Adelaar Willem, Muysken Pieter. The languages of the Andes
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434 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.4 Shuar phoneme inventory (based on Turner 1958)
∗
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Stops p t k
Affricates c ˇc
Fricatives s ˇsh
Nasals m n
ŋ
Vibrant r
Glides w y
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid
Low a
∗
Vowel nasality and stress are contrastive. Karsten (1935) and Juank
(1982) also distinguish vowel length.
(35) y˜aw˜
´
a-i
5
> [y˜aw˜
´
ey]
dog-3P.SG
‘his dog’
(Turner 1958: 89)
In view of the uncertain interpretation of the vowels, we write nuclear vowels as they
appear in each source. For consonants and non-nuclear vowels we use the phoneme
inventory introduced by Turner, although we do write palatalisation if the original source
has it. Most consonants have palatalised allophones after i. Stops and affricates are voiced
(and sometimes deaffricated) after nasals (Turner 1958).
There is a pervasive tendency towards penultimate stress on the radical, which does
not shift, e.g.:
(36) wak´era-tin
y
u
wish-IF
‘in order to wish’
(Karsten 1935: 544)
Although Turner (1958) does not elaborate the point, there is some evidence that radical–
final nasals in some cases correspond to underlying prenasalised stops
∗
ŋ
k,
∗n
t,
∗m
p. These
have been preserved as such in the more conservative Aguaruna.
(37) a. nuh´ın++ur [nuh´ıntur]
egg-1P.SG
‘my egg’
(Turner 1958: 93)
5
Note the similarity with Tupi–Guaran´ı yaγ
w
´a ‘dog’. Jivaroan has a number of words that appear
to be borrowings from Tupi–Guaran´ı.
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 435
b. ˇs´ıam++aˇs [ˇs´ıampaˇs]
chick-DU
‘a chick perhaps’
(Turner 1958: 93)
Because of the unsolved status of the homorganic nasal-stop sequences in Shuar, the
stop element will be written as in the original source.
Avery frequent process in Shuar is metathesis:
(38) a. p´antam++nap´uhu-y [p´anman ap´uhuy]
banana-AC place-3S
‘He is planting bananas.’
(Turner 1958: 93)
b. u:nt [u:nt] ‘elder’
u:nt-ru-ˇsa [´u:ntruˇsa] ‘also my elder’
u:nt-ru [´u:ntur] ‘my elder’
(Juank 1982: 10)
Finally, we should mention the epenthesis of vowels to suffixed radicals:
(39) peŋŋker-a-yti
6
good-EU-be.3S.SG
‘It is good.’
(Pellizzaro 1982: 9)
4.4.2 The principal grammatical features of Shuar
In Shuar there are productive categories of nouns (including various classes of pronouns),
verbs, adjectives and adverbs. A few verbs can be used as auxiliaries. Postpositions, deter-
miners and conjunctions are enclitic elements. There is also a large group of ideophonic
interjections.
Nominal elements
Noun phrases tend not to be very complex in Shuar, and neither is there a very complex
nominal morphology. Bare nouns can have both indefinite and definite reference, but
nouns can be made specific in three ways: with the enclitic particle -ka, with the preceding
third-person pronoun ni, and with a following demonstrative nu:
(40) ˇsu´a:ra-ka ‘the Shuar’
ni p´aŋŋgi ‘the big serpent (anaconda)’
´unta nu ‘the chief’, ‘the old one’
(Karsten 1935: 544–5)
The particle -ka may also be added to pronouns and some adverbs.
There is no grammaticalised gender or number marking. Diminutives are commonly
formed with the particle -ˇci, and in poetic usage sometimes with -ta:
6
Pronunciation suggested in Rouby and Riedmayer (1983): [p
w
´eŋgar´eyti].
436 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
(41) a. ´uˇci-ta
son-DI
‘my little son’
(Karsten 1935: 546)
b. nuk ´u-ˇci
mother-DI
‘my little mother’
(Karsten 1935: 546)
Other nominal enclitics are -ki ‘alone’ (-k
according to Turner 1958) and -ˇsa ‘also’:
7
(42) a. w´ı-ki
1.SG-DL
‘I alone’
(Karsten 1935: 559)
b. n´uwa-ˇsa
woman-AD
‘the woman also’
(Pellizzaro 1969: 13)
Beuchat and Rivet (1909: 814–15) mention the existence of compounds; note that (43a)
appears to be right-headed, and (43b) left-headed. (Beuchat and Rivet’s examples are
given in the original spelling.)
