Adelaar Willem, Muysken Pieter. The languages of the Andes

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64 2 The Chibcha Sphere

When, as a result of syncope, the velar stops k and kk end up in syllable-ﬁnal position

before another (non-velar) consonant, they are often replaced by a high vocalic glide y,

as in (11):

(11) pakke-nae-te

[pay



na:de ∼ pan

a:de]

buy-go-TH

‘He went to buy it.’

(Llerena Villalobos 2000: 29)

In spite of its frequency, it is not always predictable whether sandhi will occur or

not. Holmer (1951: 41) observes that syncope is highly dependent on register. The use

of non-syncopated forms is often found in songs and in ceremonial speech, of crucial

importance to Cuna society. Syncopated forms are more frequently found in men’s speech

than in the speech of women and children. In some cases sandhi is obligatory, whereas

in other cases it is merely a matter of stylistic variation. The different registers of the

Cuna language have been studied by Sherzer (1983) in his work on the ethnography of

speech tradition. He observes the use of separate registers for public discourse, daily

language and speciﬁc rites, such as puberty rites. In the remaining part of this section,

the example sentences will be given in their non-syncopated forms, as they are presented

in the sources.

Cuna is an agglutinating, predominantly sufﬁxing language. The occurrence of pre-

ﬁxes is limited to the function of indicating a difference in verbal valency. There are

matching pairs of transitive and intransitive verbs differentiated by the initial vowel, e- for

the transitives and a- or zero for the intransitives (12)(13).

In addition, causativisation

can be indicated by means of a preﬁx o- (14).

(12) k

ane e-k

ane

‘to fall (of fruit)’ ‘to drop (fruit)’

(Llerena Villalobos 1987: 24)

(13) a-tinne e-tinne

‘to get tied’ ‘to tie’ (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 24)

(14) purk

e o-purk

‘to die’ ‘to kill’

(Llerena Villalobos 1987: 25)

Verbal morphology expressed by sufﬁxes includes voice (passive), tense, number and

directionality. In addition to the directional sufﬁxes, there is a set of verb stems referring

to direction. These directional verb stems can be either afﬁxed or used as main verbs

This situation is reminiscent of similar paired categories in Chiquitano (see section 4.13.3).

Llerena Villalobos (2000: 71) gives a phonetic representation [ett´ınne] for this form, suggesting

a geminating effect of the preﬁx.

2.5 Cuna 65

themselves. Even when afﬁxed, they frequently combine with the directional sufﬁxes,

as illustrated in (11) and (15).

(15) se-tani-kki

carry-come-H

‘He came to bring it.’

(Llerena Villalobos 1987: 29)

Another set of stems combine the functions of bodily posture with durative aspect

and ‘to be’. They can be used either as main verbs or as afﬁxed auxiliaries. For instance,

in (16) the stem k

iˇci indicates that the subject performs his action standing.

(16) we sunmakke-k

iˇci-t sayla ospino

this speak-stand-N chief Ospino

‘The one who stands there talking is chief Ospino.’

(Llerena Villalobos 1987: 130)

As in Chocoan, personal reference is not expressed morphologically. Subject and

object (with verbs) and possessor (with nouns) are all indicated by the same uninﬂected

personal pronouns an ‘ﬁrst person’, pe ‘second person’ and e ‘third person’ (Llerena

Villalobos 1987: 63–4). Third-person subject is often omitted. The corresponding plural

forms are obtained by adding the universal pluraliser -mala, and dual forms by adding

-po ‘two’. The personal pronouns accompany verbs on an SOV order basis. When used

as possessive pronouns, they must precede the head noun immediately. The same holds

for the demonstrative pronouns we ‘this’ and a ‘that’. It should be observed that not all

authors agree as to the status of the personal and demonstrative pronouns. Holmer (1946,

1951) treats them as preﬁxes, thus expanding the preﬁx inventory of the language, but

makes an exception for the plural forms an-mal(a) ‘we’, pe-mal(a)‘you (plural)’, which

are clearly independent forms. Adjectives and numerals follow their heads, again as in

Chocoan.

