to -n (whereby -n became -

) is also a feature exclu-

sively found in Pengo. The ﬁnal /s/ becomes /h/ intervocalically in the ﬁrst person plural

inclusive.

16. Man

da: past and non-past (Burrow 1976) The personal terminations of Man

are different from those of Pengo. The past marker -t - has sandhi variants similar to

Pengo (Burrow 1976: 48), e.g. in- ‘to say’: ic-(<

∗

iR- < in-tt- with loss of -n and

change of -tt

to voiceless trill -R), vanj- ‘to cook’: vanc-(<

∗

vanr-:

∗

vantt-). The non-

past (future) mark

er is -

n-/-d-; as in Pengo a

present tense is created by the addition of

-ba at the end of each member of the non-past paradigm; e.g. k

rag- ‘to buy’. It is not

7.6 F

inite verbs in past

and non-past

325

able 7.12.

ast and non-past

ﬁnite

verbs in Kolami

Non-past Non-past

Person Past (present–future) Non-past (future) (durative)

1sg s¯ı-t-an s¯ı-at-un s¯ı-dat-un s¯ı-d-un

1pl (excl) s¯ı-t-am s¯ı-at-um s¯ı-dat-um s¯ı-d-um

1pl (incl) – – – –

2sg s¯ı-t-iv s¯ı-at-iv s¯ı-dat-iv s¯ı-n-iv

2pl s¯ı-t-ir s¯ı-at-ir s¯ı-dat-ir s¯ı-n-ir

3m sg s¯ı-t-en/-end s¯ı-Ø-an s¯ı-Ø-an s¯ı-n-en

3m pl s¯ı-t-er s¯ı-Ø-ar s¯ı-Ø-ar s¯ı-n-er

3n-m sg s¯ı-t -in/-un s¯ı-Ø-a(d) s¯ı-Ø-a(d) s¯ı-Ø-un

3n-m pl s¯ı-t-ev s¯ı-Ø-av s¯ı-Ø-av s¯ı-n-ev

Table 7.13. Past and non-past ﬁnite verbs in Naiki

Non-past Non-past

Person Past (present) Non-past (future) (Hortative)

1sg s¯ı-t-¯an udd-e

t-¯an s¯ı-s¯at-un

1pl (excl) s¯ı-t-¯am udd-e

t-¯am s¯ı-s¯at-¯um s¯ı-n¯ar

1pl (incl) ‘let us give’

2sg s¯ı-t -¯ı udd-e

t-¯ıs¯ı-s¯at-¯ı

2pl s¯ı-t -¯ır udd-e

t-¯ır s¯ı-s¯at-¯ır

3m sg s¯ı-t-¯en udd-e

t-¯en s¯ı-s¯a-n

3m pl s¯ı-t-¯er udd-e

t-¯er s¯ı-s¯a-r

3n-m sg s¯ı-t-¯ın udd-e

t-¯ın s¯ı-s¯a-d

3n-m pl s¯ı-t-¯ev udd-e

t-¯ev s¯ı-s¯a-v

stated if the tense sufﬁx is zero in the ﬁrst singular and third non-masculine singular in

non-past paradigms.

7.6.3 Central Dravidian

The sufﬁxes -d-/-n- which mark non-past (future) in South Dravidian II have a durative

meaning in Kolami. The present tense is marked by -at-/-Ø- in Kolami.

17. Kolami: past and non-past The past-tense marker is -t-, with a variant -d- after

six stems

ending in -

n,-r -, -l, tin- ‘to eat’: past tin-d-; -t- has sandhi

variants -

t-/-d-/-

d-.

The non-past is split into three subtypes of tenses, present–future (or habitual) with the

marker -at-(-a- + past-tense -t-), future -dat- which seems to be a combination of non-

past -d- and past -t- with an intervening vowel -a-, and ﬁnally -d-/-n- marking durative.

The last named sufﬁxes are markers of non-past in South Dravidian II, e.g. tin- ‘to eat’:

tin-d-, s¯ı- ‘to give’: past s¯ı-t-, present–future s¯ı-at-, future s¯ı-dat- and durative s¯ı-d-.

