Adelaar Willem, Muysken Pieter. The languages of the Andes
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534 5 The Araucanian Sphere
aspectual affixes have already been mentioned in connection with the present tense. The
following overview is not meant to be exhaustive.
Among the valency-changing affixes, the following may be mentioned: a reflexive
-(u)w- (-uw- after consonants), cf. (7), (8); a passive -
ŋ
e- (with an unspecified agent),
cf. (47); a benefactive -(l)el- (-el- after consonants, -l- or -lel- after vowels), cf. (47);
a detrimental -(n
y
)ma- (-ma- or -
n
y
ma- after consonants), cf. (12); and a causative
transitiviser -(e)l- (-el- or -
l- after consonants). A further non-productive formation
used for causative transitivisation is the suffix -(
)m- (cf. section 5.1.2). Example (84)
illustrates three of the valency-changing extensions mentioned here:
(84)
l
ˆ
a-ŋŋ-m-n
y
ma-ŋŋe-y n
y
iˇc
.
ewa
die-EU-CA-DM-PS-3.ID 3P dog
‘He was affected by the killing of his dog.’
Among the spatial markers of Mapuche, -me-, -pa- and -pu- occupy a central posi-
tion. Whereas -me- indicates motion away from the speaker to another location, with
a connotation of temporariness (‘itive’, ‘thither’), -pa- indicates motion towards the
speaker or location near the speaker (‘ventive’, ‘hither’). The third element indicates a
location remote from the speaker without a previous motion. Both -pa- and -pu- can be
preceded by an element -(
)r- yielding meanings, such as ‘on the way here’ and ‘on the
way there’. Circular motion can be indicated by means of the suffix -yaw-(-kiaw- after
consonants).
(85) fey-pi-ŋŋe-r-pa-n
that-say-PS-MT-H-1.SG.ID
‘I was told on my way here.’
(Smeets 1989: 338)
(86) kla ˇc
.
ipantu-∅∅-me-n
34
arxentina
three year-V-TH-1.SG.ID Argentina
‘I spent three years in Argentina.’
(Smeets 1989: 342)
(87) lef-kiaw-n
run-CR-IF
‘to run around’
(Augusta 1966: 118)
Among the remaining modal and aspectual suffixes that are worth mentioning
is -(
)rke-,which combines the meanings of a reportative and a sudden discovery form
(cf. section 3.2.6 on Quechua grammar). The suffix -k
nu- indicates ‘to leave the patient
in a situation’.
35
The suffix -tu- indicates restitution of an original situation; a second
34
A case of null verbalisation: ˇc
.
ipantu- ‘to be/spend a year’, from ˇc
.
ipantu ‘year’.
35
The function of -k
nu-isreminiscent of that of -rpari-inQuechua; cf. section 3.2.7.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 535
application of -tu-isthat of a non-causative transitiviser. The suffix -fal- can be in-
terpreted as ‘must’ or, as a transitiviser ‘to order’; -faluw- indicates ‘simulation’. The
suffixes -fem- ‘immediately’ and -we- ‘already’, ‘again’ have time-related functions.
(88) wen
y
e-nie-n
y
ma-rke-fi-y-ŋŋnn
y
i mapu
steal-CN-DM-SD-3O-3.ID-3.PL 3P land
‘They kept robbing them of their land without them
being aware of it.’
(Smeets 1989: 323)
(89) ˇc
.
ana-knu-y
36
n
y
i
l
ˆ
akawel
y
u
lie.down-LB-3.ID 3P dead horse
‘He left his dead horse behind (and continued his way).’
(Augusta 1966: 236)
(90) n-tu-a-yin
y
mapu
take-RS-F-1.PL.ID land
‘We will take land back!’
(a land reform slogan)
(91) tofk-tu-n
spit-T-IF
‘to spit at someone’
(Augusta 1991: 150)
(92) wiya ˇc
.
ipa-fal-fu-y-mi
yesterday leave-OB-PA-ID-2.SG
‘You should have left yesterday.’