(43) a. x
.
apa-yag
w
a
deer-dog
‘leopard’
(Beuchat and Rivet 1909: 814)
b. akap-nawe
stomach-foot
‘foot sole’
(Beuchat and Rivet 1909: 815)
They also mention cases of reduplication:
(44) tag
w
a tag
w
a ‘hat’ [cf. tag
w
asa ‘feather crown’]
kaˇsi kaˇsi ‘day after tomorrow’ [kaˇsi ‘tomorrow’]
(Beuchat and Rivet 1909: 815)
Personal reference
Shuar distinguishes three persons and the opposition singular/plural is sometimes marked
as well. The personal pronouns are:
(45) 1.SG wi 1.PL i:
2.SG ´am(u)e 2.PL atum´ı
3.SG ni, ´au 3.PL ni, ´au
(Juank 1982: 3)
7
Compare the Aymara suffixes -ki and -sa,which have the same meaning.
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 437
The status of the third-person pronominal form ´au is unclear. (Sometimes it seems
that in the plural ´au is preferred over ni;inother cases, ´au seems to refer to elements
new in the discourse, and ni to elements already referred to before.) The labial in ´au
may be the source for the labial in the third-person-singular verbal agreement marker
below.
There is a corresponding set of verbal agreement markers:
(46) 1S.SG -ha(y) 1S.PL -hi
2S.SG -me 2S.PL -rme
3S.SG -wa(y) 3S.PL -yn
y
a-wa(y) (Juank 1982: 7)
The short forms without -y are found before the interrogative marker -k. There is an
opposition between the deictic pronouns hu ‘this’ and nu ‘that’, which might be related
to the difference between -ha(y) ‘first-person singular’ and ni ‘she, he’. Inflected verbs
need not have an overt subject:
(47) win
y
´a-me-k
come-2S.SG-IR
‘Are you coming?’
(Juank 1982: 3)
Notice that in wh-questions, an even shorter form of the verbal agreement marker ap-
pears. Consider the following contrast:
(48) it
y
´urak ´a-yn
y
ah´u-nik ´a-yn
y
a-way
how be-3S.PL this-like be-3.PL-3S
‘How are they?’ ‘They are like this.’
(Juank 1982: 16)
This alternation may result from a contrast between declarative and non-declarative verb
forms, as in the Barbacoan languages.
Nouns can appear uninflected for person (there are numerous examples of uninflected
possessed nouns in the sources), but there is also a set of person markers:
(49) 1P.SG -r(u) 1P.PL -ri
2P.SG -ram 2P.PL -ri
3P.SG -ri 3P.PL -ri
(Juank 1982: 3, 5)
With nouns, however, a pronominal possessor generally must be overt:
(50) atum´ın´a:-r´ı
you.PL name-P
‘your (plur.) name’
(Juank 1982: 5)
438 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
The agreement markers in Shuar are not pronominal in being able to occur by them-
selves, even if there may be a correspondence of -w (wi / -ru)inthe first person and of
-am (am(u)e / -ram)inthe second person singular.
The exception are kinship terms, which may appear without the possessor pronoun:
(51) nuk ´uˇci-ru-ka cap´ıki ´uya-yi
grandmother-1P.SG-DF Tsapiki be.RM-3S
‘My grandmother was Tsapiki.’
(Juank 1982: 9)
Kinship terms optionally and body part terms obligatorily have another person marker
in the second (-em/-im) and third person (-e/-i):
(52) a. ame nuw´a-ram / ame n ´uw-em ‘your wife’
b. ni nuwa-r´ı / ni nuw-´e ‘his wife’
c. ame nih
y
´
˜a-im ‘your forehead’
d. ni nih
y
´
˜a-i ‘her/his forehead’
(Juank 1982: 36)
In copular constructions, the copula inflected for person appears as an enclitic on the
predicate:
(53) p´eŋŋker-´a-yt-hay
good-EU-be-1S.SG
‘I am good.’
(Juank 1982: 13)
Marking of grammatical relations and adpositions
Subjects are not overtly marked, and (direct or indirect) object and possessor NPs may
remain unmarked as well (see also the section on word order below). Beuchat and Rivet
mention an object marker -n, -na,or-m for Gualaquiza Shuar, as in:
(54) yusa santo naha-ri-n andaram tax
.
-aip
God holy name-3P.SG-AC in.vain say-2S.NE.IM
‘Don’t say God’s holy name in vain.’