Cuna has several relational sufﬁxes which together divide the oblique case functions.

For instance, -kala indicates possession, destination and beneﬁciary; -kine locative,

ablative, instrument and cause.

(17) an maˇci sayla-kala kue-oe

I son chief-DA become-F

‘My son will be a chief.’

(Llerena Villalobos 1987: 47)

(18) akk

a-kine makke-sa-mala

stone-IS hit-PA-PL

‘They hit him with a stone.’

(Llerena Villalobos 1987: 53)

66 2 The Chibcha Sphere

Cuna has a series of numeral classiﬁers based mainly on shapes and measures (Sherzer

1978). Even though there are special classiﬁers for ﬁsh and personal adornments, there is

none for human beings. These are classiﬁed among the long objects (wala- ∼ war-). The

numerals and the stem for ‘how many?’ (-pik

a) are sufﬁxed to the numeral classiﬁer,

which itself follows the noun it classiﬁes, as in (19):

(19) maˇci-mala wala-pik

apenikka

son-PL CL-how.many you have

‘How many children do you have?’

(Llerena Villalobos 1987: 67)

Cuna has a great variety of compounds, including verb–verb compounds and combina-

tions of verbs with an incorporated object; e.g. mas-kunne ‘to eat’ (from masi ‘banana’,

‘food’ and kunne ‘to chew’); kap-takke ‘to dream’ (from kape ‘to sleep’ and takke

‘to see’) (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 25–6). A more complex form is op-nake-t-akk

‘millstone’ (from opa ‘maize’; nake- ‘to grind’; -t ‘nominaliser’, and akk

a ‘stone’)

(Llerena Villalobos 1987: 37). There are borrowed words not only from Spanish (kannira

‘chicken’, from Sp. gallina), but also from English; e.g. mani ‘money’; waˇci ‘time,

hour (watch)’.

2.6 The languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta

The languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, also known as the Arhuacan lan-

guages (not to be confused with Arawakan; cf. Shafer 1962), form a group of mutually

related languages of undisputed Chibchan afﬁliation. There are three living languages,

which are known under several names. The Ika language is spoken in the southern part

of the mountain massif (departments of Cesar and Magdalena) by some 14,000 people

also known as Arhuaco or B´ıntukua (Arango and S´anchez 1998). The Ika are well known

for their dynamic organisation and level of political awareness. Their principal centre

is the town of Nabus´ımake (former San Sebasti´an de R´abago). North of the Ika, in the

highest part of the Sierra Nevada (departments of Cesar, La Guajira and Magdalena),

some 9,000 traditional Kogui or K´aggaba are speakers of the Kogui language, called

Kougian in Kogui, and Peibu in Ika (Frank 1990: 41). The Kogui are an individualis-

tic people, known for their inaccessibility and religious conservatism. Their principal

ceremonial centre is Macotama. The third language of the Sierra Nevada, Damana,is

found in the eastern and northeastern part of the Sierra Nevada (departments of Cesar

and la Guajira). The approximately 2,000 speakers of Damana are less numerous than

the Ika and the Kogui. As an ethnic group they are known by no less than six dif-

ferent names: Arsario, Guamaca, Malayo, Marocasero, Sanj´a or Sank´a, and Wiwa;

see Trillos Amaya (1989: 15–17) for a discussion of the respective merits of all these

names.

2.6 Languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 67

In spite of the fact that the Sierra Nevada people have been successful in preserv-

ing their languages and traditions, they have felt the constant pressure of non-native

colonisation. In addition to the three nations mentioned so far, a fourth group the

Kankuamo, located near the town of At´anquez (Cesar) lost its identity in the twen-

tieth century. Its language, Kanku´ı, closely related to Damana, is no longer spoken,

although some people claim knowledge of it (Ortiz Ricaurte 2000). In order to escape

colonisation and preserve their secluded life the Kogui have had to abandon most of the

lower strata of their original habitat. The sixteenth-century Tairona,who occupied the

area east of Santa Marta, were almost certainly part of the Arhuacan culture complex.