(Augusta 1990: 292)
(93) in
y
ˇce ŋŋil
y
a-fal-n kamisa
Ibuy-OB.T-1.SG.ID shirt
‘I had a shirt bought.’
(Smeets 1989: 359)
(94) l
y
aγγ al
y
k-n, welu al
y
k-w-faluw-la-n
half hear-1.SG.ID but hear-RF-SI-NE-1.SG.ID
‘I heard half of it, but I pretended not to hear.’
(Smeets 1989: 349)
(95) kintu-fem-fu-y ka θθomo
look.for-M-PA-3.ID other woman
‘He immediately looked for another woman.’
(Smeets 1989: 345)
(96) kpa-we-la-ya-y
come-CM-NE-F-3.ID
‘He will not come anymore.’
(Augusta 1966: 261)
In spite of the large choice of morphological options of the Mapuche verb, several
modal functions are indicated by means of preverbal adverbs, rather than by affixes. Two
examples of such adverbs are k
pa ‘want’ and pepi ‘can’.
36
‘To lie down’, ‘to lie bare’ is ˇc
.
ana-le-; cf. ˇc
.
an- ‘to fall’.
536 5 The Araucanian Sphere
(97) kpa amu-la-y
want go-NE-3.ID
‘He does not want to go.’
(Augusta 1966: 113)
(98) pepi amu-la-ya-n
can go-NE-F-1.SG.ID
‘I won’t be able to go.’
(Augusta 1966: 180)
The expression of nominal predicates in Mapuche is realised in different ways. One
option is to verbalise the noun either by means of zero verbalisation (99), or by a verbal
derivational affix used for that purpose, as in (100) and (101).
(99) lγγ-∅∅-y
white-V-3.ID
‘It became white.’
(Smeets 1989: 204)
(100) lγγ-kle-y
white-V.ST-3.ID
‘It is white.’‘It has become white.’
(Smeets 1989: 34)
(101) kiˇsu-le-y
alone-V.ST-3.ID
‘He is (left) alone.’
(Smeets 1989: 156)
Another option is to affix the element -
ŋ
e-. This element, which is homophonous
with the verbal passive marker, is historically derived from *
ŋ
e- ‘to be’, ‘to be there’.
Although still used independently in the seventeenth century (cf. Valdivia 1606), the
verb
ŋ
e-isnow limited to negative (
ŋ
e-la-) and spatially marked (
ŋ
e-me-,
ŋ
e-pa-) verb
forms (cf. Smeets 1989: 159–60). The suffix -
ŋ
e- indicates a property of the subject. Its
base may be a noun, as well as an adjective (102). In some cases it refers to possession
(‘to have’, ‘to get’), as in (103), and it can also refer to existence, as in (104).
(102) nor-ŋŋe-y
straight-CV-3.ID
‘It is straight (always).’
(Smeets 1989: 156)
(103) kure-ŋŋe-n
wife-CV-IF
‘to be married’, ‘to marry (of men)’
(Augusta 1966: 107)
(104) krf-ŋŋe-y
wind-CV-3.ID
‘There is wind.’
(Smeets 1989: 158)
Still another option for expressing a nominal predicate relation is by juxtaposing the
nouns. This option indicates that two entities are identical, rather than that one is the
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 537
property of the other (105). For an example with a negation see (80). For a seventeenth-
century example, in which the nominal predicate is introduced by the focus marker ta,
see (52).
(105) fey-ˇci
θθomo n
y
i inan lamŋŋen
that-AJ woman 1P.SG next.in.line sister
‘That woman is my youngest sister.’
(Smeets 1989: 182)
Deixis in Mapuche comprises a system of demonstratives, which includes three
degrees: t
fa ‘this’, (t
)fey ‘that (near addressee)’ and t
ye ‘that (distant)’. When used as
modifiers, these deictic elements must be followed by the adjectivising suffix -ˇci.Valdivia
(1606) records these same forms, but adds that Santiago dialect speakers preferred ma
and ma-chi to tva [tßa] and tva-chi [tßaˇci], respectively. The word fey is also used
for ‘he’, ‘she’ and ‘it’, Mapuche having no grammatical gender distinctions. There are
special deictics for ‘here’ (faw) and ‘there’ (t
yew, γ
y
w) and a deictic verb root fem-
‘to do like that’ (cf. Quechua hina-).
