Adelaar Willem, Muysken Pieter. The languages of the Andes
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464 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.8 The sound inventory of Chol´on (based on Alexander-Bakkerus,
forthcoming)
∗
Labial Dental Palatal Velar Laryngeal
Voiceless stops p t k ʔ
Voiced stops (b) (d) (g)
Fricatives (f ) s ˇsh
Affricates c ˇc
Nasals m n n
y
ŋ
Vibrant (r)
Laterals l l
y
Glides w y
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid e o
Low a
∗
The elements in parentheses occur only in Spanish loan words. The exact value of
the mid vowels is uncertain; the assumption of a glottal stop phoneme is tentative.
Exclamatives
Just like Quechua, Chol´on has a wide variety of exclamatives, some of which resemble
those of that language:
(139) ah neutral exclamation, also: to scare children
aha ‘what a shame!’
aku ‘affectionate, pity’
alew ‘cold’
al
y
aw, atih ‘pain’
ampaˇslen ‘pity’
anih empek, ma empek ‘very well! well done!’
an
y
iw ‘desire’
aŋŋ ‘admiration’
iˇcay, iˇcakay ‘disapproval’
iˇci, iˇcyey ‘fear’
iˇsiw ‘how wicked, how insolent!’
onew ‘anger or annoyance’
oy ‘concession or assent’
uˇcu, uˇcuw ‘how hot!’
un
y
uw ‘marvel, praise’
4.11 Chol´on 465
Conjunctions and clausal enclitics
There is a small set of sentential affixes, which includes:
(140) a. -le ‘or’, interrogative marker
b. -pit ‘and, also’
c. -simal
y
‘and, also’ (used with verbs)
d. -(w)a ‘as for’ (topic marker)
e. -(w)aˇco ‘and, but’
The form sim-al
y
‘and, etc.’ may consist of sim,which occurs rarely by itself, and the
delimitative clitic -(a)l
y
. Some examples of sentential affixes are given below.
(141) mi-le ok-le ki-l
y
a-kt-an
18
2.SG-IR 1.SG-IR 1S.PL-go-F-IA
‘Shall I go, or will you go?’
(142) ok a-l
y
a-kt-an mi-na-ha-waˇco mu-mutaŋŋ-ha-te [putam ‘village’]
1.SG 1S.SG-go-F-IA 2-PU-PL-but 2P.SG-RL.village-PL-L
‘I will go, but you (plural) (will stay) in your village.’
Question words
Question words include the following, where -(a)m is a question marker:
(143) ol-am ‘who?’
inˇca-m ‘what?’
intoŋŋko-m ‘which?’
ana-mek-am ‘how much/many?’
[mek ‘all’]
They can be modified by the enclitic conjunction -pit ‘also’ and then have an indefinite
meaning:
19
(144) ol-pit ‘someone’
inˇca-pit ‘something’
intoŋŋko-pit ‘anyone’
18
There is evidence that m and
ŋ
were the only nasals occurring in word-final as well as root-
final position in Chol´on, and that the imperfective suffix -(a)n wasinfact pronounced [(a)ŋ].
Likewise, the most likely interpretation for the final nasal in -muta
ŋ
- (∼ mutam), in (142), is a
velar nasal.
19
Compare Quechua -pas/-pis with the same meaning.
466 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
For the use of the question words, consider the following cases:
(145) a. inˇca-m ma-kot-an
what-Q 2.SG.AP-be-IA
‘What do you have?’
b. inˇca-pit-ma a-kot-p-an
what-AD-NE 1.SG.AP-be-NE-IA
‘I have nothing.’
c. a-paŋŋ-a ol-am a-ˇsot-a ol-lol-am ˇce-kt-an-pit
20
1P.SG-mother-TO who-Q 1P.SG-brother-TO who-PL-Q
3S.PL-be-IA-AD
‘Who is my mother, and who are my brothers?’
d. ana-mek-am hayu putam-te i-toŋŋ
21
how.many-all-Q person village-L 3S.PL-be/sit
‘How many Indians are there in the village?’
It is clear that many question words contain the element -am but the data are not sufficient
to determine what exactly this form means. Possibly, it has a function comparable with
Quechua -taq (see section 3.2.6).
Pronouns
There is a regular personal pronoun system. Notice that the second-person-plural form
can be derived synchronically from its singular counterpart:
(146) ok ‘I’ ki-ha ‘we’
mi ‘you’ mi-na-ha ‘you’
sa ‘he’ ˇci-ha ‘they’
These pronouns can be case-marked as well. Some of them also form the basis for the
person prefixes, as we will see below.
