Adelaar Willem, Muysken Pieter. The languages of the Andes
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484 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Afew of the other morphemes that can be used as postpositions are (Adam and Henry
1880: 25–8):
(206) a. -aka ‘with’, comitative
b. -anene, -a:p ‘about’, ‘above’
c. -au ‘in the absence of’
d. -ˇcepe ‘conjointly with’, ‘like’
e. -ibi ‘source’, ‘from’
f. -kuata (∼-suata) ‘because of’
g. -n
y
nana ‘than (in comparisons)’, oblique object, ablative
h. -(o)pnanaki ‘away from’, separation
i. -taku (∼-ˇcaku) ‘for the sake of’
j. -ubo ‘with’, instrumental
Some examples are:
(207) a-kosi y-aka-bo-ti:
2S-go.IM 3P.SG-company-LS-MS
‘Go with him!’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 26)
(208) i-suˇce-ka y-au-ti:
1.SG-be.sad-ND 3P.SG-absence-MS
‘I am sad in his absence.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 25)
(209) n
y
-˜a:ki-ka iyo a-ibi
1S.SG-ask-ND 3.SG 2P.SG-from
‘I ask it of you.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 25)
(210) i-skiˇsoto-ka i-n
y
nana
1S.SG-abhor-ND 3P.SG-OC
‘I abhor this.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 25)
(211) a-kosi-bo n
y
-opnanaki
2S.SG-get.away-F.IM 1P.SG-away.from
‘Get away from me!’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 25)
(212) a-aiki soi-ˇcaku
2S-pray.IM 1P.PL.EX-sake
‘Pray for us!’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 25)
As can be seen in (207, 212), the second-person imperatives are base forms. Case-marked
personal pronouns can be used prepositionally with nouns:
(213) y-aˇce-ka n
y
ome pa-ka
1S.SG-give-ND 3.PL.FE.DA woman-PL
‘I give the women.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 27)
4.13 Chiquitano 485
Some prepositions only occur in a fixed form, with the third-person prefix. We list some
of the locatives:
(214) i-ku ‘on or over flat objects’
i-kumoeta ‘in the middle of’
i-pnana ‘between’
i-ta ‘on or over non-flat, round objects’
-takuisr ‘on or over high objects’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 27)
Notice, however, that the element they govern can only be an object, and hence the
invariance may be accidental, though presumably this could be plural as well as singular
in reference.
Verbs. The Chiquitano verb consists of a stem with a person prefix, generally identical
to the person prefix of nouns and postpositions, and tense and mood suffixes. According
to Galeote Tormo (1996: 148–50), the verb can have various forms:
(215) absolute (without an object) pron. prefix a-
ACTIVE STEM-ka
active transitive pron. prefix i-
ACTIVE STEM-ta
active with pronominal object pron. prefix i-
ACTIVE STEM-ka-pron.
suffix
passive pron. prefix-
PA SSIVE STEM-ka
Passive can be distinguished from the active forms either by stem modification (weak-
ening of the initial consonant, the addition of a prefix), or the stems can be identical;
absolute and transitive uses of the verb are distinguished by affixes. The suffix -ka does
not normally occur with third-person subject forms, where, depending on the verb, it is
replaced by one out of a set of other suffixes (-o, -bo, -ko, -na, -no, -ra, -ro, -so, -yo)or
some additional modification. The manuscripts edited by Adam and Henry describe the
system as involving a different ending for when the action of the verb is determined by
some reason or not, and depending on the nature of the object. In addition to absolute
(no object), active (a specific nominal object), and reflexive (coreferential pronominal
object), they distinguish:
(216) respective 1: masculine pronominal object
respective 2: unmarked pronominal object
Combined with the ± determined distinction this gives the following paradigm (for
first-person-singular subject present):
486 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
(217) −determined +determined
absolute: n
y
a..ka n
y
a..
active: i..ka i..no
reflexive: i..ka-n
y
i..no-n
y
respective 1 i..ka-ti: i..no-ti:
respective 2 i..to i..
(Adam and Henry 1880: 37)
Notice the discrepancy between the different sources: the i..tacombination in (215) does
not figure in this list. For the reflexive and respective 1 usages a pronoun is simply added
in final position. However, this pronoun may undergo a complex series of allomorphic
changes depending on the shape of the verbal stem.
The fundamental three-way distinction mentioned can be illustrated by the following
forms of tomo˜e- ‘to tie’:
(218) n
y
a-tomo˜e-ka absolute
i-tomo˜e-ka active
i-ˇcomo˜e-ka passive
Some verbs are inherently transitive: koko- ‘obey’, n
y
oko- ‘leave’, ya
bu- ‘open’,
n
y
en- ‘hold’, n
y
ama- ‘close’ (Galeote Tormo 1996: 149). Likewise, the number of verbs
that can be passivised is limited, including chop
- ‘wound’, tomo˜e- ‘tie’. Some verbs,
like ‘go’, ‘come’ and ‘be’ have irregular or at least untransparent paradigms.