Two deictic elements, ta and ti, are widely used for different purposes. Smeets (1989:
108–14) analyses them as anaphoric elements, of which the first one appeals to knowl-
edge shared by the speech participants, and the second one to general knowledge. One
of the functions of ta is to focalise a noun or noun phrase that occupies the final position
in a sort of cleft construction; see (52). For an example of ti, see (68).
Interrogative elements are partly derived from a verb root ˇcum-asinˇcum
l ‘when?’,
ˇcum-
ŋ
e-ˇci ‘how?’ and ˇcum-
ŋ
e-lu ‘why?’. The related roots ˇcem and ˇcew refer to ‘what?’
and ‘where?’, respectively.
37
Note also iney ‘who?’, tu-ˇci ‘which?’ and tun
t
ˆ
e(n) ‘how
much?’ (Smeets 1989: 132–5). Indefinite pronouns are formed by adding rume to the
interrogative root, negative pronouns by adding nu rume; cf. (79).
Mapuche has a fair number of sentence particles with functions that are reminiscent
of those of the sentential suffixes in Aymara and Quechua; e.g. ˇci expresses doubt, kay
apivotal question, and may provokes an affirmative answer (Smeets 1989: 431–49).
(106) in
y
ˇce amu-tu-a-n, eymi kay
I go-RS-F-1.SG.ID you how.about
‘I am going back, how about you?’
(Smeets 1989: 435)
5.1.4 Lexicon
The root lexicon of the Mapuche language is rich and varied, as is witnessed by Augusta’s
authoritative dictionary (1916). It is the lexicon of a people that regarded proficiency
37
There is a striking analogy with the Aymara interrogative roots kam(a)- and kaw(ki); cf.
section 3.3.7.
538 5 The Araucanian Sphere
in rhetoric as a prerequisite for leadership and one that succeeded in staying aloof
from European cultural influence and forced Christianisation until a relatively recent
date. Its pride and spirit of independence will certainly have played a role. The Mapuche
lexicon may have remained more intact than that of other languages. However, Valdivia’s
grammar contains terms referring to military activity, which are no longer viable today
(e.g. queta-cara-n ‘to destroy cities’).
Borrowed elements from Aymara, Quechua and Spanish are clearly discernible but
do not play a dominant role. The influence of Aymara (not Quechua) in the numeral
system (pataka ‘hundred’) is worth mentioning. Quechua loans are aˇcawal
y
‘chicken’,
‘rooster’ (Quechua atawal
y
pa name of the last Inca ruler), awka ‘rebel’ (Quechua awqa),
ˇcal
y
wa ‘fish’ (Quechua ˇcal
y
wa), ˇcil
y
ka-tu- ‘to write’ (Quechua qil
y
qa), mi
ŋ
gako- ‘to hire
farm-hands’ (Quechua minka-ku-, probably through Spanish), wampo ‘boat’ (Quechua
wampu). Spanish loans were often adopted in the early contact period when the phonetic
permeability between the two languages was not yet very advanced. They include some
very characteristic cases, such as al
y
fi
θ
‘pea’ (Spanish arveja), kap
ra ‘goat’ (Spanish
cabra), manˇsun ‘ox’ (Spanish mans´on ‘big tame one’), napor ‘turnips’ (Spanish nabos)
and ufiˇsa ‘sheep’ (Spanish oveja); cf. Smeets (1989: 68–71).
The numbering system of Mapuche is decimal. The first ten numbers do not
show any influence from other known languages: kin
y
e ‘one’, epu ‘two’, k
la ‘three’,
meli ‘four’, keˇcu ‘five’, kayu ‘six’, reγle ‘seven’, pura ‘eight’, ayl
y
a ‘nine’, mari
‘ten’. Multipliers precede the higher units, whereas units follow them, e.g. epu mari
‘twenty’, mari kin
y
e ‘eleven’. ‘Hundred’ (pataka) and ‘thousand’ (wara
ŋ
ka) are from
Aymara (pataka, waranqa), although originally from Quechua. Valdivia (1606: 50) men-
tions the existence of a system of month names, which have long since fallen into
oblivion.