In addition, there are demonstrative pronouns, encoding three degrees of distance:
(147) ko ‘this here’
iŋŋko ‘that there’
pe ‘that over there’
20
The internal vowel of the verb root kot ‘to be’ is suppressed in order to avoid the occurrence
of a non-initial open syllable; it does not happen in (145a), where the root is preceded by an
applicative prefix (Alexander-Bakkerus, personal communication).
21
The verb -to
ŋ
‘to sit’ is exceptional in that it does not take the imperfective suffix -(a)n in
non-applicative forms with a third-person subject.
4.11 Chol´on 467
Nouns
Nouns can appear inflected or uninflected for person, and there is some nominal morphol-
ogyaswell. There is the possibility of nominal gender marking through compounding
with nun ‘man’ and ila ‘woman’:
(148) nun hayu/hayunun ‘man’
[hayu ‘person, Indian’]
ila hayu / hayu ila ‘woman’
kuˇci nun ‘boar’
[kuˇci ‘pig’, old Spanish coche]
atel
y
pa nun ‘rooster’ [atel
y
pa ‘chicken’, Quechua atawal
y
pa]
There is a large set of nominal suffixes, which are either derivational, or mark case
distinctions, and are then postpositional in nature. Derivational affixes are:
(149) a. -(a)l
y
‘only...’
22
b. -(k)e ‘made of...’, ‘child of (dead persons)’,
‘former’, ‘the late...’(nominal past)
c. -(k)el
y
‘having excess of...’ [possibly -(k)e + -(a)l
y
]
d. -puˇc ‘totally’
e. -pul
y
em ‘and natural counterpart’
f. -ciw
23
‘having a lack of...’, ‘in need of’
Examples of these affixes are given below:
(150) ˇcow-nik-al
y
louse-C-DL
‘with only lice’
(151) a. ampal-e
[ampal ‘past’]
‘thing of the past’
b. ˇceˇco-ke
[ˇceˇco ‘silver’]
‘(made) of silver’
c. Juana-ke u-n
y
u
Juana-NP 3P.SG-daughter
‘daughter of the late Juana’
(152) seˇc-el
y
[seˇc ‘head’]
‘big headed’
22
Cf. Quechua -l
y
a with the same meaning.
23
In Pedro de la Mata ziu or chiu.
468 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
(153) a-lek-puˇc
[a- ‘one’, -lek ‘ten’]
‘completely ten’
(154) a. ŋŋuˇc-pul
y
em [ŋŋuˇc ‘3P.SG.father’]
‘father and son’
b. ŋŋeˇc-pul
y
em [ŋŋeˇc ‘3P.SG.mother’]
‘mother and daughter’
(155) a. a-le-ciw
[a-le ‘1P.SG-tooth’]
‘without my teeth’, ‘I, without teeth’
b. a-le-sal
y
-ciw
‘without any of my teeth’, ‘I, absolutely toothless’
The expression kamayok ‘person in charge of . . .’, from Quechua kamayuq (same
meaning), can also be used as a postposition-like element:
(156) weˇsa kamayok
[weˇsa ‘sheep’, from Spanish oveja]
‘shepherd’
palol kamayok
[palol ‘door’]
‘doorman’
Case markers and postpositions are sometimes difficult to distinguish because de la Mata
does not indicate word boundaries consistently. They include:
(157) -he ‘for’, ‘aim’, benefactive case
-(l
y
ak)pat ‘by’, ‘because of’, instrumental case
-(l
y
ak)tep ‘from’, ablative case
-manap ‘between’, ‘after’
-nik ‘with’, ‘company’, comitative case
-(pat)le ‘until, up to’, limitative case
-te locative case, allative case
-tu motion towards a person, allative case
(158) Examples of -he benefactive:
a. ok-he
1.SG.PU-B
‘for me’
b. Dios-he a-lu.pakt-an
[lu ‘entrails’, pakot- ‘to be there’]
God-B 1S.SG-think/consider-IA
‘I think of God.’
4.11 Chol´on 469
c. a-cm-o-k-te-he
[yam-/cam- ‘to learn’]
1S.SG-learn-TV-N-L-B
‘so that I can learn’
d. kaˇc-he a-kt-an
maize-B 1S.SG-be-IA
‘I need maize’
e. a-am-o-k-he-na a-ki-an
1S.SG-eat-TV-N-B-QU 1S.SG-feel-IA
‘I feel like eating.’
