Карнышев А.Д. (ред) - Экономическая психология: актуальные теоретические и прикладные проблемы 2010 год
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numerous incarnations of dirt exists a certain category of other people, who
become dirt and are treated as such. Therefore, the meaning of exclusion is
compared to hygienic routines and ghting with strangers (immigrants, sexual
minorities) means to defend health against disease. In other words, human
beings could „become dirt” and are treated as such.
Bauman suggest that there are things which the right place has not been
reserved in any fragment of order, they are „out of place” everywhere.
Cockroaches, spiders, mice, all the insects are uninvited guests that cannot be
incorporate in any scheme of purity. The situation become more threatening
when dangerous thing is invisible. These things undermine not only the idea of
purity. Sense of effort to protect the order become doubtful and full security is
only illusion. Bauman posits that carpet mites, bacteria and viruses belong to
that category of things from which nothing is safe. The writers of advertising
copy for powder washing and detergents are aware of existing fear of invisible
intruders and promise the customers will be able to destroy „the dirt you see,
and germs you don’t”
Similar to Douglas analysis, it is emphasized that dirt is an a element which
requires the ordering efforts. In area of psychology, the link between disgust,
dirt and social order is articulated in a CAD triad hypothesis (Schweder et. al.,
1997; Rozin et. al., 1999)
Disgust and divinity
The theory of moral judgment proposed by Schweder et. al (1997) posits
that there are three codes of ethics underlie the morality of most cultures.
Ethics of community focuses on hierarchy, fulllment of one’s social roles.
Ethics of autonomy emphasizes the issue of justice and righst. These moral
code is most prevalent in western, secular societies. The ethics of autonomy
is basing on an individual rights and freedom. An action is wrong when it
directly hurts other person, or infringes upon his/her rights or freedoms as
an individual. The decision if an action is immoral is based on such concepts
as: harm, rights, justice, freedom, fairness, individualism, right to individual
chooses. Anger is a moral emotion for violating the ethics of autonomy.
The ethics of community underlines importance of hierarchy and community.
People who are guided by this moral code judge an action as wrong when an
individual does not fails to carry out his/her duties within a community, or to
the social hierarchy within the community. To decide if an action is wrong, a
person has in mind: duty, role – obligation, respect for authority, loyalty, group
honor, interdependence, preservation of the community. Contempt will often
be triggered by violations of the ethics of community.
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The ethics of divinity is based on moral concepts such as natural order
of things, sacred order, sanctity, sin, protection of the soul or the world from
degradation and spiritual delement. Disgust will often be triggered by
violations of the ethics of divinity. Divinity is also considered as a one of the
dimensions of social cognition (Haidt & Algoe, 2003). People tend to interpret
their social worlds in terms of a vertical dimension in which divinity, virtue
and physical purity are up, and bestiality, sin, and physical pollution are down.
Rozin, Haidt and McCauley (1993) proposed the model of cultural and
biological evolution of disgust. The cultural evolution of digust consist of
sequence of stages from mouths and food origin to protect the social order.
In this view, disgust serves new functions (aesthetic, moral, social) thanks
to mechanism of preadaptation what means coopting of existing system to a
new function. For a present research the most interesting are social and moral
domains of expansion of disgust. Elictitors of disgust in these domains are
direct and undirect contact with strangers or undesirables and certain moral
offenses. It is noteworthy that sociological idea of Bauman (1997) that links
dirty, disgust and perceiving in such way certain categories of humans is
congruent with psychological theory of disgust. However the main difference
between the concepts of Douglas (1984) and Bauman (1996) with the theory
of disgust is the underlying motive.
Haidt and Algoe (2003) posits that idea of physical purity is strictly linked
to the dimension of social cognition dened as divinity. This vertical dimension
running from divinity/purity/goodness to animality/pollution/evil could be
useful to understand moral appraisals. According to the authors people are
strongly motivated to separate good and evil and prefer the purity of this
separation. Authors quoted the idea of Aristotle that human beings occupy the
middle ground between the gods above and the brutes below. Consequently,
behaving morally and properly elevates human beings and approaches to
divinity/purity/goodness, opposite behaviours degradate human and aproach
to animality/pollution/evil. Haidt and Algoe (2003) posits that idea that people
of “lower” races and castes are polluted both by their physical activities and by
their lack of ethics has been found in many parts of the world. Nazi attitudes
toward Jews is an example of such idea. The link between physical purity and
divinity could be found in a Islam, Hinduism, Christianity and many others
religions. Explanation of these linkage is based on a pair of emotion: disgust
and elevation. According to this theory, dirt/pollution is conceptualize rather in
terms of violation of moral, sexual, and physical purity and violations could be
perceived as disgusting and degradating in vertical dimenison between saints
and demons. Amoebic Self Concept (Burrsi, Rempel, 2004) that emphasize
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the link between social order and „the end of the world as we know it” seems
to be more congruent with ideas of of Bauman (1997) and Douglas (1984).