(Beuchat and Rivet 1909: 817)
According to Pellizzaro (1969: 15), and at variance with example (54), the object marker
-n is only used when the subject of the sentence is first person singular or third person. It
is found as -an/-en after consonants, and as -in after a second-person possessive ending
in -m. The ending -na is found as an alternative for -n,inwhich case the preceding vowel
is suppressed (e.g. n´uwa-r´u-n ∼ nuw´a-r-na ‘to my wife’). The suffix is also present in
the related language Aguaruna (Corbera Mori 2000).
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 439
(55) tar´aˇc-rum-in naw´ant-an sus´a-hay
cloth-2P-AC girl-AC give-1S.SG
‘I gave your cloth (tarachi)tothe girl.’
(Pellizzaro 1969: 15)
There are special strong possessive forms for the pronouns:
(56) wi-n
y
a ‘my, mine’ i:-n
y
u ‘ours’
ami-n
y
u ‘your, yours’ atum(i)-n
y
a ‘yours’
ni:-n
y
u, au-nu ‘his, her(s), their(s)’ (Pellizzaro 1969: 16)
The element -na/-nu, discernable in the possessive form of the pronouns, is also
found with other nouns, where it indicates attribution or destination. Pellizzaro (1969:
16) indicates that -na is used after consonants and after monosyllabic stems (which
apparently may not contain a long vowel or a diphthong), whereas -nu is used
elsewhere.
(57) a. hu m´aˇcit ´u:nt-na-yti
this machete chief-G-be.3S.SG
‘This machete belongs to the chief.’
b. hu m´aˇcit suŋŋka-nu-yti
this machete Sunka-G-be.3S.SG
‘This machete belongs to Sunka.’
(Juank 1982: 36)
Location and time can be indicated by means of the suffixes -nam and -num. According
to Pellizzaro (1969: 17, 21) and Juank (1982: 30), the phonological conditioning of
these allomorphs is the reverse of that of attributive -na and -nu; -num is used af-
ter consonants and -nam after vowels. Further allomorphs are -i (after the first-person
possessive marker -ru), -in (after second-person possessive markers in -m), and -n (after
the possessive marker -ri). Karsten (1935) mentions the forms -numa and -n´ama but
without the alleged conditioning.
(58) a. he:a-numa
house-L
‘in the house’
(Karsten 1935: 558)
b. he:a-numa we´a-hey
house-L go-1S.SG
‘I go to my house.’
(Karsten 1935: 559)
c. he:a-numa win
y
´a-hey
house-L come-1S.SG
‘I come from my house.’
(Karsten 1935: 559)
440 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Notice that -numa can mark both Source and Goal. With verbs of motion the postposition
is often omitted. The suffix -nama(n) can also be translated as ‘(in exchange) for’ (Karsten
1935: 559).
Direction (allative) is indicated by means of a suffix -(V)ni.Itisoften found after the
locative ending -n(u)ma in a sequence -n(u)mani. After personal possessive endings this
sequence is reduced to -i-ni (Pellizzaro 1969: 21, Juank 1982: 30).
(59) a. mur ´a-ni w´ea-hay
mountain-AL go-1S.SG
‘I am going towards the mountain.’
(Juank 1982: 28)
b. nih
y
´
˜ay-ru-´ı-ni
forehead-1P.SG-L-AL
‘ahead of me’
(Juank 1982: 28)
Separation (ablative) is indicated by -y˜a ‘from’. Like -(V)ni,itcan occur after the
locative marker (-num-y˜a, -nma-y˜a), and again the sequence is reduced to -i-y˜a after
personal possessive endings. Notice the use of tu-y´am ‘from where’, rather than
∗
tu-y˜a´ ,
as well as the short form -m for the second-person subject marker in a wh-question,
in (60a):
(60) a. tu-y´am win
y
´a-m
where-AB come-2S.SG
‘Where do you come from?’
(Juank 1982: 6)
b. T´ayˇs-n
y
um-y˜a win
y
´a-hay
Taisha-L-AB come-1S.SG
‘I come from Taisha.’
(Juank 1982: 6)
Instrumental, comitative or manner are indicated by means of the ending -hay (Karsten
1935: 546; Juank 1982: 36):
(61) a. ap´aˇci-hey we´a-hey
white.man-IS go-1S.SG
‘I go with the white man.’
(Karsten 1935: 546)
b. naŋŋki-hey ma-ma
lance-IS kill-PF
‘killed with a lance’
(Karsten 1935: 546)
c. ˇsu´ar-ˇcam-hay
Shuar-language-IS
‘in the Shuar language’
(Juank 1982: 36)
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 441
Verbs
Verbs can be marked for a number of suffixes. There are a number of highly complex
morphophonological adjustment rules and the sources only give sketchy information.
