Adelaar Willem, Muysken Pieter. The languages of the Andes
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474 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Examples are:
(179) a-po-kol
y
-an 1S.SG-3O.PL ‘I love them.’
mi-po-kol
y
-an 2S.SG-3O.PL ‘You love them.’
mi-po-kol
y
-i-ha-(a)n 2S.PL-3O.PL ‘You (plur.) love them.’
There is also an applicative marker -pa(ha)- ‘for them’, in forms such as:
(180) i-sak a-paha-puˇc-an
3P.PL-food 1S.SG-3.PL.AP-put-IA
‘I put the food out for them.’
When the plural -la- appears without either -po- or -pa- it means the subject is third-
person plural and the person prefixes mark the person of the object. In the following
example, as in (179), the verb contains the perfective marker -i,which in these cases is
semantically void.
(181) a-kol
y
-i-la-n 3S.PL-1O.SG ‘They love me.’
mi-kol
y
-i-la-n 3S.PL-2O.SG ‘They love you.’
Compound verbs
Another feature worthy of note in Chol´on is the fact that nouns or other elements can be
combined with an auxiliary-like verb to form a complex predicate. Consider:
(182) a. a-kul
y
ha a-kt-an [kul
y
ha ‘life’; kot- ‘to be’]
1P.SG-life 1S.SG-be-IA
‘I live.’ (lit. ‘I am my life.’)
b. mu-kul
y
ha me-kt-an
2P.SG-life 2S.SG-be-IA
‘You live.’ (lit. ‘You are your life.’)
There is a verb ki-,which has the meaning ‘to be’ or ‘to become’:
(183) kama a-ki-an ‘I am ill.’
mise ∅∅-ki-an ‘He feels cold.’
ciw mi-ki-(e)y-ha-n ‘You (plur.) are needy.’
hayu ∅∅-ki-y ‘He became a man.’
Similarly, verbs can be made from nouns. (Note that the root vowel of yip- / cip- ‘to
make a house’ remains unchanged.)
4.12 Small families and supposed isolates in Bolivia 475
(184) a. a-cip-an
[yip ‘house’, -cip ‘someone’s house]
1S.SG-house-IA
‘I make my house.’
b. liw a-lw-e-n
[liw ‘painting’, liw-e- ‘to write’]
letter 1S.SG-write-IA
‘I write.’
4.11.5 The basic word order of Chol´on
Chol´on has many characteristics of a classical OV language, in addition to fairly con-
sistent verb-final clauses:
(185) kuˇci-le me-kt-an mal
y
amu-∅∅-l
y
up-o-wa
pig-or 2S.SG-be-IA raw.thing 2S.SG-3O.SG-eat-FN-TO
‘Or are you a pig that you eat raw stuff?’
Possessors precede their head noun:
(186) Pedro ∅∅-n-eˇstek sa-ˇco ∅∅-kot-an
29
Peter 3P.SG-RL-clothes old-already 3S.SG-be-IA
‘Peter’s clothes are already old.’
Modifiers precede their head noun as well:
(187) ˇceˇco-ke kaloˇc
silver-NP plate
‘silver plate’
4.12 Small families and supposed language isolates in Bolivia
In the Bolivian lowlands surrounding the northern edge of the Andean high plateau
there is a wide array of small, genetically isolated languages. From west to east, they are
Leco, Moset´en–Chimane, Movima, Cayuvava, Canichana, Itonama and, further south,
Yuracar´e. Most of these languages are far from being adequately documented at present.
Leco had been considered extinct, but van de Kerke (1998, 1999, 2000, 2002) has found
more than forty-five speakers. The language has (direct and indirect) object person
prefixes but an extensive verbal suffixing system, as well as case suffixes. An example is:
(188) mi:s yo-yo-ki yin-hal-di-ra-no-te wes-ra
tomorrow 1P.SG-mother-RL 1.SG.DA-buy-IC-F-ID.N-DV Guanay-L
‘Tomorrow my mother will go and buy me (a new one) in Guanay.’
(van de Kerke 2002: 246)
29
It could not be determined whether the root for ‘old’ exemplified here is actually sa or saˇco.