Amoebic Self Concept
Theoretical proposition originally formulated by Burris and Rempel
(2004) is based on analogy between human and amoeba. Similar to amoeba,
human have to differentiate between organism and external environment.
An amoeba’s cell membrane differentiates “in” from “out. However humans
symbolic capacity and being a social animal increses complexity of the most
basic differentiation. According to the theory, self and its boundaries may be
represented in a three domains: physical, social and spatial-symbolic. From
the perspective of present study, the spatial-symbolic domain is particularly
noteworthy.
Humans’ capacity for abstract thought and symbolic representation,
procuring resources and defending against threats, Burris and Rempel argue,
are not articulated solely in terms of a sensory-equipped body or face-to-face
dealings with other people. Objects, places, relationships, group memberships
and beliefs can be sought and secured as important aspects of personal identity.
These things can function as “identity markers” for people – symbolizing who
they are, where they have come from, where they belong, and why they are
here. According to Burris and Rempel (2004) identity markers are similar to
physical landmarks. Whereas physical landmarks allow an individual to locate
him/herself an a geographical map, identity markers keep their possessor
grounded and oriented in an existential sense.
Spatial-symbolic domain of the self can be threatened by the involuntary
loss or modication of the familiar markers that orient a person and serve
as reminders that he or she is a distinct and consequential entity. Examples
of threaten mentioned by Burris and Rempel include the loss or destruction
of childhood photographs (objects), construction of a prison in one’s neigh-
borhood, dissolution of an intimate partnership (relationships), discovering
that one was adopted or illegitimate (group memberships), or learning about
someone who does not t one’s preexisting categories or knowledge struc-
ture, e.g., transsexual or transgendered persons (beliefs). Spatial-symbolic
threat vulnerability is linked with the motivation to keep the world as it is
(the literal meaning of “conservation”); things that threaten the stabilizing
decorum of one’s world are therefore met with revulsion and/or hostility.
For example preferring that “outgroup members act like outgroup members”
can be understood as an attempt to reorient oneself in a predictable world
in the face of such a threat. Amoebic Self Theory postulate that threatening
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capacity of many objects, organisms, or persons is not inherent but arises when
they move out of their — often symbolically designated — places. Burris
and Rempel (2004) posits that results of their surveys are congruent with
strategies by which people come to terms with such „anomalies” described by
Douglas (1984). They described force tting into a known category, simple
dislike, disgust-based rejection and aggressive and prejudicial rejection as
the reactions evoked in face of spatial-symbolic threaten. Burris and Rempel
(2004) suggest that for many people, their very sense of self is dependent
on maintaining an orderly world populated with identity markers that are
cherished and safeguarded. Because of the linkage between the self and stable
environment the “systematic ordering,” according to Douglas (1984) theory,
is neither arbitrary nor logical and rational in nature.
System Justication Theory
System justication theory is formulated to understand how and why
people rationalize the existing social system. The theory derive from Marxian,
Gramsci an feminist theories of dominant ideology. The main question
articulated by these theories is why dominant classes are socially supported
despite of fact, that their economical and political power is not benecial to
subordinated groups. The thoery is particularly useful to explain the mechanism
of justication among people belonging to low-status groups. According to
cognitive dissonance theory and just world theory, Jost et al (2004). argued
that under certain circumstances people are motivated to perceive the existing
social system as a fair, legitimate, natural and inevitable. One of the most
important prediction of system justication theory is that defensive motivation
to defend the status quo should be more pronounced under circumstances
that threaten status quo. Consequently, if dirt according to conceptualizations
of Douglas (1984), Bauman (1997), Burris and Rempel (2004) is perceived
as a threaten to the world as we know it, it may be assumpted that under
circumstances of dirt threaten salience, people will be motivated to rationalize
the existing system.
Similar conclusions are derived from theory of conservatism as a motivated
social cognition. Jost et al argued that several specic motives related to the
management of fear and certainty are associated with the ideology of political
conservatism. The depiction of conservatism from this ponit of view include
two core aspects: resistance to change and acceptance of inequality. The
concepts of conservatism and system justication overlap to the some extent
but are not conceptually the same. However, the presented idea of conservatism
allow to understand the role of situational factors in the preference of status
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quo. Review of many different studies conducted by Jost et al. (2003) lead
to conlusion that there is relationship betwen interrelated set of epistemic,
existential and ideological motives and the expression of political coservatism.