The Mapuche kinship system remained well preserved until relatively recently. Au-
gusta (1990: 251–4) and Moesbach (1963: 193–5) provide an insightful inventory of
Mapuche kinship terms. Kinship terms may differ according to gender of ego, except
for the terms for father (ˇcaw) and mother (n
y
uke), which are the same for both. Where
a man distinguishes son (fo
t
ˆ
m) and daughter (n
y
awe), a woman uses one term for both
(p
n
y
en
y
). The terminology for in-laws (cover term
ŋ
il
y
an
y
)isnearly as complex and
specific as that for blood relatives (cover term mo
ŋ
eyel). Many terms have double or
complementary functions. For instance, a woman calls her paternal grandmother kuku,
but also her son’s children. The term lam
ŋ
en means ‘sister of man’, but also ‘brother or
sister of woman’. Additionally, a woman calls lam
ŋ
en her cousins by an uncle on her
father’s side, and by an aunt on her mother’s side.
The colour terms of Mapuche are of interest in that most of them seem to fit in a
single phonological model, which consists of an initial k,avariable vowel, a resonant
or fricative (in one case a cluster), and a high vowel
: kal
y
f
‘blue’, kar
‘green’, kaˇs
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 539
‘grey’, kel
‘red’, kol
‘brown’, kur
‘black’.
38
‘White’ (l
γ) and ‘yellow’(ˇco
θ
)donot fit
this pattern.
Mapuche is rich in verbal expressions involving reduplicated roots, which in many
cases have an onomatopoeic character; e.g. nuf=nuf-tu- ‘to sniff’, wir=wir- ‘to screech’,
wirar=wirar-
ŋ
e- ‘to cry constantly’ (Smeets 1989: 403–8).
5.1.5 Mapuche sample text
Mapuche oral literature is rich and varied. Salas (1992a) distinguishes two types of genre:
the epew or apew,which relates mythical events and traditions, and the n
ˇc
.
am or
ŋ
ˇc
.
am,
which is supposed to have a historical content. A well-known example of a traditional
myth is Manquian, the story of a man who changes into a rock in the ocean. Appertaining
to daily life is the series of narratives known as Federico ˜ni n¨utram (Federico’s Stories)
by Segundo Llam´ın Canulaf (1987). Most narratives are characterised by an abundant
use of direct speech accompanied by the verb pi-orfey-pi- ‘to say’. The embedding
of direct speech in direct speech can attain great complexity and may result in long
sentences. Hearsay is frequently indicated, either by means of the reportative (verbal
suffix -rke-), or by the expression pi-am ‘it is said’.
39
The following text fragment is
taken from Pascual Co˜na’s Testimonio de un cacique mapuche (Testimony of a Mapuche
Chief) (Co˜na 1984: 270–1), first published in Moesbach (1930). It describes the climate
which eventually led to the last great uprising of the Mapuche chiefs in 1881.
40
1. kuyfi tfa-ˇci mapu-ˇce m
t
ˆ
e-we γθθe-ke-fu-y pu wiŋŋka.
in.old.times this-AJ land-people much-LS hate-CU-PA-3.ID
PL non-Indian
In old times these Mapuche people used to hate the Huincas very much.
The term huinca is used by the Mapuches for all non-Indian people, including white
Argentinians and Chileans, but also Spanish-speaking mestizos. The adverb m
t
ˆ
e means
‘much’; its longer variant m
t
ˆ
e-we indicates a very high degree ‘too much’. The combi-
nation -ke-fu- refers to a habit in the past.
2. “ˇcem-ye-la-fi-yin
y
fey-ˇci pu wiŋŋka-n
y
ma ˇce.
what-V-NE-3O-1.PL.ID that-AJ PL non.Indian-LS human
“We are not related to those half-foreign people.