476 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
There are a few simple cases: -ki ‘dative, benefactive’, -i ‘comitative, instrumental’, -ra
‘locative, instrumental’, -rep ‘ablative’, as well as bi-syllabic case markers such as the
Quechua or Aymara borrowings -kama ‘until’ and -baˇca ‘reason’.
Gill (undated) and Sakel (2002, 2003) provide detailed studies of Moset´en–Chimane.
It is best to consider this group as a set of three closely related varieties: Santa Ana
Moset´en, Covendo Moset´en and Chimane proper. Sakel (2002) documents how gender
marking has become grammaticalised as a pervasive feature of a number of grammatical
subsystems of Moset´en.
Basic data for Movima have been provided by Judy and Judy (1962, 1967) and
Grinevald (2002), and the language is currently being studied by Katharina Haude.
It has a complex system of classifiers (Grinevald 2002). An example from the verbal
domain is:
(189) ona-ra- ‘know (the thing)’
ona-mo- ‘know (a bird)’
ona-wax- ‘know (a place)’
ona-poy- ‘know (an animal)’
(Judy and Judy 1962: 151)
Aspects of the small isolate Cayuvava have been documented by Key (1967). This
language is in urgent need of further documentation and analysis. Itonama and the prob-
ably extinct Canichana are currently being studied by Mily Crevels. Itonama phonology
has been analysed by Liccardi (1968).
Yuracar´e has been documented by Adam (1893) on the basis of a much earlier
manuscript by the missionary de la Cueva. It is currently being studied by Rik van
Gijn. It has complex reduplication patterns, involving either the initial syllable, the final
syllable, or the entire word:
(190) a. burusa- ‘to get rent’ burus-bu- ‘to rend’
b. sama- ‘to die’ sama-ma- ‘to kill’
c. bene-bene-‘to be poor, to need’
(Adam 1893: 46–8)
Yuracar´eisanSOV agglutinative language with both prefixes and suffixes. As in Leco,
personal nominal possession and object markers are prefixal, while subject markers
are suffixal. Applicatives are prefixal, while other verbal derivation markers, includ-
ing causative and reflexive, tense/mood/aspect markers, case markers and sentence-
organising elements are suffixal. The following example, adapted from de la Cueva’s
work, illustrates some of these characteristics:
(191) ka-n-yuxu-ma ka-la-sa-ˇco-w
3O.SG-AP.GO-tell-IM.2.SG 3O.SG-AP.SO-finish-HO-3S.PL
‘Tell them to leave it (to stop doing it).’
(Adam 1893: 11, 37)
4.13 Chiquitano 477
Interesting here is the use of different applicatives to mark motion away from or towards
a reference point, as well as beneficiary or purpose. The use of singular third-person
object markers is allowed here because plural is encoded in the complement verb (Adam
1893: 37).
A genetically isolated language, as far as we know (but see below), with a rapidly
decreasing number of speakers for which a modern description is urgently needed, is
Chiquitano in the eastern department of Santa Cruz de la Sierra. Chiquitano being a
former mission language, remnants of other tribes can be found among its speakers. The
sources do not indicate whether these groups have preserved elements of their original
languages.
The remaining language families represented in Bolivia are found in the north of
the country: Chapacuran, with one language called Itene or Mor´e (Angenot-de Lima
2001), the Pano–Tacanan languages (section 4.1), members of the Arawakan family
(section 4.2) and Tupi–Guaran´ı languages (section 4.3).
4.13 Chiquitano
Now we will try to provide a sketch of Chiquitano. The size of the ethnic group of
Chiquitanos is estimated by Riester (1986a) at 35,000–40,000, a minority of which
are speakers of Chiquitano. In the period of Jesuit control over the area (1691–1767)
Chiquitano was chosen as a lingua franca and imposed in ten reducciones,newly created
settlements. Jesuit policy allowed settlements where other languages with a few thousand
speakers, such as Zamuco, dominated, as long as these speakers also knew Chiquitano.
