Adelaar Willem, Muysken Pieter. The languages of the Andes
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444 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Possessors precede possessed elements:
(77) w´ı-n
y
ayac´u-ru ´umi
1.SG-G brother-1P.SG blowgun
‘my brother’s blowgun’
(Karsten 1935: 546)
Adjectives precede the noun:
(78) unta pinˇcu
big hawk
‘the great hawk (eagle)’
(Karsten 1935: 547)
Similarly, adverbial modifiers such as the exclamative degree marker ma ti,expressing
wonder, precede the adjective:
(79) a. ma ti p´ıŋŋgera
very more beautiful
‘most beautiful’
(Karsten 1935: 547)
b. s´uŋŋgura ´ım
y
a unc´uri ´eyncu am ´uk-ma
epidemic very many people kill-PF
‘The epidemic has killed very many people.’
(Karsten 1935: 548)
Both enclitic and non-enclitic adpositions follow the element they modify:
(80) a. ´ınca-numa
river-L
‘in the river’
(Karsten 1935: 558)
b. w´aat´aˇsi n ´ukki ´unta
partridge hen like big
‘The partridge is big like a hen.’
(Karsten 1935: 559)
A possible deviation from the prototypical SOV head-final pattern of Shuar is the demon-
strative and the relative clause (to be illustrated below). Demonstratives may precede or
follow the noun:
(81) a. nu he:a w´ı-n
y
a
that house 1S.SG-G
‘That house is mine.’
(Karsten 1935: 550)
b. he:a nu, w´ı-n
y
a he:a
house that 1.SG-G house
‘That house is mine.’
(Karsten 1935: 550)
The status of nu is not quite clear, however, since it may also modify predicates. Karsten
gives examples where for emphasis it both precedes and follows the predicate:
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 445
(82) a. Andiˇce, nuh´ama nu
Andiche that ill that
‘Andiche is really ill.’
(Karsten 1935: 550)
b. p´a:ndama, nu puh ´u-ma nu
plantain that be-PF that
‘Is there any plantain?’
(Karsten 1935: 550)
It may be that nu is not a dependent determiner, but a separate emphasis marker, thus
not constituting a counterexample to a head-final analysis for Shuar.
4.4.3 Complex sentences in Shuar
Complex sentences in Shuar appear to be of at least six types. First, causal and conditional
clauses are often formed with the postposition-like complementiser assa:
(83) a. ni h´ama ´assa wini:-ˇca-ma
3.SG ill SU come-NE-PF
‘Because he is ill, he has not arrived.’
(Karsten 1935: 558)
b. ´amue wak´era-ma ´assa sum´ak-ta-hey
2.SG like-PF SU buy-F-1S
‘If you like, I will buy from you.’
(Karsten 1935: 558)
As these examples show, adverbial clauses tend to precede main clauses.
Another possible strategy, used particularly with temporal and conditional adverbials,
is the use of the gerund particle -sa:
10
(84) a. ´ama-sa sus´a-ˇcays
have-GR give-F.DU
‘If I had, I would give you.’
(Karsten 1935: 558)
b. ˇsu´ara namb´era
11
nah´ana-sa ih´ermas-ma
Shuar feast make-GR fast-PF
‘When a Shuar prepares a feast, he fasts.’
(Karsten 1935: 557)
A third possibility for adverbial clauses is simple juxtaposition. The examples given
have the particle -ma on the first verb. This may indicate temporal sequence:
(85) a. ni wini:-ma we´a-ta-hey
he arrive-PF go-F-1S
‘When he arrives, we will go.’
(Karsten 1935: 557)
10
Cf. Aymara -sa ‘gerund’.
11
A root similar to nambera ‘feast’ may have been borrowed into Otavalo Quechua (province of
Imbabura, Ecuador), where we have ˜namor ‘feast’. This could point to Jivaroan influences in
the northern Ecuadorian highlands in pre-Inca times (see chapter 3).