All of the above motives serves to manage uncertainty and fear. Epistemic
motives regulate the way in which people seek to acquire beliefs that helps to
navigate in reality that is ambigous, complex and chaotic. Existential motives
also involve desire for certainty and security that is associated with resisting
the change, preferring structure and predictability. At last, ideological beliefs
help to reduce uncertainty and ward off feelings threat. It also has been argued
that ideological belief such as need for system justication arise from desire to
overcome the uncertainty and belief in just world is associated with epistemic
needs to increase prediction and control and to existential needs to provide
meaning.
Implications of treating political conservatism as a motivated social
cognition is focus on situational determinants. This is because social cognitive
perspective emphasize the role of temporary accessible motives in attitudes,
thoughts and behaviors. Hypothesis derived form theory of conservatism is that
need to restore the order could increase in face of situationally determinated
being dirty.
Economic system justication and being dirty
Following the the ideas Douglas (1984), Bauman (1997) and Amoebic Self
Concept (2004) dirt could be conceptualized as a „matter out of place” and
may threat „the world as we know it”. It was hypothesized that compensatory
motive to restore the order will be manifested by a stronger preference for
existing economical system. The experiment were designed to test this
hypothesis. Forty nine participants were told that inuence of different factors
such as being dirty or using the coloured ballpens on movie ratings is under
investifation. Participants were asked to see the fragment of Chaplin’s movie.
Then they were asked to ll the questionnaire about movie and Polish version
of Economic System Justication Scale (Jost & Thompson; 1999; eg. „Most
people who don’t get ahead in our society should not blame the system: they
have only themselves to blame”; “If people work hard, they almost always get
what they want”; Cronbach’s Alpha = 0,79). To make the cover story reliable,
participants were told that the attitudes measured by the last one questionnaire
could affect ratings of the movie, so there is necessary to control it. Participants
were asked to fulll the questionnaires using ballpens given by experimenter.
Half of the participants were randomly assigned to „dirt salience” condition.
They were given ballpens covered by glue and powdered medicinal charcoal.
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The participants from a control group used a clean ballpens. None of the
participants have the suspicious about the real aim of the study.
As predicted, comparing to control group, participants in a „dirt salient”
conditions scored signicantly higher on a Economic System Justication
Scale. This initial study is a rst step to explain the linkage between fear of
dirt management and existing status quo preference. According to Douglas
(1984 , Bauman (1997) and Amoebic Self Thoery (2004) it is argued that dirt
as a „matter out of place” threaten the stability and familiarity of the world.
Conclusions
The twentienth and beginning of twenty one century are probably the most
hygienic and clensing conscious era in all industrialized countries (Smith,
2007). Microbiologists agree that only hands are this part of the body that
should be necessary cleaned (Ashenburg, 2008) . Opposite to this suggestions,
many western societies seems to be obsessed about dirt. Ashenburg posits
that nowadays microbs are frightening because the world become more
dangerous place. Activities that were normal and safety earlier like eating the
meats or travelling by public transports are described as a risky because of
SARS or bird u. Ashenburg also suggest association between fear of dirt and
desire for security. She quoted american writer Allen Salkin who notice that
places perceived are a most dangerous because the risk of germs (airplanes,
schools and public transport) are the same places where the probability of
terrorists attack is estimated as the highest. Elizabeth Verdick’s „Germs are
not for sharing”seems to be symptomatic book which reect the actual, often
exaggerated attitude toward hygiene. Author of this recommend children to
avoid any physical contact with other children.
Hygienic middle class life style of the western industrial urban classes
for the rst time become global. Moreover some authors suggests economic
equation between personal cleansing and domestic income. According to
Smith (2007), puricatory ideologies also went global in phenomenon such as
anti-pollution ecology crusade, pollution fears and ethnic cleansing.
If humans are really nowadays preoccupied by ideas of being clean and
fear of dirt, it is not difcult to predict its economic and social consequences.
Personal and domestic hygiene become capitalized and solutions for unknown
earlier problems nowadays are sold. For example, Kissling (2006) examine
the lucrative business of exploiting for prot menstruating woman. She decribe
this mechanism as a „business of menstruation” and argue that media creates
negative representation of menstruation to generate corporate prots. Bodily
products are portraited as something that have to be masked and hidden. Germs
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are everywhere and regular soap do not protect adequately. New products are
introduced to overcome new problems. These kind of invisible danger generate
fear that could be source of corporate prots.