(159) Examples of -pat instrumental:
a. a-moncey-pat a-hl-an
[hil ‘to speak’]
1P.SG-tongue-IS 1S.SG-speak-IA
‘I speak with my tongue.’
b. mi-pat
2.SG.PU-IS
‘because of you’
c. a-lek libra kuka-pat a-coˇcok a-ms-i
[pis ‘to buy’, ‘to ask for’]
one-ten pound coca-IS 1P.SG-trousers 1S.SG-3O.SG.buy-PF
‘With my ten pounds of coca I bought my trousers.’
(160) Example of -tep ablative:
Espiritu.Santo i-cmey-tep hayu ∅∅-ki-i
Holy.Ghost 3P.SG-creation-AB man 3S.SG-become-PF
‘Man was born from the Holy Ghost.’
(161) Examples of -nik comitative:
a. ˇceˇco-nik a-kt-an
money-C 1S.SG-be-IA
‘I have money.’ (lit. ‘I am with money.’)
b. ki-ha-nik
1.PL-PL.PU-C
‘with us’
c. inˇcana-m mi-mot-nik me-kt-an
how-Q 2P.SG-name-C 2.SG-be-IA
‘What is your name?’ (lit. ‘How are you with your name?’)
24
(162) Example of -le limitative:
liman-le
mountain-LI
‘up to the mountains’
24
For the combination -nik-al
y
see the example (150) above.
470 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
(163) Example of -te locative:
ki-cip-te ke-tŋŋ-an
[yip ‘house’, toŋŋ- ‘to sit’]
1P.PL-house-L 1S.PL-sit-IA
‘We are in our house.’
(164) Example of -tu allative:
Juan-tu a-l
y
w-an [l
y
a(w)- ‘to go’]
Juan-AL 1S.SG-go-IA
‘I am going to Juan’s place.’
There is a genitive marker -low,which can only occur with a possessive personal
prefix.
(165) a. ok a-low ko-wa
1.SG.PU 1P.SG-G this-TO
‘This is mine.’
b. ok a-low ŋŋ-a-l
y
ah-an
1.SG.PU 1P.SG-G 3S.SG-1.SG.AP-take-IA
‘He takes mine (away).’
c. ol i-low-am ko-wa
who3P.PL-G-Q this-TO
‘Whose is this?’
There is some evidence that the suffix -tup represents an agent-disambiguator or
an ergative case marker. (Unfortunately de la Mata does not contain many example
sentences.)
(166) Juan-tup Pedro i-∅∅-lam-i
25
Juan-E Pedro 3S.SG-3O.SG-kill-PF
‘Juan killed Pedro.’
Rivet (1956) draws attention to the numeral classifier system of Chol´on.
26
The numerals
are prefixed to generally monosyllabic morphemes particular to a semantic class. The
25
Compare Mapuche lang
m- ‘to kill’ (see chapter 5).
26
Rivet argues on this basis, in our view without enough support, that Chol´on was related to the
Chibchan languages.
4.11 Chol´on 471
list of classes and classifiers is as follows:
(167) -ˇce round objects, birds, fruit
-cel ∼ -ˇcel , -ta humans, horses, hands
-ˇcaŋŋ bundles, handfuls, bunches
-ˇcup clothing, dresses, axes, machetes, fish, books, feathers,
scissors, knives, combs, shoes, stockings
-hil words, precepts, ordinances, commands
-liw diverse objects, colours, parrots
-pimok skies, ceilings, rooms, divisions of space, folds
-pok times
-poŋŋ troops, companies, armies, herds
-puˇc fields
-puk mouthfuls
-ˇsuŋŋ towns, places, posts, piles
-tip halves, pieces of meat
-tuh pieces, chunks, nodes, joints
Adjectives
Chol´on only has substantives that can be used adjectivally, such as waliw ‘something
strong’
27
and al
y
hi ‘something sweet’.
28
They can either precede or follow the head
noun, according to de la Mata, but the examples given involve adjective–noun order:
(168) a. iˇsiwah hayu
‘bad man’
b. yamkuyla hayu-he
diligent man-B
‘for the diligent man’
Person prefixes
All nouns, verbs, pronouns and even some postpositions are used with prefixes. These
are given in (169), together with the full pronouns listed above. For most person–number
combinations, there is a clear relationship between both. (N- is either n-,ornasalisation
of an initial stop):
(169) 1.SG 2.SG 3.SG 1.PL 2.PL 3.PL
pronouns ok mi sa ki-ha mi-na-ha ˇci-ha
affixes a- mi- N-/∅∅- ki- mi-..-ha (ˇc)i-
27
Possibly from Spanish vale ‘it is worth’, ‘it is good’.