446 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.5 The Shuar switch-reference system illustrated with the verb ant- ‘to hear’
(from Juank 1982: 76)
–simultaneous simultaneous –simultaneous simultaneous
identical subjects identical subjects different subjects different subjects
1 pers. sing. ant-´uk-an ´ant-ak-un ant-´uk-matay ´ant-ak-uy
2 pers. sing. . . .-´uk-am ...-ak-um ...-´uk-akmin ...-ak-min
3 pers. sing. . . .-´uk ...-ak(u) ...-´uk-matay ...-ak-uy
1 pers. plur. . . .-´uk-ar(i) ...-ak-ur(i) ...-uk-´akrin ...-ak-rin
2 pers. plur. . . .-´uk-rum ...-ak-rum ...-uk-´akrumin ..-ak-rumin
3 pers. plur. . . .-´uk-ar ...-uyn
y
-ak(-u) ...-´uk-ar-matay ...-uyn
y
-ak-uy
b. y´umi yut´uk-ˇca-ma we´a-t-ey
water rain-NE-PF go-HO-1S.PL
‘Let us go before it rains.’
(Karsten 1935: 557)
In Juank (1982: 76) there is mention of a switch-reference system for gerunds, including
the distinctions presented in table 4.5 (ant- ‘to hear’). Perhaps Karsten’s ma corresponds
to third-person-singular (–simultaneous, –identical subject) matay in Juank. There are
numerous cases of shortened verbal affixes in Shuar.
Finally, sometimes an adverbial clause is formed with the postposed deictic par-
ticle nu:
(86) noa, ih´erma-sa puh ´u-ma nu, nam´an-ki y ´uo-ca-ma
woman fast-GR be-PF that meat-DL eat-NE-PF
‘The woman, while she was fasting, did not eat meat.’
(Karsten 1935: 554)
Complement clauses are often formed with the infinitive marker -tin
y
u:
(87) a. w´ari sum´ak-tin
y
u win
y
´a-hey
things buy-IF come-1S.SG
‘I have come to buy things.’
(Karsten 1935: 558)
b. w´ı-n
y
a´eyncu ´ıs-tin
y
uwe´a-hey
1.SG-G relative see-IF go-1S.SG
‘I go off to see my relatives.’
(Karsten 1935: 553)
An alternative appears to be the use of the gerund t(u)-sa- of the verb ti- ‘to say’, as cited
by Juank (1982: 64):
12
12
The use of forms meaning ‘saying’ to indicate intention of the speaker is frequently found
in Quechua and in other Andean languages. However, in the lowland varieties of Ecuadorian
Quechua adjacent to Shuar it covers the same range as in Shuar, including infinitival purposives.
4.5 Cahuapana 447
(88) a. pa:ntma-n suruk-t´a-h t-sa-n w´ea-hay
plantain-AC sell-HO-1S.SG say-GR-1S.SG go-1S.SG
‘I go to sell plantain.’
(Juank 1982: 3)
b. iˇs´ıˇcik ´um-in
y
-´a-yt-hey namp´ek-ay-h tu-sa-n
modest drink-AG-EU-be-1S.SG get.drunk-NE-1S.SG say-GR-1S.SG
‘I am a modest drinker, not wanting to get drunk.’
(Juank 1982: 12)
c. wi-ˇsa nek´a-ta-h tu-sa-n t´ıwak´er-in
y
-a-yt-hay
1.SG-AD know-HO-1S.SG say-GR-1S.SG very
want-AG-EU-be-1S.SG
‘Me too, I am very interested in knowing (it).’
(Juank 1982: 15)
Relative clauses are formed with the deictic particle nu ‘that’ at the end. They can follow
their head noun, but may also be extraposed:
(89) w´ı-n
y
auˇci, ˇsua:ra ma:-ma nu, ih´erma-sa puh ´u-ma
1.SG-G son enemy kill-PF that fast-GR be-PF
‘My son, who killed an enemy, is fasting.’
(Karsten 1935: 551)
(90) ´urutay ˇsua:ra wak´ı-tin
y
u, ik
y
´ama we´a-ma nu
when Indian return-IF forest go-PF that
‘When will the Indians that went to the forest return?’
(Karsten 1935: 551)
4.5 Cahuapana
A small language family is found along the eastern slopes of the northern Peruvian Andes
(department of Loreto), Cahuapana, which is made up of two languages, Chayahuita
and Jebero. The Chayahuita were contacted first by the Jesuits. The Jebero accepted
protection by the missions after 1638 because they were attacked by the Mayna.
Of these languages little is known so far. A few features of the grammar of
Chayahuita can be reconstructed from a set of phrases in Instituto Ling¨u´ıstico de Verano
(ILV) (1979), and there is a new Chayahuita dictionary available (Hart 1988) with
a brief grammatical sketch. Garc´ıa Tom´as (1993–4) constitutes a four-volume col-
lection of texts, testimonials, etc. It seems to be a language with a fairly consistent
OV pattern. Thus there is adjective–noun order and object–verb order in sentences
such as:
(91) panka non
13
nowantr-aw
big canoe want-1S.SG
‘I want the big canoe.’