326 The verb

18. Naiki/Naik

ri: past and non-past (Thomasiah 1986) The past-tense marker is -t-/

-d-(-d after n-ﬁnal stems, -t elsewhere) with sandhi variants -

t- (after ﬁnal -

d,-

l + t,

-r + t),-

d- after root-ﬁnal -n. The future tense is marked by -s¯a- (in the third person) and

-s¯at- elsewhere. Its origin is obscure. The hortative is said to be formed by a composite

sufﬁx -n¯ar- (Thomasiah 1986: 128), but it appears to be analysable into non-past -n-

and the personal sufﬁx -¯ar which includes -r-, bearing similarity to the second person

plural -¯ır. The inﬁnitive is formed by adding -e

-; it seems that -e

-t- consists of the

inﬁnitive plus the non-past -t-, -s¯at- and the present tense by -e

t-, e.g. s¯ı- ‘to give’, udd-

‘to sit’.

Naiki (Chanda) has similar paradigms, e.g. kak- ‘to do’: 1sg kak-t-an, 1pl kak-t-am,

2sg kak-t-i, 2pl kak-t-ir,3msgkak-t-en,3mplkak-t-er, 3n-m sg kak-t-un, 3n-m pl

kak-t-e. The difference between the two dialects seems to be mainly in the third-person

non-masculine sufﬁxes. The present–future is marked by -t- in irregular and -el-/-l-

in regular verbs, an- ‘to be’, 1sg an-t-an etc. The third non-masculine singular is an-t -

un/an-l-en, and the plural is an-t-e/an-l-e. Forms with -ent- are said to be more common,

e.g. ¯end- ‘to dance’: ¯end-ent-am ‘we dance’, kak-ent-i ‘you (sg) are doing’. The future

is marked by -at- (with variants -d- in the third masculine singular

and plural and third

non-masculine plural, and -an- in the third non-masculine singular), e.g. 1sg kak-at-un,

1pl kak-at-um, 2sg kak-at-i, 2pl kak-at-ir,3msgkak-d-an,3mplkak-d-ar, 3n-m sg

kak-Ø-an, 3n-m pl kak-d-a. Future -d- has a variant -

d- after stems ending in -

d (DVM:

169–70, 287–8, Suvarchala 1992: 133–5).

19. Parji: past and non-past The past tense is marked by -t-(kud- ‘to cut’: kut-t-) and

its sandhi variants -d-(cen- ‘to go’: cen-d-) and -

t- (e.g. i

d- ‘to put’: i

t-). In the southern

and northwestern dialects -t- is preceded by the vowels -a and -o/-e respectively; these

vowels are apparently epenthetic. In the northwestern dialects they copy the quality of

the following vowel in the personal sufﬁxes. There is evidence to believe that the Proto-

Parji epenthetic vowel here was -u- (see Krishnamurti 1978b/2001a: 197–8), e.g. c¯u

‘to see’, ver- ‘to come’.

Burrow and Bhattacharya (1953: 52–4) call the ﬁrst cited paradigm extended past.

In the northeastern dialect, the past tense is marked by zero, an unusual phenomenon

in the Dravidian languages. It seems possible that there could have been a past marker

represented by a vowel (from PD

∗

-i), which was lost in sandhi before the vowel of the

personal sufﬁxes.

Another set of past sufﬁxes include -˜n-(< -nj- < -nd-) after roots ending in -r or

-y/-i, ver- ‘to come’: ve-˜n-, koy- ‘to reap’: ko-˜n-. A few have -n- as past marker, e.g.

r- ‘to weep’: a

r-n-. The non-past (present) -m- (with dialect variants -am-/-um-/-om-)

has already been traced to Proto-Dravidian non-past

∗

-um (section 7.4.2.3). The origin

of the future marker -r-(-ur) and its dialect variant -iy- is not clear. After n-ﬁnal stems

7.6 F

inite verbs in past

and non-past

327

able 7.14.

ast and non-past

ﬁnite

verbs in Parji

Non-past: future Non-past: present

Person Past (south) Past (northeast) (northwest) (northeast)