38
A similar persistent pattern for colour terms is found in Arawakan languages (cf. Payne 1991a).
The reason for this remarkable similarity remains to be explored. Cf. also Atacame˜no cka ˆala
‘yellow’, ckaˆari ‘green’ (Va¨ısse et al. 1896) and Quechua qil
y
u ‘yellow’.
39
Not attested in the sample text.
40
Direct speech is indicated by means of double quotation marks (“”); embedded direct speech
by single quotation marks (‘’); and second degree embedded direct speech by pointed brackets
(<>).
540 5 The Araucanian Sphere
The verbalising element -ye- can be translated as ‘to have (someone) in a (type of
relationship)’; cf. Smeets (1989: 164). It may be derived from the verb ye- ‘to carry’.
The combination ˇcem-ye- with a negation is to be interpreted as ‘not to have any rela-
tionship (by blood or other) with someone’. The term wi
ŋ
ka-n
y
ma ‘Hispanicised Indian’
(Augusta 1966: 276) contains a suffix -n
y
ma,which is formally identical to the verbal
detrimental suffix. It is often found in adverbs, but here it means something like ‘pseudo-’
or ‘half-’.
3. ka mol
y
fn
y
tfa yeŋŋn”, pi-ke-fu-y-ŋŋn.
other blood this 3.PL say-CU-PA-3.ID-3.PL
They are of a different blood,” they used to say.
The word ka means ‘other’, ‘another’; the expression ka mol
y
f
n
y
means ‘of different
blood’, ‘not related’. After a vowel the third-person plural element e
ŋ
n can be preceded
by y-.
4. kin
y
e-ke mu ˇc
.
r-m-ke-fu-y-ŋŋn malon θθŋŋutfa-ˇci l
y
ek-le-ˇci
pu loŋŋko pu wiŋŋka mew.
one-DB OC be.equal-CA-CU-PA-3.ID-3.PL raid thing this-AJ
close-ST-AJ PL chief PL non-Indian OC
Sometimes these chiefs who were neighbours to the Huincas
used to organise some raid against them.
The word kin
y
e-ke (from kin
y
e ‘one’) means ‘some’, ‘one by one’; followed by mu
or mew it is translated as ‘sometimes’, ‘on some occasions’. The verb ˇc
.
r-
m- ‘to make
equal’, ‘to compensate’ is also used in the meaning ‘to organise’, ‘to set up’. The
expression malon
θ
ŋ
u, literally ‘raid-thing’, is translated by Augusta (1966: 33) as
‘some raid’. The continuative suffix -(k
)le- in l
y
ek
-le-ˇci acts as a verbaliser.
5. fey mew ˇc
.
aw-lu eŋŋnkewa-tu-ke-fu-y-ŋŋn, inaw-tu-ke-fu-y-ŋŋn.
that OC unite-AG 3.PL fight-LS-CU-PA-3.ID-3.PL
close-T-CU-PA-3.ID-3.PL
Then they would come together and fight, and they would suffer a
disaster.
The verb kewa-tu- ‘to fight’, ‘to hit’ is derived from kewa-, which has the same
meaning. The verb inaw-tu- (or in
y
aw-tu-) means ‘to suffer a disaster’; its semantic
relation to ina ‘next’ and inaw ‘vicinity’ is not transparent.
6. fey mew
θθoy γθθe-wiŋŋka-ke-fu-y-ŋŋn.
that OC more hate-non.Indian-CU-PA-3.ID-3.PL
After that they used to be even bigger Huinca-haters.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 541
7. fem-ŋŋe-ˇci n
y
im
t
ˆ
e-we γθe-wiŋŋka-ke-n eŋŋnˇc
.
r-rke-y iˇc
.
o-kom
mapu mew eŋŋnn
y
iawka-n
y
-pe-ŋŋe-a-l kom wiŋŋka.
act.thus-LS-AJ 3P much-LS hate-non.Indian-CU-IF 3.PL be.equal-SD-
3.ID right-all country OC 3.PL 3P revolt-EU-see-PS-F-SN all
non.Indian
Because they had such hatred of the Huincas, they had agreed that all
Huincas everywhere in the country would be faced with an uprising.