(ILV 1979: 72)
13
Notice the similarity with Panoan nonti and Yanesha
non
y
t
y
‘canoe’.
448 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
There is also adverb–verb order in expressions such as:
(92) manoton pa-koʔʔ
quickly go-2S.IM.PL
‘Go quickly!’
(ILV 1979: 72)
Case relations are indicated by means of suffixes, such as the locative marker -k
; e.g.
ins
-k
‘where’, non-k
‘in a canoe’ (cf. Hart 1988: 282). Question words appear in
clause-initial position, as in:
(93) onpo koˇsi-roʔʔsaʔʔ-taʔʔ kpar-an
[cf. Quechua kuˇci ‘pig’;
how.much pig-PL-Q take-2S.SG Old Spanish coche]
‘How many pigs did you take (to sell)?’ (Hart 1988: 267)
From expressions such as atari kayo
ʔ
‘chicken egg’ it appears that in nominal compounds
or complex nominals the head is rightmost. There may also be prefixes, however, such
as the negative prefix ko- (combined with the negative suffix -w
ʔ
): noya ‘good’ versus
ko-noya-w
ʔ
‘bad’. There is a prohibitive negator ama.
14
A striking feature of Chayahuita is the frequent occurrence of compound verbs (Hart
1988: 271, 481–3), in which the first element marks manner or instrument, and the
second element the type of action. An example is p
ʔ
-ˇcar-in ‘he/she tears it with much
force’ (p
ʔ
- ‘with much force’). Component elements include:
(94) a. first element
aʔʔ- ‘with one’s teeth’, ‘with its beak’
o- ‘lifting’
pʔʔ- ‘with force’, ‘hanging’
toʔʔ- ‘with one’s foot’
wn- ‘squeezing’
b. second element
-ˇca ‘tear’
-ka ‘clash’
-ni ‘finish’
-pas ‘take a piece’
-ta ‘drop’
Bendor-Samuel (1961) documents a similar level of complexity for Jebero verbs,
confirming the observation in (94). Striking is the frequent use of directional
14
From Quechua ama,which has the same meaning.
4.6 Bora–Huitoto 449
suffixes:
(95) iya-wk’-wa-t-nˇcaʔʔ-ððk-aŋŋ
want-come-DR-DF-return.H-3O.PL-GR
‘wanting to come towards them when returning’
(Bendor-Samuel 1961: 106)
(96) nampk’-wa-t-ap(a)-ila-l
y
i-(i)ma
climb-DR-DF-CN-TH-3S.PN-and
‘and he is climbing towards . .’
(Bendor-Samuel 1961: 107)
Rivet and Tastevin (1931: 241) note the occurrence of noun incorporation in this
language:
(97) ikr-mutu-lk
hurt-head-1S.SG.PN
‘My head hurts.’
(Rivet and Tastevin 1913: 241)
Jebero has the interesting feature of two inclusive first persons, a singular and a plural.
See, for instance, the set of possessive nominal suffixes in (98).
(98) -wk 1.SG -wiððk 1.PL.EX
-mapuʔʔ 1.SG.IV (=1.D) -mapuʔʔ-waʔʔ 1.PL.IV
-pŋŋ 2.SG -pŋŋ-maʔʔ 2.PL
-nŋŋ 3.SG -nŋŋ-maʔʔ 3.PL
(Bendor-Samuel 1961: 97)
4.6 Bora–Huitoto
This family has two main branches (Aschmann 1993): A. Huitoto–Ocaina and B. Bora–
Muinane. Branch A consists of Ocaina and Huitoto, which in turn can be subdivided into
Npode and the cluster of Mnca, Murui and Huitoto Muinane. This branch has over
a thousand speakers in Peru. Branch B consists of Bora Muinane and Bora (including
its dialect Mira˜na) and has about 1,500 speakers in Peru. All these languages are also
spoken in Colombia.
The unity and internal structure of this family needs to be studied in more detail,
since the relationship between Huitoto and Bora is rather remote. Aschmann (1993)
concludes, on the basis of lexical comparison, a definite relationship between the two
main branches, with 20 per cent shared vocabulary.
From the Huitoto Muinane phrases in ILV (1979) it is clear that we are dealing with a
consistent head-final SOV language with fairly transparent mostly suffixal morphology.