The social consequences of extreme importance given to cleanliness are
particularly interesting. For example, Ger and Yenicoglu (2006) posit that
in Turkey dirtiness is associated with poverty and backwardness whereas
cleanliness represent modern civilization and respectability. Rural migrants in
Turkish cities are to be outside and dirty. The similar proces where out group
membes are considered as dirt and polluted is described in mentioned earlier
work of Bauman (1997).
The present study suggest that one of the potential consequences of
developing and spreading the cultural standard of cleanliness may be a
justication of existing economic system. Present survey and its theoretical
background partially answered for a question why dominant ideology could
be socially supported even if it is not benecial for a large groups of people.
It could be noteworthy that constructing of dirt preoccupied society serves
to maintain the existing economic and political status quo. Consequently,
advertising for hygiene products and detergents makes the dirt threaten salient.
It is argued that in face of dirt threaten people could be especially motivate
to make the social world meaningful, controlled and predictable. This initial
study provide support for idea that fear of dirt could be considered as one of the
environmental stimuli linked to epistemic and existential motive. Following
the idea of Douglas (1984), Bauman (1997), Burris and Rempel (2004) dirt
was conceptualized as „matter out of place” that increase tendency to seek the
order and achieve the meaning.
The presented survey indicate that fear of dirt management is a rather matter
of epistemic and existential needs than disgust based mechanism proposed by
Haidt and Algoe (2003). However, adhering to ethics of divinity that preserve
the social order as a reaction of feeling polluted is an alternative explanation
worth to be considered in a further studies.
References
1. Ashenburg, K. (2008). The dirt on clean. An unsanitized history. Toronto: Knopf
Canada
2. Bauman, Z. (1997). Postomodernity and its discontents. Cambridge: Polity press.
3. Burris, C. T., & Rempel, J. K. (2004). “It’s the end of the world as we know it”: Threat
and the spatial- symbolic self. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86, 19-
42.
4. Douglas, M. (1984). Purity and danger. An analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and
Taboo. Florence, KY: Routledge.
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5. Ger, G., Yenicoglu, B. (2004). Clean and dirty: Playing with boundaries of consumer’s
safe havens. Advances in Consumer Research, 31, 1-6.
6. Haidt, J., Algoe, S (2004) .Moral amplication and the emotions that attach us to saints
and demons [in:] Handbook of Experimental Existential Psychology, eds. J. Greenberg,
S. Koole, T. Pyszczynski, Guilford Press, New York, 322-335.
7. Haidt, J., Koller, S. H., & Dias, M. G. (1993). Affect, culture and morality, or Is it
wrong to eat your dog? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65, 613-628.
8. Jost, J., T., Banaji, M.R., Nosek, B., A. (2004). A decade of system justication theory:
accumulated evidence of conscious and unconscious bolstering of the status quo.
Political Psychology, 25, 881- 919
9. Jost, J. T., Glaser, J., Kruglanski, A. W., & Sulloway, F. J. (2003). Political conservatism
as motivated social cognition. Psychological Bulletin, 129, 339-375.
10. Jost, J., T., Thompson, E., P. (2000). Group-based dominance and opposition to equality
as independent predictors of self-esteem, ethnocentrism, and social policy. Attitudes
among african americans and european americans. Journal of Experimental Social
Psychology, 36, 209 – 232.
11. Kissling, A. (2006). Capitalizing on the curse: The business of menstruation. Boulder:
Lynne Riener Publishers
12. Rozin, P., Lowery, L., Imada, S., & Haidt, J. (1999). The CAD triad hypothesis: A
mapping between three moral emotions (contempt, anger, disgust) and three moral
codes (community, autonomy, divinity). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
76, 574-586.
13. Rozin, P., Haidt, J., & McCauley, C. R. (1993). Disgust. In: M. Lewis & J. M. Haviland
(Eds.), Handbook of emotions, 575-594. New York: Guilford.
14. Shweder, R. A., Much, N. C., Mahapatra, M., & Park, L. (1997). The “Big Three”
of morality (autonomy, community, divinity) and the “Big Three” explanations of
suffering. In A. Brandt & P. Rozin (Eds.), Morality and health, 119-169. New York:
Routledge.
15. Smith, V. (2007). Clean. A history of personal hygiene and purity. Oxford: University
Press
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Антонова Н.А., Дятлова Е.В.,
Бобрик О., Морозова О., Мельникова Л.,
Пилипенко К, Ткаченко Н., Шинкоренко Е.
характеристика предприятий этнического общепита
в городе иркутске
1
Характеризуя сегодняшнее положение предприятий иркутского об-
щепита, генеральный директор управляющей компании «альянс ресто-
ранс» («киото», «BierHaus», «Monet», «Стрижи», «Sayen bar») Павел
Поляков сказал: «кризис закончился в кремле, а у нас он продолжается.