Past tense is marked adverbially or with a prefix t
- (which precedes person prefixes).
Some verbs allow an affix -ki for future tense, but in most cases this is marked adver-
bially (Galeote Torno 1996: 176). The particle -ka is used in indicative contexts, for
different tenses. It can be preceded by the future particle -ra-/-na- (or another one),
and remote future can be expressed by an adverbial element, so that we have forms
such as:
(219) tari i-tomo˜e-na-ka-ti:
RU 1S.SG-tie-F-ND-3O.MS
‘I’ll tie him up later.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 40)
Other time references can be formed in a similar way with pre- or postposed adver-
bial elements. There is a future or subjunctive prefix that occurs before the person
marker:
(220) m-iˇs-ane˜e
[-aka ‘eat’]
SJ-1S.SG-eat
‘so that I eat it’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 41)
4.13 Chiquitano 487
There are no affixes for nominalised or infinitive forms. Gerunds are formed with a
preposition and an article:
(221) au-n-i-tomo˜e-u
in-DF-1S.SG-tie-3O.SG
‘when tying it up’ (lit. ‘in my tying it’)
(Adam and Henry 1880: 42)
Predicative expressions are formed by adding pronouns as enclitics to the predicate.
Predicates can be nouns, adjectives and interrogative pronouns:
(222) a. riaboˇs
.
-n
y
captain-1S.SG
‘I am a captain.’
b. riaboˇs
.
-h
captain-2S.SG
‘You are a captain.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 45)
These essentially stative predicates can be made resultative through the addition of -ka-:
(223) riaboˇs
.
-ka-n
y
captain-ND-1S.SG
‘I have become a captain.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 45)
Possession can be expressed by prefixing a noun with a person marker and adding -ka
at the end:
(224) i-po:-ka
1P.SG-house-ND
‘I have a house.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 46)
Negation is expressed through the addition of -i at the end of the verb, hence:
(225) i-tomo˜e-to-i
1S.SG-tie-3O.SG-NE
‘I didn’t tie it up.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 45)
Verbal derivation and composition. There are very complex processes of verbal deriva-
tion and composition in Chiquitano. An example is the causative:
(226) n
y
otubori-ka ‘to have food’
n
y
otumoni-ma-ka-ka ‘to cause someone to have food’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 46)
The consonantal changes are due to nasal spreading, as explained above.
488 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
The range of (generally post-stem) derivational affixes is quite wide. The following
list illustrates just a few:
(227) sura-ka ‘to speak’
sura-pa-ka ‘to speak to another’
sura-taki-ka ‘to speak frequently’
sura-sr-ka ‘to speak before others’
sura-sipi-ka ‘to talk dirty’ (Adam and Henry 1880: 50)
4.13.4 Chiquitano word order
Clearly, Chiquitano is an (S)VO language:
(228) i-tomo˜e-ka n-burikaˇs
.
[cf. non-standard Spanish burrica]
1S.SG-tie-ND DF-mule
‘I tie the mule.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 52)
We also saw that prepositions precede nominal complements:
(229) ipnana n-oseoˇs
.
between DF-corn
‘between the corn’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 27)
The position of the subject is less clear, given the paucity of examples with nominal
subjects. Chiquitano has adopted the Spanish coordinating conjunctions y ‘and’ and o
‘or’. These, as well as native Chiquitano adverbial subordinating conjunctions, precede
the clause they modify.
4.14 The languages of the Chaco region: Guaicuruan, Matacoan,
Zamucoan and Lengua–Mascoy
In the Chaco region, which covers part of southeastern Bolivia, western Paraguay and the
northern Argentinian border region, three small language families are spoken: Guaicu-
ruan, Matacoan and Zamucoan. In addition, there are speakers of Lengua–Mascoy and
of Tupi–Guaran´ı languages (cf. section 4.3). For Lule–Vilela, now practically extinct,
see chapter 3 (sections 3.1 and 3.8). Furthermore, Guaicuruan, Matacoan and Lule–
Vilela connections have been proposed for the extinct Charr´uan languages, once spoken
in Uruguay (cf. section 1.7.3). Censabella (1999) gives a survey of the sociolinguistic
situation in the Argentinian part of the Chaco.