It is likely that survivors of the Tairona group sought refuge with the Kogui after their

defeat in 1600. It is not known to what extent the languages spoken by the Kogui and

Tairona differed. The religious leaders of the Kogui claim knowledge of a ceremonial

language called T´eiˇzua, and it is tempting to interpret this as a relict of Tairona. Land-

aburu (1994: 375) mentions that the speakers of Damana also have a sacred language

called Terruna shayama.

The survival of the cultural and linguistic identity of the Arhuacan peoples is largely

due to the strength of their traditional authorities and spiritual leaders, the mama (‘grand-

fathers’), who distribute their knowledge at ceremonial temples known as kankurua.

They have successfully fought the inﬂuence from outside, in particular, missionary ac-

tivity. The native languages are part of the traditional values they seek to protect. At the

same time, mama refuse to take part in formal education (Trillos Amaya 2000: 750).

Some actively discourage the learning of Spanish, in particular by women. On the other

hand, multilingualism seems to be the rule in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. Due to

mixed marriages and contact, many people speak several languages (especially Damana

and Kogui), and some know as many as four languages.

Since the pioneering work by Celed´on (1886), Preuss (1921–5), Holmer (1953) and

Reichel-Dolmatoff (1950–1, 1989), the study of the Arhuacan languages has developed

considerably. The Ika language has been the object of studies by Frank (1985, 1990)

and Landaburu (1988, 1992, 1996b, 2000a). The Damana language is treated in Trillos

Amaya (1989, 1994, 1999, 2000). There are partial studies of Kogui in Ortiz Ricaurte

(1989, 1994, 2000) and in Olaya Perdomo (2000). Each of the three languages of the

Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta has a clearly distinct character. Among them, the Kogui

language is most conservative and particularly well suited for historical comparison

with other Chibchan languages. Its nominal derivational morphology, involving several

old classifying elements, is quite elaborate; see Ortiz Ricaurte (2000) for an inventory.



nkurwa,anIka word; cf. Landaburu (1988: 163) and Trillos Amaya (2000: 749).

68 2 The Chibcha Sphere

Table 2.3 Overview of the consonant inventories of the Arhuacan

languages

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal

Stops Voiceless p t k ʔ****

Voiced b d g

Affricates Voiceless ˇc

Voiced d

ˇz

Fricatives Voiceless s ˇs** h**

Voiced w z ˇz

Nasals m n [

ŋ]*****

Vibrants Simple r*

Multiple rr***

Laterals l**

* not in Kogui, ** marginal or absent in Ika, *** only in Damana, **** not in

Damana, ***** only in Ika

However, many of the characteristics that are of interest in a general survey like the

present one coincide and, therefore, justify a combined treatment.

All the Arhuacan languages have voiceless and voiced stops: p, b; t, d; k, g (intervocalic

k is realised as a fricative [x] in Kogui). They also distinguish between voiceless and

voiced alveodental sibilants: s, z. The distinction between voiceless and voiced palatal

sibilants (ˇs, ˇz)isfound in all three languages, with the observation that ˇs is marginal in

Ika. Furthermore, a voiceless palatal affricate ˇc occurs in all three languages, its voiced

counterpart d

ˇz

being limited to Damana and Ika. The glottal stop (

) plays an important

role in Ika, a marginal one in Kogui, and it is absent from Damana. Conversely, the velar

or glottal fricative h is frequent in Damana and Kogui, but marginal in Ika. As far as

the vibrants and laterals are concerned, Damana stands out with three distinct sounds:

lateral l, simple vibrant r, and multiple vibrant rr. Ika only has r, and Kogui only has l.