There are prenominal possessors and postpositions; prepositional phrases precede verbs
and adjectives precede nouns. Verbal negation is expressed with a suffix. The form of
the personal affixes is very similar to that of the free forms. According to Petersen
450 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.6 Phoneme inventory of Bora (based on Thiesen 1996)
∗
Coarticulated
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar labiovelar Glottal
Plain stops p t k kp ʔ
Aspirated stops p
h
t
h
k
h
Plain affricates c ˇc
Aspirated affricates c
h
ˇc
h
Fricatives β x
Nasals m n (n
y
)
Sonorants r (y)
Front Central Back
High i ɯ
Mid e o
Low a
∗
Bora has long or doubled vowels, each vowel being potentially tone-bearing, and a
distinction between high tone and low tone. Most consonants have palatalised allomorphs;
n
y
and y are the palatalised counterparts of n and r, respectively.
and Pati˜no (2000), the Huitoto verbal complex roughly consists of the following main
components:
(99) Root Predicate Mood/aspect/ Tense/voice Participant
-ta causative negation/ -d
/-t
(active) -k
w
e (1st person)
verbalisers nominal -ka/-ga (passive) -o (2nd person)
classifiers -d
ˇz
(future passive) -e (3rd person)
Thiesen’s grammar of Bora (1996) gives a good overview of that language. The phoneme
inventory is as in table 4.6. There are two tones, high and low. Only in word-final position
can there be two adjacent syllables with low tone. There is palatalisation of a number
of consonants after i, and in some specific cases after a. There are both suffixes and
prefixes in the language, but suffixes predominate. The (animate) personal pronouns are
the following (Thiesen 1996: 33).
(100) o´o 1.SG mɯɯʔʔ-c
h
i 1.D.MS.EX mɯɯ ´ɯ´ɯʔʔa 1.PL.EX
mɯɯʔʔ-p
h
1.D.FE.EX
me´e 1.D.IV me´e 1.PL.IV
ɯɯ ´ɯ´ɯ 2.SG ´amɯɯʔʔ-c
h
i 2.D.MS ´amɯɯ ´ɯ´ɯʔʔa 2.PL
´amɯɯʔʔ-p
h
2.D.FE
ti´ıp
y
e 3.SG.MS ti´ıt
hy
´e-c
h
i 3.D.MS ti´ıt
hy
e 3.PL
ti´ıˇce 3.SG.FE ti´ıt
hy
´e-p
h
3.D.FE
4.7 The Zaparoan languages 451
While the pronouns distinguish for gender, prenominal possessive markers do not
(Thiesen 1996: 51–2):
(101) t
h
a- 1P.SG t
h
aʔʔ-x
y
a ‘my house’
ti- 2P.SG tiʔʔ-x
y
a ‘your house’
i- 3P.SG iʔʔ-x
y
a ‘his/her/their (own) house’
The third-person possessive prefix is used when the possessor is identical to the subject
of the clause; with other third persons a full possessor pronoun is required. The exact
shape of the possessor prefix is determined by the sound features of the possessed noun.
One of the most striking features of the language is the nominal classifier system,
which is quite complex. The animate classifiers are marked for feminine and masculine,
and have a singular, dual, plural distinction, just like the personal pronoun system, to
which they are related morphologically (Thiesen 1996: 102). The inanimate simple
classifiers include:
(102) -ʔʔe trees, plants
-k
h
o sticks, etc.
-ʔʔa´am sheets, books, etc.
-kpa flat objects, boards
-pa cartons, boxes, etc.
-x flat, thin and round objects, like disks
-m canoes and other vessels
-i´ıʔʔ
y
o extended objects
-ne objects in general
(Thiesen 1996: 102–3)
In addition to the animate and inanimate classifiers, there are classifiers based on verbal
roots that mark the shape or quality an entity has adopted:
(103) ´ɯ´ɯme-ʔʔ´e-kpay´a´aɯɯ
tree-CL:tree-bent.over
‘a bent over tree’
(Thiesen 1996: 103)
Finally, some classifiers also function as separate nouns, such as k
h
´o´ox
´ ‘day’, which can
function as a classifier when augmented with x-,asint
h
´e-x-k
h
o´ox
‘that day’ (Thiesen
1996: 104). The classifiers play a pervasive role in the structuring of the grammar and
discourse of the Bora–Huitoto language family, ensuring referential cohesion.