The expression fem-
ŋ
e-ˇci means ‘in that way’, ‘thus’; it is derived from the deictic
verb fem- ‘to act thus’. The infinitive with incorporated noun γ
θ
e-wi
ŋ
ka-ke-n is used
without a marker as a causal complement, ‘because of their strong hatred’, ‘being such
their hatred’. The verb ˇc
.
r- means ‘to be equal’; here it has the connotation of plotting.
The sudden discovery marker -(
)rke- may indicate that the preparations had been car-
ried out in secret. The word iˇc
.
o-kom means ‘all without exception’ (kom ‘all’). The verb
awka-n
y
-pe- means ‘to rise in rebellion against someone’, ‘to riot against someone’;
it is derived from awka- ‘to rebel’, ‘to rise’. For the interpretation of the element
-n
y
-pe-, the following option is the most likely: -n
y
- can be a euphonic element which
is often found at the division of compounds before -k- and -p- (as in tofk
-n
y
-p
ra-m-
‘to spit upwards’); in that case pe-may be identified as the verb ‘to see’. There are
two more derived verbs which contain -n
y
-pe-, il
y
ku-n
y
-pe- (from il
y
ku- ‘to become an-
gry’) and l
y
a
θ
k
-n
y
-pe- (from l
y
a
θ
k
- ‘to become sad’) both meaning ‘to scold’ (Smeets
1989: 66).
8. wne werk-l-pa-rke-y
θθŋŋupupewen.ˇce loŋŋko nekulman
y
ŋŋulu mapu
loŋŋko mew forowe mle-lu n
y
iˇc
.
r-a-m awka-n tfa-ˇci ŋŋulu mapu
mew ˇcum-ŋŋe-ˇci n
y
iˇc
.
r-m-npupewen.ˇce loŋŋko arxentina mew.
first send-CA-H-SD-3.ID word PL Pehuenche chief Neculma˜nwest
country chief OC Boroa be.there-AG 3P be.equal-F-GR rebel-IF
this-AJ west country OC act.how-PS-AJ 3P be.equal-CA-IF PL
Pehuenche chief Argentina OC
The first to send word over here were the Pehuenche chiefs in a message
to the Chilean chief Neculma˜n, who resided in Boroa, calling on him
to prepare an uprising in Chile that would match the preparations of
the Pehuenche chiefs in Argentina.
The intransitive/transitive verb pair ˇc
.
r- ‘to be equal’ and ˇc
.
r-
m- ‘to make equal’,
‘to compensate’ have the connotation of plotting and arranging. Augusta (1966: 252)
translates ˇc
.
r-
m
θ
u
ŋ
u as ‘stratagem’ or ‘trick’.
542 5 The Araucanian Sphere
9. ka werk-le-rke-y pron fweŋŋnn
y
i tun
t
ˆ
e.n mew n
y
i nie-a-l tfa-ˇci
malon fil
y
-ple.
further send-ST-SD-3.ID knot thread 3.PL 3P how.much OC 3P
hold-F-SN this-AJ raid every-side
Furthermore, they had sent a knotted thread establishing the date when
this general rebellion was to take place.
The word ka ‘other’ can further be interpreted as ‘also’, ‘furthermore’. The expression
tun
t
ˆ
e(n) means ‘how much’, ‘how big’, etc.; when followed by mew,itmeans ‘when’.
The expression fil
y
-p
le ‘everywhere’ has been translated as ‘general’ here. The ‘knotted
thread’ p
ron f
w refers to the Araucanian equivalent of the Peruvian quipu.
10. aku-lu fey-ˇci werken pewen.ˇce tuw-lu, fey wl-pa-y
θθŋŋu:
arrive-AG that-AJ messenger Pehuenche come.from-AG he/she/it
give-H-3.ID word
When the messenger arrived, coming from the Pehuenche,
he brought the following news.