All three languages have labial and alveodental nasals (m, n); the latter assimilates to the

articulation place of a following stop. In Ika the velar nasal

can occur between vowels

at morpheme boundaries, and may thus be interpreted as a separate, albeit peripheral

phoneme. Ika has a bilabial approximant w,which is pronounced fricatively [β], except

before a.Itisalso found in Damana, where a fricative realisation obtains between

vowels. Its absence from the consonant inventory of Kogui (Ortiz Ricaurte 2000) seems

to be the result of different analyses; cf. Ika wak



,Kogui uaka [w´axa] ‘ﬁsh’. Table 2.3

contains a combined representation of the consonant inventories of Damana, Ika and

Kogui.

Consonant clusters can be found in initial position (stop + r in Ika; sibilant + stop

in Kogui). In these cases there is often a suppressed vowel that can be restored even

2.6 Languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 69

synchronically. All Arhuacan languages have labiovelar consonants (k

, g

). These are

generally not treated as separate phonemes in the available descriptions, but as consonant

clusters or consonant–vowel sequences. In Ika most syllable-ﬁnal stops are disallowed,

and the number of consonant-clusters is limited. Prevocalic k in Ika often corresponds

with a glottal stop in word- or syllable-ﬁnal position, e.g. nak-a ‘to come’ (perfective

participle) vs. na

(indeﬁnite participle) (Landaburu 2000: 743); cf. also Ika a



‘stone’,

Kogui hag-, hagi; Ika ka

‘earth’, Kogui kag-, kagi.

The vowel inventory is basically the same in all three languages and consists of six

basic vowels: a, e, i, o, u and a sixth vowel



,which has been described as a central

vowel [ə]inDamana and in Ika, and as an unrounded high back vowel []inKogui. For

Ika, Frank (1990) recognises two central vowels, high central



and mid central



[ə],

instead of one, but admits that their distribution is largely predictable. Damana has an

additional nasal vowel ˜u of unclear status (Trillos Amaya 2000: 751). Vocalic nasality

is also found in Kogui, where it is limited to a small number of instances (e.g. hay˜

‘coca’), including very few minimal pairs (Ortiz Ricaurte 2000: 760). Stress is largely

predictable in Damana and Ika, but distinctive in Kogui.

The morphophonology and morphosyntax of the Arhuacan languages stand out on

account of their great complexity and highly unusual character. In the context of this

chapter we can only mention a few examples, referring to the literature mentioned above

for a fuller picture. The Arhuacan languages are mainly verb-ﬁnal with a preferred word

order of subject–object–verb. Adjectives follow the substantive they modify, whereas

genitive modiﬁers and possessors precede it. In Ika many adjectives in postnominal

modiﬁer position are followed by a nominalised verb kaw-a ‘seeming’ in a sort of

adjective phrase reminiscent of a relative clause.

(20) dˇze k kaw-a

water cold seem-N

‘cold water’

(Frank 1990: 32)

Nouns and noun phrases can receive case markers, as illustrated by the following

example from Damana, where -ˇze indicates genitive and -rga allative case:

(21) ra-n-ˇze ade te-rga

I-EU-G father ﬁeld-AL

‘My father is in the ﬁeld (has gone to the ﬁeld).’

(Trillos Amaya 2000: 753)

Pronominal possession is often expressed by a genitive phrase. In addition, preﬁxed

possessive markers indicating personal reference also occur. Preﬁxed possessives are fre-

quently found with kinship terms, but not exclusively. Kogui, for instance, has two ways

to express the notion ‘my house’, with a preﬁx and by means of a genitive construction;

see example (22). The full word form for ‘house’, hu-´ı, contains a petriﬁed sufﬁx element

70 2 The Chibcha Sphere

-´ı,which can be suppressed both in compounds (e.g. h´u-kala ‘roof of house’) and in

inﬂected forms (e.g. na-h´u).