28
Compare Quechua al
y
i(n) ‘good’.
472 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
These prefixes fuse with their base, and de la Mata’s grammar gives extensive paradigms,
which at first sight look quite confusing, particularly where third person singular is
involved:
(170) a-pul ‘my son’ mul ‘his son’
[pul ‘son’]
a-taka ‘my thighbone’ taka ‘his thighbone’ [taka ‘thighbone’]
a-coc ‘my guinea pig’ coc ‘his guinea pig’ [yoc ‘guinea pig’]
a-nl
y
o ‘my pupil’ nal
y
o ‘his pupil’ [nal
y
o ‘pupil’]
There are several regular processes at work in the process of prefix fusion:
(a) before vowels -n- is inserted;
(b) a palatal glide is replaced by the affricate c-;
(c) stem-initial labial stops may become nasal; with some nouns this only
happens to mark third person singular;
(d) stem-initial velar stops become nasal to mark third person singular;
(e) before an alveolar or palatal sound (ˇc, c, s, ˇs, t, l
y
) the third-person prefix
is zero; the same holds before nasals as defined under (a), (c) and (d);
(f) the third-person-plural prefix is i- before alveolars and palatals, ˇci-
elsewhere (or u-, ˇcu- through vowel harmony).
Verbs
The verbal paradigm in Chol´on is quite complex. The basic forms for person are the
ones listed above in (169). We have the following present-tense paradigm for the verb
kot-‘to be’; cf. also (145). Notice that the third-person-singular form of an intransitive
verb such as kot- has no personal reference marker.
(171) 1S.SG a-kt-an 1S.PL ke-kt-an
2S.SG.MS me-kt-an 2S.PL me-kt-i-ha-[a]n
2S.SG.FE pe-kt-an
3S.SG kot-an 3S.PL ˇce-kt-an
Tense and aspect are marked with suffixes. Some are (using the terminology of de la
Mata):
(172) -(a)n present / imperfective
-Vy / -Vw/-i/-yi preterite / perfective
-Vy / -Vw/-i/-yi++ (k)e pluperfect
-(k)t-an future
In addition, there are a number of mood markers, marking optative, exhortative, subor-
dination (gerund). Some of them contain a nominalising element -k- (see below).
4.11 Chol´on 473
(173) -(k-)hu gerund (with switch-reference)
-(ŋŋ)o-ke / -(k-)te-ke optative
-(k-)he exhortative (third-person-subject imperative)
There is also a negative element -p-,which interacts with tense-agreement marking:
(174) a-kot-p-an
1S.SG-be-NE-IA or 1.SG.AP-be-NE-IA
‘I am not.’ or ‘I have not.’
Thus we have a basic ‘formula’ for the verb as in:
(175) --(-) (-) /
However, when we consider forms such as the following, we realise that the full com-
plexities of the Chol´on verbal system still call for further analysis. (Notice the vowel
harmony in /pakot-o-ke/ > pokot-o-ke.).
(176) a-kt-i pokot-o-ke
[pakot ‘be there’]
1S.SG-be-PF be.there-FN-NP (optative)
‘I could have been.’ (lit. ‘I have been from having to be’)
There are very strong and productive patterns of nominalisation in the language;
some involve a nominaliser -k- The locative -te is used here with a directional
meaning:
(177) a. liman a-l
y
a-k-te a-men
y
-an
mountains 1S.SG-go-N-L 1S.SG-3O.SG.want-IA
‘I want to go to the mountains.’
b. Dios-a ŋŋol-e-k-te ki-men
y
-an
God-TO 3O.SG.love-TV-N-L 1S.PL-3O.SG.want-IA
‘We want to love God.’
c. Dios-tup i-k-kol-e-k-te i-men
y
-an
God-E 3S.SG-1O.PL-love-TV-N-L 3S.SG-3O.SG.want-IA
‘God wants to love us.’
When we look at the transitions between subject and object marking, things are again
more complicated, however. First of all, there can be a third-person-plural object marker
-po- following the person prefixes, so that we would get:
(178) - . - - - /