1sg c¯u

r-at-en c¯u

r-Ø-en c¯u

r-r-an ver-m-en

1pl (excl) ver-m-om

1pl (incl) c¯u

r-at-om c¯u

r-Ø-om c¯u

r-r-am

2sg c¯u

r-at-ot c¯u

r-Ø-ot c¯u

r-r-at ver-m-ot

2pl c¯u

r-at-or c¯u

r-Ø-or c¯u

r-r-ar ver-m-or

3m sg c¯u

r-at-ed c¯u

r-Ø-ed c¯u

r-r-ad ver-m-ed

3m pl c¯u

r-at-er c¯u

r-Ø-er c¯u

r-r-ar ver-m-er

3n-m sg c¯u

r-at-ac¯u

r-Ø-oto c¯u

r-r-a ver-m-o

3n-m pl c¯u

r-at-ov c¯u

r-Ø-ov c¯u

r-r-av ver-m-ov

Table 7.15. Past and non-past ﬁnite verbs in Ollari

Past: s¯u

r- Past: man- Non-past: present– Non-past: present–

Person ‘to see’ ‘to be’ future van

d- ‘to cook’ future; s¯ı- ‘to give’

1sg s¯u

r-Ø-en ma-

t-on van

d-d-an s¯ı-d-an

1pl (excl) s¯u

r-Ø-em ma-

t-om van

d-d-am s¯ı-d-am

1pl (incl)

2sg s¯u

r-Ø-e

tma-

t-o

t van

d-d-a

ts¯ı-d-a

2pl s¯u

r-Ø-er ma-

t-or van

d-d-ar s¯ı-d-ar

3m sg s¯u

r-Ø-en

dma-

t-on

d van

d-d-an

ds¯ı-d-an

3m pl s¯u

r-Ø-er ma-

t-or van

d-d-ar s¯ı-d-ar

3n-m sg s¯u

r-Ø-e

te ma-

t-e van

d-d-a s¯ı-d-a

3n-m pl s¯u

r-Ø-e

te-vma-

t-ev van

d-d-av s¯ı-d-av

the future marker is -d- which can be traced to Proto-Dravidian non-past

∗

-t. A large

class of transiti

ve stems in -

p/-t ‘use the t- stem to for

m the future as well as the past,

e.g. from pay-p-/pay-t- ‘to divide’, etc., the future paradigm is 1sg pay-t-an etc. The

contrast is maintained in n-ﬁnal stems, e.g. ven- ‘to hear’: past ve-tt-(<

∗

wen-tt-), future

ven-d-(<

∗

wen-t-) (Burrow and Bhattacharya 1953: 55).

20. Ollari: past and non-past The past tense is indicated by -Ø- as in Parji with

perhaps the loss of the reﬂex of an original past sufﬁx derived from PD

∗

i. Another past

allomorph is -n-. The inherited past -t- occurs in another set of verbs with its sandhi

variants -

t-, -

d-, e.g. man ‘to be’: ma

t-(<

∗

man-tt-), un- ‘to drink’: un

d-(<

∗

t-), k¯a-

‘to watch’: k¯a-t-. The present–future is marked by -d- (variants -y-/-t-).

Bhattacharya (1957: 30–7) put the ‘union vowel’ (o/e) in the tense slot. However, it

would be more appropriate to treat this as part of the personal sufﬁx, because it occurs

even when there is a distinctive marker of tense (see columns 2–4 in table 7.15). Ollari

328 The verb

able 7.16.

ast and non-past

ﬁnite

verbs in Gada

Past: ¯end- Past: in- Non-past: kar- Non-past: p¯or-p-/

Person ‘to play’ ‘to say’ ‘to drop’ p¯or-t- ‘to ask’

1sg ¯end-Ø-en i

t-on kar-d-an p¯or-t-an

1pl (excl) ¯end-Ø-em i

t-om kar-d-am p¯or-t-am

1pl (incl)

2sg ¯end-Ø-e

t-o

t kar-d-a

tp¯or-t -a

2pl ¯end-Ø-er i

t-or kar-d-ar p¯or-t-ar

3m sg ¯end-Ø-en

t-o

d kar-d-a

dp¯or-t-a

3m pl ¯end-Ø-er i

t-or kar-d-ar p¯or-t-ar

3n-m sg ¯end-Ø-e

te i

t-e kar-d-a(d) p¯or-t-a(d)

3n-m pl ¯end-Ø-e

tev i

t-ev kar-d-av p¯or-t-av

also has -n- as the past marker in some verbs like Parji. The present–future is marked by

-y- in the case of stems ending in -n, e.g. man- ‘to be’ (past: ma-

t-; non-past ma-y-); -t-is

used as non-past marker of transitive–causative stems in - p/-t, k¯a-t-an ‘I will watch’.