Speakers of minor languages, however, were encouraged to become integrated into the
Chiquitano ethnic group. While there must have been extensive multilingualism in the
Chiquitano reducciones in the eighteenth century, Alcide d’Orbigny did not find many
traces of the other languages when he visited the missions in 1831. Riester (1986: 31)
describes the situation in the early nineteenth century as follows: several Arawakan lan-
guages (Paiconeca, Paunaca, Saraveca), Chapacuran languages (Chapacura, Kitemoca,
Napeca) and Otuque (a Bororoan language) were still spoken but were losing ground
in a process of language shift towards Chiquitano. Now only in two communities near
Concepci´on do we find some Chiquitanos who speak Paunaca, and Kitemoca may still
be in existence as well.
The Jesuits effectively created a semi-standardised language, in which quite a few reli-
gious texts were written: sermons, prayers, catechisms, stories from the Scriptures. In ad-
dition, there were several grammars and vocabularies. Most of this material has remained
in manuscript form (cf. the description in Riester et al. 1986), and much of it has been lost.
Two manuscripts (containing a grammar, some dialogues and a vocabulary), one of which
is partly based on the other, found in libraries of La Paz, Jena and Paris, were collated and
478 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
published by Adam and Henry (1880) in their Biblioth`eque Linguistique Am´ericaine.
A recent brief sketch is provided in Riester et al. (1986) by Barbara Schuchard, who
summarises the Adam and Henry material and confronts it with modern spoken Chiqui-
tano. Max Fuss, who lived in the area for a long time, prepared a manuscript vocabulary,
which was checked and expanded by Riester, and published in Riester et al. (1986). The
Franciscan Jes´us Galeote Tormo has written an accessible pedagogical grammar, in fairly
traditional terms (1993; 2nd edn 1996), of the Lomer´ıo variety, called Besro. In addition,
the Summer Institute linguists D. and M. Kr¨usi (1978a, b) have described some aspects
of the Besro Chiquitano spoken in Lomer´ıo, and published a number of texts in the
language.
Even though Chiquitano was still known widely enough to be used as a cypher lan-
guage during the Chaco War between Bolivia and Paraguay, now it has lost its role
as a lingua franca to Spanish. It is still widely used, but only in in-group situations,
and has undergone influence from Spanish. For this reason, according to Riester, most
speakers only know dialectal Chiquitano now; knowledge of the lingua franca form of
the language codified in the Jesuit materials is mostly lost. Galeote Tormo (1993: 18,
30) reports that there is considerable mutual comprehension between the varieties of
Chiquitano, of which the three main ones are referred to as Besro or Lomer´ıo, San
Javier and San Miguel (the latter two often taken together). The main difference has
to do with more nasalisation in Lomer´ıo. In addition, the latter dialect has word-final ˇs
.
where the others have h.
Since the eighteenth-century sources analysed by Adam and Henry (1880) are much
more detailed than the twentieth-century ones, we will take the former as a point of
departure, and only note differences where these have been mentioned by Schuchard.
There have been many changes in the language in the last two centuries, which remain
to be studied. Chiquitano remains an isolate genetically.
4.13.1 Gender-determined language use in Chiquitano
Differences related to gender are reported to play a central role in Chiquitano, particularly
in the earlier varieties. Women use the unmarked form, while men use masculine forms
and masculine endings when they speak ‘of Gods or divine persons or angels, demons,
men, false gods; in sum, of everything that painters paint with men’s shapes.’ (Adam
and Henry 1880: 5). Thus, not only does men’s speech as such have particular features
(to be listed below), also men make gender distinctions when referring to other entities
while women do not. The only time a woman will make gender distinctions is when she
is quoting or making fun of men’s speech; similarly, the only occasion a man will not
use them is when he quotes women’s speech.
4.13 Chiquitano 479
Specific features of men’s speech reported in the literature include (Adam and Henry
1880: 5–6, 9–10):
a. the ending -ti: on forms inflected for masculine third person singular, and
the ending -(
)ma in the plural;
b. the class prefix i- in the singular and ma- in the plural for some person
names; men say i-ˇsa:raˇs
.
‘white man’ and ma-ˇsa:ra-ka ‘white men’, women
ˇsa:raˇs
.
and ˇsa:ra-ka;
c. the class prefix o- for words denoting animals and trees; men say o-petaˇs
.
‘turtle’, women petaˇs
.
;
d. pronouns and adverbs limited to men;
e. nouns that men never use;
f. nouns that women use inflected, men uninflected, and vice versa;
g. almost all kinship terms have an infix for the third-person masculine pos-
sessive form, e.g.:
(192) a. a-to-bo-ti: abo-ˇs
.