Hence, the following account, needless to say, can only be preliminary. A first set of
affixes is attached directly to the verbal root:
(62) -u ‘go to...’
-i ‘come to...’
-mtik(i) causative
-n passive
-nay reciprocal
-ŋŋk
y
a ‘almost’
-te inchoative
(Juank 1982: 77)
Some examples include:
(63) a. nek´a-mtiki-a-ta-y
know-CA-SA-HO-1S.PL
‘Let us make it known.’
(Juank 1982: 77)
b. am ´u-te-k-hay
finish-IC-IT-1S.SG
‘I have started to finish.’
(Juank 1982: 77)
A second set of affixes marks completive or perfective aspect (there is a broad distinction
in Shuar between perfective and imperfective verbs). The form of the aspectual marker
gives additional information (Pellizzaro 1969: 26; Juank 1982: 54). See also the two
preceding examples.
(64) -i- / -∅∅- imperfective
-a- simple
-k- iterative / intensive
-r- with plural object
-s- diminutive / affective
-k(i)- neglected action
The imperfective is unmarked after stems ending in a single consonant, otherwise the
ending is -i- (Pellizzaro 1969).
External to aspect marking we find tense and mood markers, but they can be preceded
by the negation marker -ˇca-. The tenses include (Juank 1982: 26, 33):
442 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
(65) -m(a) past at a definite point in time
-m
y
a past at an indefinite point in time
-tta future
Examples are:
(66) um´a-r-ˇca-m-hay
8
drink-3O.PL-NE-DF.PA-1S.SG
‘I didn’t drink (yesterday).’
(Juank 1982: 26)
(67) tak´a-s-ˇca-tta-rme
work-DI-NE-F-2S.PL
‘You (plur.) will not work.’
(Juank 1982: 33)
External to tense markers we find verbal agreement, optionally followed by dubitative
-(a)ˇs or a question marker -k:
(68) a. nar´uk-a-y-k
cook-SA-3S.SG-IR
‘Does it cook?’
(Juank 1982: 12)
b. nar ´uk-ˇc-i-aˇs
cook-NE-3S.SG-DU
‘It perhaps does not cook.’
(Juank 1982: 12)
Mood markers appear to occupy the same position as the tense markers. They include
imperative, potential and irrealis:
(69) a. yu-´a-t´a
eat-SA-IM.2S
‘Eat!’
(Juank 1982: 12)
b. war ´a-s-´aynt-me
enjoy-DI-PO-2S.SG
‘You could enjoy it.’
(Juank 1982: 67)
c. war ´a-s-´a-me
enjoy-DI-IE-2S.SG
‘You could have enjoyed it.’
(Juank 1982: 67)
Summarising, the Shuar verb can have the following types of verbal affixes:
(70) – – – – / – –
/
Again, this is only a preliminary sketch. A number of affixes has been left out of con-
sideration, including the numerous nominalisers in Shuar.
8
Note the similarity with Aymara uma- ‘to drink’.
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 443
In addition to the negation formed with -ˇca there is also a negative suffix -cu or -ˇcu:
9
(71) tak´a-ˇcu
work-NE
‘He does not work.’
(Karsten 1935: 554)
This suffix may also be added to non-verbal predicates:
(72) a. p´ıŋŋger-a-ˇcu
good-EU-NE
‘It is not good.’
(Karsten 1935: 554)
b. w´ı-n
y
a-ˇcu
1.SG-G-NE
‘It is not mine.’
(Karsten 1935: 554)
Negative imperatives are formed with the ending -aypa [eyp
y
a]; this form is optionally
shortened:
(73) wini:-(ay)pa
come-2S.IM.NE
‘Do not come!’
(Karsten 1935: 554)
There is also a possibility, finally, of forming a negative existential:
(74) ac´a-way
not.be-3S.SG
‘There is not.’
(Juank 1982: 6)
Wo rd order
Word order is one of the features of the language on which there is firm agreement
among the different authors. The basic order is SOV:
(75) ni p´aŋŋgi unc ´uri ´eyncu am´uk-ma
3.SG snake many people kill-PF
‘The snake killed many people.’
(Karsten 1935: 545)
Auxiliaries follow their verbal complement, like the auxiliary puha-.Itisused in
progressive constructions together with a gerund ending on the verb:
(76) kanu nah´ana-sa puh´a-hey
canoe make-GR be-1S.SG
‘I am making a canoe.’
(Karsten 1935: 555)
9
Cf. Quechua -ˇcu ‘negation’.