This is homophonous with the past-tense form but the contrast is introduced in the vowel

of the personal sufﬁx.

21. Kon

dekor Gadaba: past and non-past Bhaskararao (1980: 42–8) also treats the

vowels e/o as past markers in all cases. This analysis puts the inherited past marker -t-

and its variants as morphophonemic

changes of stems, e.g.

in- ‘to say’: past in-

t- in 1sg

in-

t-on, analysed by Bhaskararao as in

t-o-n, thus making the epenthetic vowel the past

marker as has been done by Bhattacharya. We reject this analysis. The non-past marker

is -d- (variants -y- and -t-). Again, here the author considers -d- alternating with -a-in

different classes.

There is also a progressive (durative) paradigm, which is formed by adding -id-/-ud-

to a stem. Again we notice that the marker is clearly the non-past with an additional

contrast introduced by vocalism, e.g. ¯a

d- ‘to weep’, 1sg ¯a

d-id-an, etc. But with bases

that have a labial vowel or a labial or velar consonant in the stem the preceding vowel

is u, e.g. u

dv- ‘to comb’: 1sg u

dv-ud-an, etc., k¯ap-/k¯at- ‘to guard’: 1sg (?) k¯a-kud-an

etc.

7.6.4 North Dravidian

22. Ku

rux: past and non-past The past markers are -k-/-ø-, -ck-/-c-, -jk-/- j- mor-

phologically conditioned. Mid vowels alternate with high vowels and /a/ with /

ə/ before

tense sufﬁxes in some conjugation classes. Stem alternations like on-/on

d- and ku

d-/ku

suggest the incorporation of an inherited past sufﬁx being reduced to a stem alternation.

In some classes of verbs the general past is marked by -k- and the immediate past by

7.6 F

inite verbs in past

and non-past

329

able 7.17.

ast and non-past

ﬁnite

verbs in Ku

rux

Past: nulx- Past: ba

- Non-past: present Non-past: future

Person ‘to swallow’ ‘to say’ es

- ‘to break’ es

- ‘to break’

1sg nulx-k-an b¯a-ck-an es-d-an es

-o-n

1pl (excl) nulx-k-am b¯a-ck-am es-d-am es

-o-m

1pl (incl) nulx-k-at b¯a-ck-at es-d-at es

-o-t

2m sg nulx-k-ay b¯a-ck-ay es-d-ay es

-o-y

2f sg nulx-k-i b¯a-ck-iis-d-i –

2pl nulx-k-ar b¯a-ck-ar es-d-ar es

-o-r

3m sg nulx-Ø-as b¯a-c-as es-d-as es

-o-s

3m pl nulx-Ø-ar b¯a-c-ar es-n-ar es

-o-r

3n-m sg/pl nulx-Ø-ab¯a-c-a is

-ø-ies

-o-Ø

Table 7.18. Past and non-past ﬁnite verbs in

Malto

Past (Droese)

Person Past band- ‘to draw’ Non-past: present Non-past: future

1sg amb-t-an band-ek-en amb-Ø-in amb-Ø-an

1pl (excl) amb-t -am band-ek-em amb-d-am amba-n-am

1pl (incl) amb-t-ey band-ek-et amb-d-ey amb-Ø-ey

2m sg amb-t-e band-ek-e amb-d-e ambe-n-e

2f sg amb-t-i band-ek-i amb-d-i ambe-n-i

2pl amb-t-ar band-ek-er amb-d-ar amba-n-ar

3m sg amb-y-ah band-ø-ah amb-d-ah amba-n-ah

3m pl amb-y-ar band-ek-er amb-n-ar amba-n-ar

3fnsg amb-y-a

band-ø-ath amb-Ø-i

ambe-n-i

-ac-k- (apparently a combination of two past morphs adapted to an idiosyncratic func-

tion). The present tense is marked by -d-/-n- and the future by -o-.

In the use of present tense, there are different forms when women speak among

themselves in 1sg es-

-¯en, 1pl (excl) es-

-¯em, 2sg is-d-i, 2pl es-d-ay, and 3hum pl

es-n-ay. This is an Indo-Aryan feature introduced into native morphology.