‘her stepson’
stepson-MS-LS-3P.MS
‘his stepson’
b. ipak-to-ˇs
.
-ti: ipak-ˇs
.
‘her mother’
mother-MS-P-3P.MS
‘his mother’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 6)
We use the term ‘unmarked’ rather than ‘feminine’, in opposition to ‘masculine’, because
it includes everything but the specifically designated group of masculine entities.
4.13.2 Chiquitano phonology
Chiquitano has the consonantal phonemes presented in table 4.9. It can also be seen
that there are six oral vowels. There is distinctive vowel length, and there can be vowel
sequences, which are pronounced separately and not diphthongised. In addition, all
vowels can be nasalised. When a noun or a verb base is affixed with an element that
contains a nasal or a nasalised vowel, some consonants are nasalised – a case of nasal
spread:
(193) b:m
r:n
y:n
y
In speech there are frequent cases of elisions, when one word begins in a vowel and the
preceding word ends in one.
480 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.9 Chiquitano phoneme inventory
∗
Labial Dental Palatal Retroflex Velar Glottal
Voiceless stops p t t
y
k ʔ
Voiced stop b
Fricatives s ˇsˇs
.
x
Affricate ˇc
Nasals m n n
y
Vibrant r
Glide y
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid e o
Low a
∗
There is a distinction between short and long vowels. Nasal vowels occur
(Adam & Henry 1880), but have also been interpreted as sequences of a vowel
and a nasal consonant (Galeote Tormo 1993, 1996). In present-day Chiquitano,
stops (not glottal stop) and nasals have palatalised allophones after i.
4.13.3 The principal grammatical features of Chiquitano
Most words in Chiquitano appear to be classifiable as either nominal or verbal.
Nouns. There are three classes of nouns (Adam and Henry 1880: 8):
a. nouns that never appear with person marking; this category includes the
names of animals and trees;
b. nouns that are optionally marked for person; this category includes many
inanimate objects;
c. nouns that are obligatorily marked for person: kinship terms, names for
body parts, and names for ‘body parts’ of plants and trees such as ‘bark’
and ‘flower’.
In relation to the category of animals, in order to indicate possession, a generic term
with the meaning of ‘animal’ is introduced that can be marked for person.
30
(194) a. y-au tamokoˇs
.
1P.SG-animal dog
‘my dog’
b. tamokoˇs
.
y-au-ˇs
.
-ti:
dog 3P.MS-animal-P-MS
‘his dog’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 8)
30
This feature is also found in Guaran´ı.
4.13 Chiquitano 481
Adjectives. There is no class of adjectives properly speaking in Chiquitano. Two
obligatorily inflected pronouns are used adjectivally: n
y
etama ‘alone’ and n
y
aton
y
e ‘self’.
Another fairly small group of adjectivally used nouns is largely uninflected and refers
to stable properties such as size, colour and quality.
Numerals. Apart from the word etama ‘one’, there are no numerals properly speaking
in Chiquitano. Numbers are indicated with quantifiers and gestural indexing.
Personal pronouns. Independently used personal pronouns can appear in subject and
in direct-object position. In subject position they are often preceded by the particle aˇs
.
-,
which Fuss and Riester (1986) gloss as a deictic particle. The forms are:
(195) n
y
1.SG som 1.PL exclusive
on
y
1.PL inclusive
h
31
2.SG an
y
o 2.PL
ti: 3.SG masculine ma 3.PL masculine
in
y
o 3.PL unmarked
There is no third-singular unmarked pronoun; a demonstrative t
y
one is used in this case.
Notice that there is a first-person-plural inclusive/exclusive distinction.
Other cases of pronominal usage are reflected in person marking on nouns, verbs,
postpositions, etc., the topic to which we now turn.
Person marking.Person is marked through prefixation. Although there appears to be a
great deal of allomorphic variation in the prefixes and the traditional grammars in Adam
and Henry (1880: 12) distinguish five declensions, the pattern is fairly regular. Thus we
have:
(196) i-po:-ˇs
.
-ma
3P.MS-house-P-MS.PL
‘their (masc.) house’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 13)
Compare now the pronoun forms with the (abstract underlying) person prefix forms.