The noun werken ‘messenger’ is derived from werk
- ‘to send’. The verb tuw- means
‘to proceed from’; its complement is always the place of origin; a relation with tu-
‘to get’ is doubtful. Mapuche has two verbs ‘to give’, elu- and w
l-: with the former
object markers are interpreted as recipients, whereas with the latter object markers are
interpreted as real objects and no recipient can be expressed. We interpret fey w
l-pa-y
θ
ŋ
u as: ‘This is the message he came to deliver.’
11. “werk-ŋŋe-n”, pi-pa-y.
send-PS-1.SG.ID say-H-3.ID
“I was sent,” he came to tell.
12. “werk-e-n-ew chayweke loŋŋko, kan
y
amu
nkura loŋŋko, kafoyel
y
loŋŋko, kaaŋŋkaˇc
.
rloŋŋko.
send-I-1.SG.ID-3.OV Chaihueque chief and Namuncura chief and Foyel
chief and Ancatrir chief
“I was sent by chief Chaihueque, chief Namuncura, chief Foyel and
chief Ancatrir.
These are names of Argentinian caciques.
41
The spelling of Namuncura is a bit odd,
as the etymology of this name is doubtless
namu
n kura ‘leg of stone’.
41
See Vignati (1942–6) for historical data regarding some of these indigenous leaders.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 543
13. ‘pe-lel-a-e-n n
y
ipuŋŋulu loŋŋko’ pi-e-n-ew n
y
ipuloŋŋko.
see-BN-F-I-1.SG.ID 1P.SG PL west chief say-I-1.SG.ID-3.OV
1P.SG PL chief
My chiefs said to me: ‘You will see for me the chiefs of Chile.’
This sentence contains two instances of the possessive modifier which do not seem
to have a clear possessive function; as an alternative, the first n
y
i could be interpreted as
‘his’, ‘their’, but this would make little sense; imaginably, a rhetorical device or a marker
of respect is involved. The Spanish translation speaks of ‘the’, not ‘my’ Chilean chiefs.
Note also the use of the singular in pe-lel-a-e-n, although four chiefs are involved.
14. fey mew kpa-n.
that OC come-1.SG.ID
Therefore I have come.
15. ‘mle-y may pu wiŋŋka, kom may awka-n
y
-pe-a-fi-yin
y
’
pi-∅∅ may n
y
iloŋŋko.
be.there-3.ID yes PL non.Indian all yes revolt-EU-see-F-3O-1.
PL.ID say-3.ID yes 1P.SG chief
‘Asweknow well, there are Huincas here; we all intend to rise against
them, don’t we?’, so my chief said.
The primary meaning of may is ‘yes’; as a particle, it is used to provoke the approval of
the addressee (cf. Smeets 1989: 436–7). After a root ending in -i- (pi-), the third-person
indicative suffix -y is often not pronounced.
16. ‘pi-me-a-fi-∅∅-mi fey-ˇci ŋŋulu loŋŋko’, pi-ŋŋe-n.
say-TH-F-3O-ID-2.SG that-AJ west chief say-PS-1.SG.ID
Iwas told: ‘You will go and say it to those Chilean chiefs.’
The indicative suffix -y- is not pronounced after the suffix -fi-.
17. ‘<in
y
ˇcin
y
may yin
y
pewen.ˇce-ŋŋe-n ap-m-a-fi-yin
y
tfa-ˇci pu
wiŋŋka>, pi-ke-yin
y
.
we yes1P.PL Pehuenche-CV-IF end-CA-F-3O-1.PL.ID this-AJ PL
non.Indian say-CU-1.PL.ID
‘<We, being the Pehuenche, we will finish off these Huincas>,
that is what we intend to do.
The element -
ŋ
e-n, infinitive of the copula verbaliser (originally ‘to be’), is used here
to characterise the Pehuenche as a collectivity; this collectivity is viewed as if it were
‘owned’ by the Pehuenche, hence the possessive modifier. The transitive verb ap-
m- ‘to
bring to an end’ is correlated to intransitive af- ‘to come to an end’. The use of -ke-in