Обороты падают, новые клиенты не идут. заведения высокого сегмен-
та находятся в стагнации» («Восточно-Сибирская правда, 01.04.2010).
Данные Иркутскстата подтвержают: упав в середине января 2010 года,
оборот общепита начал выравниваться, но положительной динамики
ему так и не удалось достичь. за первые два месяца 2010 года он соста-
вил 1.14 млрд. рублей, или 97, 5% (в сопоставимых ценах) к соответст-
вующему периоду 2009 года. В пересчете на одного жителя области за
январь-февраль 2010 года оборот общественного питания равнялся 455
рублям. В целом в 2009 году на жителя Иркутской области пришлось
по 2953 рубля, Иркутска – 5900 рублей. но, несмотря на общую стаг-
нацию этого сегмента рынка, ситуация на предприятиях общепита до-
статочно разнородна. По словам начальника отдела общественного пита-
ния комитета по потребительскому рынку Иркутска Максима Волынец,
«наверняка рестораторы скажут, что держатся на грани рентабельности.
но сфера услуг сложная, в кризис у одних клиенты продолжают идти,
другие выбирают новые кафе и рестораны». только в прошлом году в
Иркутске открылось 24 заведения (против 37 в 2008 году). закрылся
ресторан «Омон-Ра». Ресторанов в списке открывшихся заведений
чуть ли не большинство: «тауэр», «адмирал», «Бродвей», «Престиж»,
«Васабико», «Сусими», «Пятница», «Винкель клуб», «Регион 38»,. Из
кафе – «Воккафе», «Художник», «Мега», «ле арт», «Маси», «аллигатор»
и бар «Пивопад». на начало этого года в городе, по данным комитета по
потребительскому рынку Иркутска, было зарегистрировано 40 рестора-
нов, 275 кафе, 171 бар, 102 закусочных, 172 столовых, 18 кафетериев, 2
кулинарии и 42 буфета при организациях. Общее количество посадочных
мест – 34,424 тысячи, из которых 86 предназначены для малоимущих.
1 Выполнено в рамках исследовательского проекта «Миграции и диаспоры в социокультурном, политиче-
ском и экономическом пространстве Сибири, XIX – начало XXI вв.». Шифр Роснауки «2009-1.1-301-072»
360
Этнокультурные аспекты экономики, политики и экологии
но, несмотря на достаточно сложную ситуацию на рынке услуг обще-
ственного питания, рестораторы не торопятся снижать цены, а пытаются
привлечь клиентов другими способами: созданием дополнительных раз-
влекательных программ, за счет новых концепций, за счет ориентации на
другие сегменты потребительского рынка (в основном, на средний демо-
кратический сегмент).
По мнению обозревателя сайта obed.irk.ru абрама Дюрсо, в Иркутске
за первые месяцы 2010 года уже сложилась тенденция к открытию в
основном пабов, итальянских ресторанов и служб доставки японской
кухни. «люди не перестали есть. конкретно сейчас они предпочитают
набор из пива-пиццы и суши», - отметил ресторанный критик. но и в
лучшие времена предприятия общепита, имеющие позиционирование
как заведения конкретной национальной (этнической) направленности
кухни, являются неотъемлемым и важным элементом потребительского
рынка, частью городского пространства. Рестораны с этнической кухней
являются местом контакта различных культур, где с помощью различных
этнических элементов (кухня, оформление зала, особенности сервиса и
т.д.) посетители могут познакомиться с другой культурой, пусть даже в
преувеличенном, лубочном варианте. но являются ли эти предприятия
однородными по мотивам выбора данной стратегии, в одинаковом ли
объеме и качестве представлены в них этнические элементы, имеются
ли отличия в таргеттинговой политике этих предприятий – эти вопро-
сы, на наш взгляд, нуждаются в рассмотрении. наша гипотеза состоит в
том, что предприятия этнического общепита имеют принципиальное от-
личия между собой. Сложность разработки данной темы состоит в том,
что исследований в этой области мало, они имеют часто описательный
характер.
Для начала в нашем проекте мы сформулировали следующие про-
блемные вопросы, на которые и попытались найти ответ, реализуя эмпи-
рические исследования.
1. Разработать критерии для выделения разных типов маркирования
предприятий этнического общепита.
2. Определить тип этнического маркирования на рассматриваемых
нами предприятиях.
3. Считая, что этническое маркирование предприятий общепита не-
однородно, мы выделяем в нашем исследовании следующие его
варианты:
4. Этническое маркирование как элемент маркетинговой политики
(позиционирование, направленное на дифференцирование).