23. Malto: past and non-past (Mahapatra 1979: 163–8; Droese 1884: 50–4) The

past tense is marked by -t-/-y- and the non-past by -d-/-n-/-Ø-. Droese notes the past

markers as -c-, -y-, - j-, -

d-, -t-, -s- and -q-, e.g. coy- ‘to rise’: c¯o-c-, k¯o

d- ‘to drink’:

k¯o

d-y-, ¯on- ‘to drink’: on-

d-, men- ‘to be’: men- j-, bar- ‘to come’: bar-c-, qoy- ‘to reap’:

qo-s-, a

nh- ‘to beat’: a-t-, cog- ‘to set loose’: co-q-. These are followed by -(e)k- in the

ﬁrst and second persons. These markers are derivable from PD

∗

-cc-,

∗

-tt-,

∗

-i- and

∗

-kk-.

Mahapatra gives

only -

t- as the past tense

marker, e.g.

amb- ‘to leave’. Subrahmanyam

(1971: 300–1), following Droese, gives the present-tense markers as -i-/-in- and the

330 The verb

future markers as -e-/-en-. Mahapatra’s analysis is better in including the vowel as part

of stem alternation rather than that of the tense sufﬁx.

24. Brahui: past and non-past The past markers are -¯a-, -¯e-, -k-/-g- and -is-/-s-/-ss-

of which the last two are native and inherited from Proto-Dravidian. ‘The past stem

appears in four tenses, which are essentially periphrastic constructions with the present

and

past of the verb

anning “to

”’ (Emeneau

1962d: 22), e.g.

tix-‘to

place

’: 1sg tix-¯a-

1pl tix-¯a-n, 2sg tix-¯a-s, 2pl tix-¯a-re, 3sg tix-¯a-Ø, 3pl tix-¯a-r. A sample conjugation of

a verb taking a velar past, e.g. kun- ‘to eat’: 1sg kun-g-u

t, 1pl kun-g-un, 2sg kun-g-us,

2pl kun-g-ure, 3sg kun-g-Ø, 3pl kun-g-ur. Note that gender distinction is lost in Brahui.

-s/-us are added to the past stem to

form the pluperfect, e.g. 1sg

tix-¯a-s-u

t, kun-g-us-u

the perfect is formed by -n/-un in the same way.

7.7 Non-ﬁnite verbs: past-stem based

Non-ﬁnite verbs are called participles in traditional grammars. Syntactically, a non-ﬁnite

verb is the head of a subordinate clause; morphologically, it lacks the agreement markers

in (g)np, which most (but not all) ﬁnite verbs have. All non-ﬁnite verbs are based on

either the past or the non-past stem. They denote different aspects, moods and modes.

The past-stem-based non-ﬁnite verbs are the gerund, the conditional and concessive

forms and the past relative participle. The non-ﬁnite verbs based on the non-past are the

non-past (durative or continuous, present, future, habitual) participle and the inﬁnitive.

Even the ﬁnite forms of the imperative and optative ‘moods’ carry non-past markers. In

the following the morphology of each of the non-ﬁnite verbs is given in the afﬁrmative

and negative inﬂection and the proto-forms are proposed, where possible.

7.7.1 Past or perfective participle

This is

called by different names including

‘the ger

und

’, ‘past adv

erb

’, ‘past par

ticiple

’,

‘adverbial participle’ etc. all with the meaning ‘having ... ed’. It denotes the completion

of an action or state before the commencement of the action or state denoted by the main

verb, e.g. Mdn Te. annam

tin-i

duko

t¯a-

/pa

dukon-n¯a-

‘having eaten

the

meal

, (he) sleeps/(he) slept

’. It has a number of uses, which will be discussed in

syntax.

7.7.1.1 South Dravidian I

1. Tamil: the gerund markers are those that form the past stem + -u (the so-called

enunciative vowel). A gerund is an independent word and not a bound form, i.e. -tu/

-ttu/-ntu, and its sandhi variants, -

tu ∼ -

ru/-

tu ∼ -rru/-ntu ∼ -

tu ∼ -nru, etc., e.g. u

zu-

‘to plough’: u

zu-tu ‘having ploughed’, n¯ı

l- ‘to be long, to extend’: n¯ı-

tu (<

∗

n¯ı

l + tu)

‘having been long (ref. time)’, u

n- ‘to eat or drink’: u

tu ‘having drunk’, ti

n- ‘to eat’: