Adelaar Willem, Muysken Pieter. The languages of the Andes

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74 2 The Chibcha Sphere

(34) n´aˇsi ‘to come’ u-l´aˇsi ‘to bring’

(Olaya Perdomo 2000: 781)

(35) g

´aˇsi ‘to kill’ a-k

´aˇsi ‘to kill oneself’

(Constenla Uma˜na 1990: 117)

In Ika causative derivation can be achieved by adding a sufﬁx -s- to the root, usually

in combination with further morphophonemic adaptations; cf. (36) and (37). Another

strategy consists in raising the root-vowel with simultaneous replacement of root-ﬁnal

-n- by -

- (Frank 1990: 66–7); cf. (38).

(36) kmma- ‘to sleep’ kmma-s- ‘to cause to sleep’

(37) aruk- ‘to go up’ aru-s- ‘to lift’

(38) ˇcon- ‘to enter’ ˇcuŋŋ- ‘to let someone enter’

Also in relation to Ika, Frank (1990: 55) lists a series of transitive verbs differing

semantically by the shape of the object that is handled (39). Similarly, intransitive verbs

referring to position may differ according to the shape of the subject (40).

(39) gaka ‘to place long and thin objects’

sa ‘to place three-dimensional objects’

pan ‘to place ﬂat objects’

ˇcoʔʔ ‘to place things with an upright position’

(40) aʔʔ-gei-k

a ‘to be in (of long objects)’

aʔʔ-pn-k

a ‘to be in (of ﬂat objects)’

aʔʔ-ni-k

a ‘to be in (of three-dimensional objects)’

aʔʔ-nuk ‘to be in (of upright objects)’

Arhuacan languages have fully developed numeral systems formed on a decimal basis.

As Constenla Uma˜na (1988) has pointed out, some of the Arhuacan numerals contain

petriﬁed classiﬁer elements also found in other Chibchan languages. One of them is

‘seed’, for instance, in Kogui m´aig

a ‘three’, k´ug

a ‘seven’, ´ug

a ‘ten’, m´uˇzug

‘twenty’.

The Arhuacan languages have several lexical borrowings from Spanish, some of

which are quite old. An example is Damana turruma,Kogui tuluma, from Spanish

turma,anearly term for ‘potato’ that was widely used in New Granada. Damana galina

[gal

ina] ‘chicken’ (Spanish gallina) and paka ‘cow’ (Spanish vaca) are evident loans.

In spite of their isolation the Kogui have adopted a few characteristic loan words, such

as k´alta ‘book’, ‘paper’ (from Spanish carta) and g

´ıbu ‘egg’ (from Spanish huevo).

Avery important cultural term is k

´ıbulu or k

´ıbulo,which refers to the traditional

Kogui village. Although it is perfectly adapted to Kogui pronunciation, it does not seem

far-fetched to derive its etymology from Spanish pueblo ‘village’.

2.7 Chimila 75

2.7 Chimila

The Chimila language (or Ette Taara)isspoken by the descendants of a once numerous

population (Ette Ennaka) inhabiting the space situated between the lower Magdalena

river to the west and southwest, and the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and the Cesar

river to the east. The strategic centre of the Chimila homeland was formed by the

Ariguan´ıriver valley, which constitutes the border of the modern departments of Cesar

and Magdalena. During the conquest the Chimila were much feared because of their

use of poisoned arrows. They were referred to as ‘Caribs’ (Hemming 1978: 70; cf.

section 2.1). In reality, the Chimila speak a language of the Chibchan family.

About 1720 the Chimila people, exasperated by the excesses of colonisation, began

a guerrilla war that was conducted with great cruelty on both sides (Chaves et al. 1995:

127–34). Although this war reached its highest intensity in the eighteenth century, ruth-

less violence against the Chimila aiming at their extermination continued until well into

the twentieth century. In 1990 the last traumatised and largely assimilated survivors were

assigned a small reservation called Issa Oristuna, near San Angel (Magdalena), which

harbours some eighty families (Trillos Amaya 1997: 25). The language, which had been

practised in secret for a long time, is now spoken more openly, but ﬁeld research is still

difﬁcult due to the Chimila’s understandable distrust of outsiders. The total number of

Chimila is estimated at 900 (Arango and S´anchez 1998).

In 1947 the anthropologist Reichel-Dolmatoff published an article on the Chimila

language, summarised in Mel´endez Lozano (2000a). The information on Chimila con-

tained in the present study is based on Trillos Amaya (1997). She provides a very good

and honest impression of the language, admitting that many of the analyses offered

must remain provisional for lack of data. Trillos Amaya respected the restrictions set by

the community upon her ﬁeldwork in the expectation of a more open attitude that may

develop over the coming years.

The phonology of Chimila still retains several unsolved questions. According to Trillos

Amaya (1997: 66), its ﬁve vowels (a, e, i, o, u) can be short, long, interrupted (glottalised)

and aspirated. Monosyllabic words ending in a long vowel can bear contrastive tone, e.g.

t´o: ‘maraca (a musical instrument)’ with rising tone, versus t`o: ‘heart’ with descending

tone. Polysyllabic words contain a tone-bearing syllable of which the tone appears to

be partly determined by the nature of a following consonant (descending tone before

geminates and r, rising tone before non-geminate obstruents). In Trillos Amaya’s study,

tonal distinctions are not indicated except for a few relevant pairs in the phonological

chapter (Trillos Amaya 1997: 75–6).

The consonant inventory comprises a series of voiceless oral stops and affricates (p,

t, ˇc, k), a prenasalised series (

ˇz

g) and a nasal series (m, n, n

). In addition,

there is a voiced stop (g) and a voiced affricate (d

ˇz

). All these oppositions are fairly

well exploited, e.g. ka: ‘breast’, ga: ‘excrement’,

ga: ‘wing, feather’,

`a: ‘to hoist up’,

76 2 The Chibcha Sphere

´a: ‘to lie down’. All the velar sounds have labiovelar counterparts (k

, g

)

The remaining consonants are a lateral l,apreglottalised tap r, the laminal and velar

fricatives s and h, and an approximant w. Syllable-initial consonant clusters may consist

of a stop + r.Inclusters after velar consonants r is pronounced as a uvular trill.

Most consonants (not the prenasalised ones, and not h, r, w)have tense or geminate

counterparts. Gemination appears to be an automatic process, occurring after a stressed

short vowel. Nevertheless, gemination is sometimes found more than once in a word

(even in consecutive syllables), and Trillos Amaya mentions the case of sufﬁx pairs in

which gemination appears to be contrastive, as in (41):

(41) ki:ro-tik

i ki:ro-tikk

chicken-PL.DI chicken-not.fully.grown

‘small chickens’ ‘small chick’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 75)

The interaction between gemination, vowel length, accent and tone in Chimila is a

ﬁeld that requires further investigation. Some of these aspects are discussed in Malone

(1997–8).

As might be expected, Chimila shares a number of characteristics with the related

languages of the Arhuacan group, with which it has been in contact over centuries. As

in Ika, some verbs exhibit internal stem variation depending on the afﬁxes with which

they are combined.

(42) kenne-ridd

ˇz

akonni-dd

ˇz

eat-AG eat-PS.N

‘eater’ ‘food’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 83–4)

Most conspicuous among these similarities is the use of a set of auxiliary verbs, which

follow nominalised or otherwise non-ﬁnite main verbs. The selection of a particular

auxiliary verb (here glossed as ‘be’ or ‘do’) may reﬂect tense or mood distinctions,

but in many cases there appears to be no clear semantic distinction that determines the

choice. The matter requires further research. Finite verbs must either be speciﬁed as

declarative or interrogative. The following examples illustrate the use of auxiliaries and

the declarative marker -(t)te.

(43) hogg

ŋŋa-∅∅-tte

bathe be-3S.SG-DV

‘He bathes.’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 157)

Trillos Amaya suggests that the ﬁnal vowel in a full verb, such as hogg

a, has an aspectual

function. Note that verbs such as hogg

a in constructions with an auxiliary verb must also

be nominalised. If not, it may be necessary to reinterpret the auxiliary verb stems as sufﬁxes.

Considering that the relevant information is imprecise and insufﬁcient, we will not represent

aspect and (covert) nominalisation in our glosses.

2.7 Chimila 77

Table 2.4 Possessive modiﬁers in Chimila (from Trillos

Amaya 1997: 126)

Singular Dual Plural

1 pers. na

na na-ra

2 pers. ma

ma ma-ra

3 pers. ni

ni ni

-ne

(44) hogg

ˇz

a-∅∅-tte

bathe do-3S.SG-DV

‘He will bathe’.

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 157)

When directly afﬁxed to a noun, the declarative marker -(t)te indicates that the noun

is used predicatively (45).

(45) iŋŋŋŋa-te

smoke-DV

‘It is smoke.’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 161)

In contrast to the Arhuacan languages, Chimila is predominantly or entirely sufﬁxing.

The language has a set of possessive personal reference markers, which are preﬁx-like

elements encoding the distinctions of ﬁrst, second and third person, as well as singular,

dual and plural number.

In spite of the syntactic limitations, there are arguments to consider these possessive

markers as free forms, rather than as preﬁxes. As a matter of fact, a numeral can intervene

between a possessive marker and the noun it modiﬁes (46).

(46) na

ʔʔ m

na ogg

1P.SG two child

‘my two children’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 141)

Possessive constructions are obtained by the juxtaposition of a possessive marker, the

possessed and the possessor in that order. No genitive case marker occurs.

(47) ni

ogg

e taki:ridd

ˇz

ʔʔ

3P.SG child chief

‘the son of the chief’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 127)

In the verb personal reference and number are indicated by means of sufﬁxes. These

sufﬁxes bear no formal relationship to the possessive markers. There are different sets

Compare the case of the Araucanian possessive markers in chapter 5.

78 2 The Chibcha Sphere

Table 2.5 Personal reference markers for subject and object in Chimila (based on

Trillos Amaya 1997: 123, 125, 163)

Subject markers

Subject markers in negation Object markers

Singular Dual Plural Singular Non-singular Singular Non-singular

1 -n -

kre -

kre-

bre -na -na-

kre -nu -nu-ra

2 -uka -uka-ra -uka-ra-

bre -ka -ka-ra -d

ˇz

u ∼ -ˇcu -d

ˇz

u-ra

3 -Ø -(n)ne -(n)ne-

bre -Ø -ne -wi -(n)ne

for the identiﬁcation of subject and object, respectively. In addition, there is a sep-

arate set of personal reference markers used to indicate the subject in a negation.

Table 2.5 represents the three sets of verbal personal markers that refer to subject and

object.

As can be seen in table 2.5, the category plural for subject markers is systematically

distinguished from the dual by the addition of a plural marker -

bre. This marker -

bre

is also used to indicate plural with nouns. It can be left out, so that the difference between

plural and dual is not always overtly expressed. In the third person plural the order of

the sufﬁxes represented in table 2.5 is not always respected, for instance, in d

ˇz

ŋŋ

bre-nne-tte ‘they (more than two) walk’ (Trillos Amaya 1997: 123). The elements

kre, -ra and -(n)ne are non-singular markers, with functions limited to the pronominal

system.

Object markers have only been found in verbs with a third-person subject (49). The

scarce examples of use recorded so far do not yet allow a full appreciation of the

possibilities. In negative sentences personal reference markers referring to ﬁrst- and

second-person subject are attached to the adverbial negation marker d

ˇz

umma, not to the

verb itself (50). By contrast, the third-person non-singular marker -ne is attached to the

main verb, not to the negative adverb d

ˇz

umma (51).

(48) kenne ka-uka-ra-tte

eat be-2S-D-DV

‘The two of you eat.’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 124)

(49) ˇce:-ri sedd

ˇz

ako

ʔʔ

-d

ˇz

u-∅∅-tte

money-DA give be-2O-3S.SG-DV

‘He gave you money.’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 109)

(50) d

ˇz

umma-ka d

ˇz

uŋŋŋŋa

not-2S.SG walk

‘You do not walk.’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 163)

2.7 Chimila 79

(51) d

ˇz

umma d

ˇz

uŋŋŋŋa-ne

not walk-3S.PL

‘They do not walk.’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 163)

The noun morphology of Chimila displays an elaborate inventory of case markers and

postpositions with a particular emphasis on spatial distinctions and types of association.

Strings of case markers referring to spatial relations occur; in (52), for instance, the case

marker -

a refers to ‘action within a space’, whereas -(s)sa implies a previous motion

into that space.

(52) ummaŋŋenta ka-∅∅-tte assu

didd

ˇz

o-ŋŋa-ssa

become.quiet be-3S-DV only rain-L-AL

‘He only became quiet under the rain.’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 115)

Both subject and object can remain unmarked in a constituent order which is predom-

inantly SVO. An ergative–dative case marker -ri is available for the purpose of marking

off the actor of a transitive verb from its object, as illustrated in (53). However, in (49) we

have seen that -ri can also mark a direct object, when there is no independent expression

of either the subject or a dative. The matter requires further investigation.

(53) nogg

e-ri assu tukku wi-∅∅-tte kawi-manta

he-E only see do-3S-DV cabildo-LS

‘He only saw the cabildo.’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 108)

Chimila has a set of numeral classiﬁers: g

a- for round objects; ti:- for long objects;

kra:- for corncobs;

bri:- for animals and clothing. As in Cuna, these are preﬁxed to

the numerals.

(54) ti:-mu

CL-two

‘two pencils, bananas, etc.’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 139)

(55)

bri:-ma

CL-three

‘three animals, clothes, etc.’

(Trillos Amaya 1997: 139)

The Chibchan afﬁnity with Chimila is not only clearly evident from its lexicon, but

also from its frequent use of the lexical sufﬁxes -k

a/-g

a and -kra; for instance, in

kak-k

a ‘mouth’, wa:-k

a ‘eye’, rug-g

a ‘neck’; ha:-kra ‘head’, kik-kra ‘bone’. These

Cabildo: traditional administrative board of an indigenous community. The element -manta is

translated as ‘skin’ (Trillos Amaya 1997: 86–8). Its function in this particular context remains

obscure.

80 2 The Chibcha Sphere

elements reﬂect the classiﬁers *kua

‘seed’ and *kara

‘bone, stick’ reconstructed for

the proto-language by Constenla Uma˜na (1990).

2.8 Bar´ı

The Bar´ıorDobocub´ı occupy an area at the border between Colombia and Venezuela

corresponding to the southern part of the Sierra de Perij´a (department of Norte de

Santander in Colombia and state of Zulia in Venezuela). Together with their neighbours

to the north, the Cariban Yukpa, the Bar´ıwere traditionally referred to as Motilones

‘shaven heads’. Due to their hostile attitude towards outsiders and, among other things,

their resistance to oil prospectors working in the area, the Bar´ıwere known as Motilones

bravos ‘wild Motilones’ in contrast to the Yukpa, who were called mansos ‘tame’. The

Bar´ı inhabit thirteen villages on the Colombian side, as well as a number of villages

in Venezuela. In Colombia their number is estimated at approximately 3,500 (Arango

and S´anchez 1998). The Bar´ı language, which belongs to the Chibchan family, has only

recently begun to be studied (Mogoll´on P´erez 2000). The vocabularies of Catarroja and

Guti´errez published by Rivet and Armellada (1950) have only a few words in common

with the more recently collected data.

Like its Proto-Chibchan ancestor, Bar´ıisatonal language. Two basic tone levels,

low and non-low, are distinguished. The non-low tone is subject to some subtonemic

variation. No examples are provided of tonal contrast between vowels that are part of

the same root.

(56) k´abb´u ‘he sleeps’ k`abb`u ‘heron’

(Mogoll´on P´erez 2000: 724)

Noun phrases display special internal tonal patterns, which suggest grammatical func-

tions such as ‘genitive’ or ‘subordination’. No further grammatical markers specifying

the relation appear to be used. Modiﬁers precede the modiﬁed in a genitive construction,

but follow their heads in a noun–adjective combination.

(57) ˇc´ıd´u´u´abb´ı

[ˇc¯ıd¯u: ¯abb¯ı]

snake blood

‘snake blood’

(Mogoll´on P´erez 2000: 724)

(58) ˇc´ıd´u´u`abb`ı`ı

[ˇc¯ıd¯u: `abb¯ı`:]

snake big

‘big snake’

(Mogoll´on P´erez 2000: 724)

The superscript numbers

and

in the reconstructed forms refer to mid and high tone, respec-

tively (Constenla Uma˜na 1989: 37).

2.9 The Muisca language 81

The Bar´ı language distinguishes six oral (a, e, i,



, o, u) and six nasal vowels (˜a, ˜e, ˜



, ˜



, ˜

). Long vowels are interpreted by Mogoll´on P´erez as sequences of same vowels and

tone-bearing segments, rather than as single phonemes. Bar´ı has a small, asymmetrical

consonant inventory, which consists of four stops (b, t, d, k), two fricatives (h, s), one true

nasal (m), a multiple vibrant (rr), and two variable resonants. In Mogoll´on P´erez (2000)

these resonants were classiﬁed as nasals (n, n

). However, a fully nasal realisation ([n],

]) is found in one speciﬁc environment only, namely, in word-initial position before a

nasal vowel. Elsewhere, they are either oral ([r], [y]), or slightly nasalised. As a matter of

fact, the least environmentally inﬂuenced allophones of the two resonant phonemes are

non-nasal; e.g. in /n

inu/ [yiru] ‘yesterday’. The opposition of the alveodental resonant

[r], which is found between two oral vowels, and the multiple vibrant rr is that of

two vibrants; e.g. /kinu/ [kiru] ‘to spin’ versus /kiru/ [kirru] ‘to rub with tobacco.’

Alveodental consonants have palatal allophones before high front vowels, as could be

seen in examples (57) and (58).

Geminate consonants and consonant clusters of two consonants occur frequently at

syllable boundaries, and most combinations are permitted. Within a syllable the only

consonant cluster found occasionally is that of a stop followed by an alveodental resonant,

e.g. [tr], in syllable-initial position. This fact and the contrast between the two vibrants

are both Chibchan and northern Colombian areal features shared by Bar´ı.

2.9 The Muisca language

The importance of the Muisca or Mosca language (in Muisca: muysc cubun [m

sk

kuβun] ‘language of the Indians’) in the sixteenth century can be measured from the

amount of descriptive material prepared in the colonial period. In 1538 the high plain

of Boyac´aand Cundinamarca was densely populated by speakers of Muisca and related

dialects. In spite of the fact that the Spanish colonial authorities and clergy were aware of

the linguistic diversity in the area, they chose Muisca as a so-called ‘general language’

(lengua general )tobeused for administration and evangelisation. A chair for Muisca was

established in Santaf´edeBogot´ain1582. The ﬁrst chairholder was a parish priest called

Gonzalo Berm´udez (Gonz´alez de P´erez 1980: 60–75). In the meantime, the practicability

of Muisca as a general language remained a matter of contention. Apparently, history

put the opponents in the right, as the language died out during the eighteenth century.

According to Uricoechea (1871: xliv), the language was no longer spoken in 1765.

The degree of linguistic diversity found in the Muisca realm becomes evident from

observations of chroniclers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Unfortunately,

almost nothing is known about varieties spoken in the Boyac´a and Cundinamarca high-

lands, other than Muisca itself. The only specimen of Duit, the language of Boyac´a, is a

fragment of a catechism published and analysed by Uricoechea (1871), who reports that

this was only a sample of a larger document to which he had access. He, furthermore,

82 2 The Chibcha Sphere

afﬁrms that it was written in the language of Duitama, which in his opinion was different

from that of Tunja, the capital of Boyac´a. It is unfortunate that the Duit document used

by Uricoechea was never located after his death.

Uricoechea’s Duit was a distinct language, clearly related to Muisca, but probably

not on a level of mutual intelligibility. An interesting element of Duit is the frequent

occurrence of r,asound rarely found in Muisca. Correspondences between Duit r,on

the one hand, and Muisca s [s, ˇs] or z [t

], on the other, occur; e.g. Duit sir, Muisca sis(y)

[sis() ∼ ˇsis()] ‘this’; Duit pcuare, Muisca pquahaza [pk

ahat

a] ‘lightning’. Constenla

Uma˜na (1984: 87) furthermore observes a coincidence of dialectal r with standard

Muisca ch [t

], as can be distilled from place names and local borrowings of the native

language into Spanish. For instance, in the Spanish–Muisca vocabulary contained in

the anonymous manuscript no. 158 of the Colombian National Library (see below) the

Muisca version of the name of the town of Zipaquir´aisgiven as Chicaquicha.

As we

shall see, the treatment of r is also an element of differentiation between the sources for

the Muisca language itself.

Another interesting observation made by Uricoechea (1871: xlii) concerns the ex-

istence around 1600 of a mixed dialect of Spanish and Muisca, which he calls jitano

(‘gipsy’). He provides a few examples, such as hicabai for ‘horse’ (Spanish caballo)

and zebos for ‘lover’ (Spanish mancebo). Unfortunately, no source is mentioned for

Uricoechea’s jitano data.

2.9.1 Sources

Of the many grammatical studies dealing with the Muisca language mentioned in the

historical sources only three are known to have survived. One of these studies is the

work of a Dominican and scholar of the Muisca language, Bernardo de Lugo (1619);

the two others have no known authors. Lugo’s work has been the subject of a modern

facsimile edition with an introduction by Alvar (1978). The two anonymous gram-

mars belong to a different tradition from Lugo’s. One of them was sent to Madrid in

1789 by Mutis (cf. section 2.2) and was kept as manuscript no. 2922 in the Library

of the Royal Palace in Madrid, together with a Spanish–Muisca vocabulary (cf. Ostler

1999). Most of the contents of the Royal Palace Library grammar were published by

Lucena Salmoral (1967, 1970); the vocabulary by Quesada Pacheco (1991). A much

earlier publication by Quijano Otero (1883) was apparently based on a copy of the

same manuscript that remained in Colombia until it was lost. In 1970, after its partial

publication by Lucena Salmoral, the manuscript of the Royal Palace Library grammar

The ending -quir´a,sofar unexplained, is highly frequent in Boyac´a and Cundinamarca (e.g.

Chiquinquir´a, Moniquir´a, Raquir´a). As Constenla Uma˜na points out, it has often mistakenly

been identiﬁed with the word quica (also recorded as quyca) ‘place’, ‘town’.

2.9 The Muisca language 83

became lost as well, while being transferred from Madrid to Salamanca (L´opez Garc´ıa

1995: 20).

The other anonymous work is kept as manuscript no. 158 in the National

Library of Colombia. Apart from a grammar, it contains an extensive vocabulary and

religious texts. It is available in print in an edition of the Instituto Caro y Cuervo

(Gonz´alez de P´erez 1987) and certainly constitutes the most important extant source on

Muisca.

The authorship of the two anonymous grammars has been the object of much spec-

ulation. A candidate for the authorship of either one of the manuscripts is the Italian

Jesuit Joseph Dadey (1576–1660), known in his time as the foremost authority on the

Muisca language. The history of the three Muisca grammars and their interrelations is

discussed in Gonz´alez de P´erez (1980, 1987); see also Ostler (1994).

Several works on Muisca date from the nineteenth century. Uricoechea’s Muisca

grammar and vocabulary of 1871 is based on a compilation of elements from the two

anonymous manuscripts. Adam (1878) presents an interesting study of Muisca word

formation and syntax, based on Uricoechea, and Middendorf (1892) a grammatical

overview of the language. Acosta Orteg´on (1938) is useful because it contains an exten-

sive Muisca–Spanish vocabulary. It, however, must be used with utmost care due to the

author’s highly personal and erratic interpretation of the symbols found in the original

Muisca sources. For the following succinct discussion of the Muisca facts, we will refer

to and draw from a substantial body of linguistic literature that appeared in the 1980s

and 1990s. Constenla Uma˜na (1984) presents a modern interpretation of the Muisca

sound system. Morphological and syntactic aspects of the Muisca language are treated

in Ostler (1993, 1994) and, in a historical-comparative perspective, in Ostler (2000).

Translated and annotated specimens of colonial texts written in the Muisca language

are found in Ostler (1995, 1999). A further study dealing with Muisca is L´opez Garc´ıa

(1995).

2.9.2 Phonology

The orthography that was developed for Muisca during the colonial period diverged in

several respects from general Spanish usage in accordance with the necessities of the

language. For the recovery and interpretation of the sounds of Muisca, Lugo’s work is of

particular importance. It contains three symbols not found in the anonymous grammars:

−

h>, <h> and <>. Lugo’s symbol <c

−

h> is represented as <ch> in the other

sources.

A passage in the National Library grammar (Gonz´alez de P´erez 1987: 72)

suggests that the sound it stood for was not a palatal affricate as in Spanish, but rather a

Thanks to Christiane D¨ummler, a photocopied version of the manuscript is in existence.

Except for the section on numerals in the National Library manuscript (Gonz´alez de P´erez 1987:

161–3). This section seems to have been directly inspired by Lugo’s work.