4.7 The Zaparoan languages
The Zaparoan languages are all in a precarious state. The following languages remain:
Andoa, Arabela, Cahuarano, Iquito and Z´aparo itself. The Z´aparo language, which once
was widely spoken, is almost extinct in Ecuador, having been replaced by Ecuadorian
Amazonian Quechua. Some speakers are said to be immigrants from Peru. Apart from
452 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Z´aparo, all members of the family are exclusively found in Peru, and all languages have
no more than a handful of speakers, most of them bilingual in either Quechua or Spanish.
The Ecuadorian Z´aparo speakers live in the province of Pastaza. The Andoa were brought
into a reducci´on in 1701, and in 1737 a Dominican mission was established. The Iquito
were unknown to the colonisers before the eighteenth century, and since 1737 they stayed
in the missions intermittently (Chirif and Mora 1977).
Peeke (1962) provides an interesting sketch of Z´aparo morphosyntax. It appears to be
a language with relatively free word order, and no person marking on the verb. Rather
remarkably, it appears that a lexical subject, even an element like no-ka ‘it’ (third person
singular neutral), is almost always obligatory. Possibly, -ka functions as an impersonal
classifier, comparable to Bora -ne (cf. section 4.6):
(104) i´akom´a no-k´a anawkt-k´anaw
very strongly 3.SG-NU hurt-CN 3.SG
‘It hurts him very much.’
(Peeke 1962: 132)
(105) no-k´aˇcat´ -ka
3.SG-NU rain-CN
‘It rains.’
(Peeke 1962: 148)
(106) noar´ı no-k´anasnt´a-ka
after 3.SG-NU F cool-CN
‘Afterwards it will cool off.’
(Peeke 1962: 135)
Z´aparo has a four-vowel system (i,
,o,a), a fairly simple syllable structure, and fourteen
consonants, including c and
ʔ
.In(106) the future auxiliary na precedes the main verb,
as it does in (107). However, other markers are suffixed to the verb:
(107) k´ana-ha na in´aw-ha no-ka no
1.PL-EM F give-F 3.SG-NU 3.SG
‘We shall give it to him.’
(Peeke 1962: 137)
In compounds the nucleus is last:
(108) sawanaw iawka [sawan´awka]
cotton thread
‘cotton thread’
(Peeke 1962: 150)
The same we see in possessor constructions, (109)–(110), and adjective–noun combi-
nations, (111):
(109) kina n´ıata
2P.PL town
‘your (plur.) town’
(Peeke 1962: 152)
4.8 The Tucanoan languages 453
(110) ko-´ano ari´awko
1P.SG-mother dog
‘my mother’s dog’
(Peeke 1962: 153)
(111) r´oto-ka mar´ayha ik´ı-ˇca
slippery-NU fish be-CN
‘It is a slippery fish.’
(Peeke 1962: 158)
Notice that there appears to be no overt subject in (111) (except for the enclitic neuter
element -ka), and that in (110) the person marker is proclitic. Both these phenomena are
illustrated in (112):
(112) ko-nok´ı:ˇca-ka ik´ı-ˇca
1S.SG-see-NU be-CN
‘It is my custom of seeing.’
(Peeke 1962: 147)
Here the person marker is attached to the nominalised verb. There is double negation:
(113) tayk
w
´akom´ı-no k´ork ˇcirip´aka ira [cf. Ec. Quechua kul
y
ki ‘money’]
not 1.SG have-NE money papaya B
‘I have no money for papayas.’
(Peeke 1962: 130–1)
The person marker paradigm is given in (114):
(114) k
w
i/ko(-) /k- 1.SG kana, kaʔʔno 1.PL.EX
pa /p- 1.PL.IV
ˇca(-) /k- 2.SG kina, kiʔʔno 2.PL
naw /no /n- 3.SG na 3.PL
no-ka 3.SG-NU
4.8 The Tucanoan languages
The Tucanoan languages in Peru are Angutero, Orej´on or Coto, and Secoya or Pioj´e.
Secoya is also spoken in Ecuador. There are several other groups speaking closely related
Tucanoan languages in Ecuador: the Siona and the Tetet´e. All these languages belong to
the western branch. The Siona and Secoya are growing into a single community of an
estimated 600 people. Of Tetet´e, closely related to Siona, there were only two speakers
left in 1969. Although its speakers have dwindled to an insignificant number, Siona
was once important enough to be considered a lengua general by the Spanish colonial
administration (Ortega Ricaurte 1978); cf. chapter 2.