The symbol Y indicates weakening or palatalisation (k:s, t:ˇc,
:ˇs)ofthe root-initial
consonant.
(197) pron pref pron pref
n
y
iY- 1.SG som soiY- 1.PL exclusive
on
y
o- 1.PL inclusive
h a- 2.SG an
y
oau- 2.PL
ti: i- 3.SG masculine ma i- 3.PL masculine
- i- 3.SG unmarked in
y
oyo- 3.PL unmarked
31
Galeote Tormo (1996) has (
)k
instead of h
.
482 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
When we denasalise the pronoun forms, several of them are very similar to the prefix
form:
(198) pron pref pron pref
**y iY- 1.SG **sob soiY- 1.PL exclusive
**oy o- 1.PL inclusive
h a- 2.SG **ayo au- 2.PL
ti: i- 3.SG masculine **ba i- 3.PL masculine
-i-3.SG unmarked **iyo yo- 3.PL unmarked
There appears to be a diachronic relation for 1.SG, 1.PL exclusive, 1.PL inclusive, 2.PL,
3.PL unmarked, even though it is impossible to derive the prefixes from the pronouns
synchronically.
The pattern under discussion bears much resemblance to the i-, a-, i
ʔ
- pattern for
personal pronominal prefixes, which has a much wider distribution in South America.
It is described by Greenberg (1987), who takes Chiquitano as an example.
Postpositions and case markers. The Chiquitano system of case markers and ad-
positions is quite complex. There are a number of elements that can only be used post-
positionally. Some of these can be analysed as case markers; others correspond to body
parts. In addition, there are elements that can be used either with person prefixes, or
in uninflected form. Finally, there are elements that can only be used transitively, in
uninflected form.
There is very extensive use in Chiquitano of postpositions with pronominal prefixes
to mark the other relations that pronominal elements can have to the predicate. They
provide further illustration of the allomorphic variation in the person prefix system. The
genitive is used for independent possessives glossed ‘mine’, etc. but can also be used
periphrastically with nouns. To say ‘my house’, there are two possibilities:
(199) i-po: po:-ˇs
.
i-sa
1P.SG-house house-P 1P.SG-possession
‘my house’ ‘my house’
Combining the two possibilities is ungrammatical, however:
(200) *i-po:-ˇs
.
i-sa
1P.SG-house-P 1P.SG-possession
(Adam and Henry 1880: 22)
The dative postposition is used for recipients, as well as benefactive and experiencer
objects:
(201) a. y-aˇce-ka a-˜emo
1S.SG-give-ND 2P.SG-DA
‘I give you.’
4.13 Chiquitano 483
b. i-samu-ka po:-ˇs
.
a-˜emo
1S.SG-build-ND house-P 2P.SG-DA
‘I build a house for you.’
c. amia˜a mo-ti:
3S.SG.seem DA-3.MS
‘It seems to him.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 22)
General accusative does not involve case marking but is simply the base pronoun, as
was mentioned already. There is a special case used with verbs of desiring, one used
with the verb y-asa-ka ‘to see’, and one used with verbs of waiting. The forms are
not entirely regular, however, as can be illustrated with the forms for the first person
singular:
(202) n
y
pronoun
iY- prefix
in
y
-˜emo dative
iy-o with verbs of desiring
is-ari with ‘to see’ (other persons have -kari)
is-ubi with verbs of waiting (other persons have -kubi)
s-obi agentive (also found with unique expressions such as
ane sobi ‘I have’)
There are also some oblique cases (termed ‘ablative’) in Adam and Henry (1880:
24). One of them is given above, the agentive case, which appears in passive sentences
such as:
(203) s-obi i-kunomo
1P.SG-by 3S.SG-write (passive)
‘It has been written by me.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 24)
It has an active equivalent, but the two verbs are derived from identical stems in this
case:
(204) i-kunomo-ka aˇs
.
-n
y
1S.SG-write-ND PU-1.SG
‘I have written.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 24)
Only with experiencer verbs such as ‘to love’ do we get a dative subject:
(205) i-suba-ka in
y
-˜emo
3S.SG-love-ND 1P.SG-DA
‘She was loved by me.’
(Adam and Henry 1880: 24)