The Guaicuruan family includes Pilag´a, Toba, Mocov´ı and the extinct Abip´on in
Argentina and Paraguay, while Kadiweu is spoken in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul,
Brazil. There were Toba speakers in Bolivia in the nineteenth century, but from 1916
4.14 The languages of the Chaco region 489
Table 4.10 Phoneme inventory of Toba (based on Messineo 2000)
∗
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
Voiceless stops p t ˇckqʔ
Voiced stops d g
Voiceless fricatives s ˇsh
Voiced fricative ˇz
Nasals m n n
y
Laterals l l
y
Glides w y
Front Central Back
High i
Mid e o
Low a
∗
In Klein (1978), vowel length is distinctive. The voiced stop d has a frequent tap
allophone [r], and Klein’s inventory posits a phoneme /r/, instead of /d/. In some
dialects h is absent in word-initial position.
onwards they were pushed out of Bolivia, and now a handful at most are left there,
although there are many more in Argentina and Paraguay. Pilag´aisspoken in the province
of Formosa, Argentina, and Mocov´ıinthe southern part of the province of Chaco and
northern part of Santa Fe province, Argentina. While Toba language and culture have
been extensively studied (Censabella 1996; Klein 1973, 1978, 1981; Messineo 2000),
Pilag´a has been analysed by Vidal (2001). Grammars of Mocov´ıhave been written by
Gualdieri (1998) and Grondona (1998). The now extinct language Abip´on has been
documented by Najlis (1966).
The phoneme system of Toba has been analysed by Messineo (2000) as in table 4.10.
Syllables tend to be fairly simple. Examples of the most complex syllables include
dayk ‘big’ (CVCC) and pyoq ‘dog’ (CCVC). The resonants l and n can be syllabic in
word-initial position. Some prefixes and suffixes contain an unspecified vowel which
harmonises with the vowel of the word base. There is frequent palatalisation, of both
vowels and consonants, triggered by the presence of the vowel i. Stress falls on the last
syllable of the word.
The most striking grammatical feature of Toba is the so-called Active valency-marking
system, illustrated by the following contrast (Messineo 2000: 75–6):
(230) a. s-apa
Gagen na qom l-ʔʔaqtaq
1S.SG-teach DC Toba 3P-language
‘I teach the Toba language.’
490 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
b. maˇse s-aˇsek
already 1S.SG-go
‘I am going already.’
(231) a. ayem ˇz-asamn
y
i
1.SG 1.UG.SG-be.tired
‘I am tired.’
b. Romualdo ∅∅-ˇz-awa-
Gan
Romualdo 3S.SG-1.UG.SG-beat-T
‘Romualdo beat me.’
There are two person paradigms for the first and second persons, A used for transitive
subjects (230a) and subjects of intransitive dynamic verbs (230b), and B used for subjects
of stative verbs (231a) and direct objects (231b). In addition, there is a nominal possessor
paradigm C (Messineo 2000: 133), and a medial paradigm D.
(232) A. Subject B. Undergoer C. Possessor D. Medial
1.SG s(V)- ˇz(V)- i- n
y
(V)-
2.SG ʔʔaw- ʔʔad- ʔʔad- ʔʔan-
1.PL s(V)- qad- qad- n
y
(V)-
2.PL qaw-...-i qad-...-i qad-...-i qan-...-i
The nominal possessor forms in C are largely identical to the undergoers in B.
Whether a verb enters into paradigm A or B is not only a question of transitivity or the
degree of control of the subject, but also of the dynamicity of the predicate. The verbs
entering into class B are limited to about twenty. The class includes true statives and
descriptives (which may be expressed as adjectives in other languages). Klein (1981)
has provided an interesting analysis of the verbs used with prefixes from paradigm D.
She argues that the basic meaning of the /n/-class prefixes of paradigm D is adcorporeal
movement, i.e. towards the torso. Metaphorically, this is extended to reflexive, reciprocal
and medial uses. Consider the following contrastive pair (Klein 1981: 230):
(233) a. n
y
i-kor-ek
1S.SG.MD-pour-outward
‘I pour out (perfume, syrup – inward motion).’
b. se-kor-ek
1S.SG-pour-outward
‘I pour out (liquid, e.g. from a pail – motion away from the body).’
4.14 The languages of the Chaco region 491
For the third person, the situation is more complicated (Messineo 2000: 80–6):
(234) i–/y- transitive subjects, subjects of some intransitive verbs
d(V)- subjects of typically intransitive verbs
∅∅- inanimate subjects and subjects of locative verbs
n- subjects of medial verbs (reflexive, ‘hither’)
l- possessors
In addition, there is an optional third-person object suffix -a.Inthe plural, all third
persons are marked with the suffix -d- (or -
ʔ
in word-final position).
Several authors, including Klein (1981) and Messineo (2000), have discussed the
locative and directional markers of Toba. These are striking because of the range of
semantic distinctions expressed and their morphological features. They are separated
from the verbal root by the aspectual morphemes, suggesting a status of inflectional
element; at the same time, however, they often interact with the meaning of the root,
suggesting a status as derivational element. There are three pairs of strictly directional
markers (Messineo 2000: 114):
(235) a. -(w)ek ‘outward’
-wo ‘inward’
b. -ˇsigem ‘upward’
-n
y
i ‘downward’
c. -(a)
Gasom ‘toward water’
-waq ‘toward fire’
An example would be:
(236) naˇce n
y
i nsoGoy ʔʔam ya-maG-awaq ˇze norek
then DC Nsooy 2.SG 3S.SG-push-DR DC fire
‘Then Nsooy pushes you toward the fire.’
(Messineo 2000: 121)
Notice that both the prefix i- ‘3S.SG’ and the directional suffix -waq are separated
from the base by a copied or harmonising epenthetic vowel a. (All the directional ele-
ments, except -(w)ek, receive a connective vowel when they are added to a stem ending
in a consonant.) The directional suffix -waq bears no resemblance to the lexical root
norek ‘fire’.
492 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
The locational suffixes are not structured in pairs (Messineo 2000: 122–31):
(237) -lek ‘above’
-gi ‘inside’
-ʔʔot ‘stuck away underneath’
-(a)sop ‘underneath’, ‘near’
-ʔʔaoga ‘on the outside’
32
-a ‘precisely there’
-ta ‘on the side of, at the border of’
-iʔʔ ‘there’ (deictic)
-ge ‘orientational’
-get ‘in confrontation or contact with’
In the noun, in addition to possessor, dual, paucal and plural number can be expressed
(Messineo 2000: 136–9):
(238) a. ya-pia-te
1P.SG-leg-D
‘my two legs’ (dual)
(Messineo 2000: 137)
b. ʔʔalo-l
woman-PC
‘(a few) women’ (paucal)
(Messineo 2000: 137)
c. waqahn
y
i-pi
star-PL
‘stars’ (plural)
(Messineo 2000: 138)
There is both alienable and inalienable possession in the language. The latter involves
body parts, kin terms, parasites, diseases, images of the body (like shadow), intrinsic
human properties (like names) and some objects made by humans. There is a system of
nominal classifiers, intersecting with masculine and feminine gender marking, indicating
various semantic categories. In addition, there is a system of six deictic roots, which
combine with various other gender and number affixes (Messineo 2000: 157):
(239) na ‘close’
so ‘distant’
ka ‘absent’
da ‘vertical extension’
ˇzi ‘horizontal extension’
n
y
i ‘not extended, three-dimensional’
32
Also recorded as -
ʔ
oga (Klein 1978, 1981).
4.14 The languages of the Chaco region 493
Table 4.11 Phoneme inventory of Bolivian (Noctenes) Mataco (based on
Claesson 1994)
∗
Labial Dental Palatal Velar Labiovelar Uvular Glottal
Stops p t k
y
k
w
q ʔ
Affricate c
Fricative s x x
w
h
Lateral l
Nasal m n
Glides w y
Front Back
High i u
Mid e o
Low a ɑ
∗
Vocalic length and stress are phonemic. Vowel nasality occurs but is not contrastive.
The sound [k] is an allophone of either k
w
or q. Stops and affricates combine with the
glottal stop
ʔ
and with the glottal fricative h to form glottalised and aspirated conso-
nants, respectively. In the same way, resonants can be preglottalised or postglot-
talised, when they appear in a cluster with
ʔ
;when followed by h they become
voiceless.
Word order in Toba is relatively free. In transitive clauses, SVO predominates, and
in intransitive clauses VS. Possessors tend to follow possessed elements. There is no
clearly defined class of adpositions, but the few elements glossed as such precede their
complements. The informative grammar of Mocov´ıbyGualdieri (1998) illustrates many
of these aspects of this very interesting language family.
Matacoan or Mataguayan includes Mataco, Chulup´ı–Ashlushlay, Chorote and Mak´a.
The languages of the Matacoan family are mostly spoken in Paraguay and Argentina.
There may be some speakers of Chulup´ı–Ashlushlay and Chorote left in Bolivia, but
most are in Paraguay and Argentina.
Mataco, Wichi or Weenhayek is the only language with a sizeable number of speakers
in Bolivia, along the southwest bank of the Pilcomayo river in the department of Tarija.
There is no sign of language loss among the Mataco, although the majority of the Mataco
also know Spanish. The Bolivian variety is also referred to as Noctenes (Claesson
1994). An overview of earlier materials and a thematically organised vocabulary list is
presented in Lehmann-Nitsche (1926). Tovar (1981) presents texts and a grammar of
Mataco.
The phoneme system of Mataco is presented in table 4.11.
The language is reported to have a four-person pronominal prefix system (Claesson
1994: 7–10). (The fourth person represents first person inclusive.) The set of nominal