(22) na-h´u na-h´ı hu-´ı

1P.SG-house 1.SG-G house-LS

‘my house’ ‘my house’

(Ortiz Ricaurte 2000: 765)

Subject and object are not obligatorily marked for case. Nevertheless, Ika has a locative

case marker -se

,which can be added to the agent–subject of a transitive verb in an

ergative function. This marker can remove doubts as to which constituent plays the

role of subject in a transitive construction. It is used, for instance, when the subject

stands immediately before the verb, either because there is no overtly expressed object,

or because the prevalent SOV order has been modiﬁed for pragmatic or other reasons.

The marker -se

is frequently found in combination with a topicalising sufﬁx -ri.Foran

extensive discussion of the use of both sufﬁxes see Frank (1990: 115–34).

(23) maikəən per-ri ∅∅-kəə-g-a na g

iad

ˇz

ina-seʔʔ-ri

three dog-TO 3O-DA-eat-N be/past

puma-E-TO

‘The puma ate his three dogs.’

(Frank 1990: 116)

Verbs in Arhuacan languages often exhibit a set of competing stems which can differ

in their ﬁnal consonants and internal vowels. Several types of nominalised and non-

ﬁnite verb forms are derived from these stems. The morphosyntax of the Arhuacan

languages is furthermore characterised by an extensive use of auxiliary verbs, which

may appear in strings following a main verb. The choice of the appropriate form both for

non-independent main verbs and for auxiliaries depends on the auxiliary that follows.

In Ika the verb phrase is regularly ended by a sufﬁx indicating the epistemic status of

the sentence (validation), whereas in Kogui preﬁxes fulﬁll such a role.

Auxiliary verbs may carry the morphology that cannot be accomodated on the main

verb, but in other cases their presence is merely pragmatic or serves the purpose of

reﬁning temporal and aspectual distinctions. A characteristic case in which a morpho-

logical element is transferred from the main verb to an auxiliary is negation. In Ika the

negative marker -u

is sufﬁxed to the root of a main verb, creating some sort of negative

participle; the latter is followed by a form of nan ‘to be’. In example (24) the main verb

The bound form hu- coincides with a widespread Chibchan root for ‘house’. The conservative

character of Kogui appears clearly in the Chibchan reconstructions presented in Constenla

Uma˜na (1993: 111–13). For the sufﬁx -´ı see also Constenla Uma˜na (1981: 362).

The element na has received two interpretations, (1) that of a ‘distal’ past marker (Frank 1990:

63–4); and (2) that of a nominalised form of the verb nan ‘to be’. According to Landaburu

(2000), it acts as an auxiliary verb in indeﬁnite past forms.

2.6 Languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 71

is ˇcwa ‘to see’; when -u

is attached to it, it becomes ˇc-u

. Before the sufﬁx -w- the

appropriate stem for the auxilary verb ‘to be’ is nar-.

(24) ˇc-uʔʔ nar-w-in

see-NE be-1S.SG-DV

‘I do not see.’

(Landaburu 2000: 743)

The expression in (24) can be made more complex by adding a form of the auxiliary

verb u/aw- ‘to do’, ‘to have’, as in (25). The negative participle of u/aw-isa-u

(25) ˇcwa a-uʔʔ nar-w-in

see have-NE be-1S.SG-DV

‘I have not seen.’

(Landaburu 2000: 743)

Personal reference marking in the Arhuacan languages is remarkable for the num-

ber of syntactic roles that can be expressed. In Ika Landaburu (1992: 12; 2000a: 740)

distinguishes as many as ﬁve formal possibilities. These are subject, direct object (ac-

cusative), indirect object (dative), beneﬁciary and possession acted upon. Non-subject

personal reference is indicated by means of preﬁxes. The latter consist of more or less

constant elements accompanied by an additional marker identifying the syntactic role

(dative, beneﬁciary, etc.). Fusion of the respective elements occurs. The non-subject roles

can be expressed in combination with the subject role, but they cannot be combined with

each other within a single verb form. The distinction between non-subject roles in the

verb form is all the more important due to the fact that many Arhuacan verbs are im-

personal, their main participant being encoded as accusative, dative, etc. Example (26)

from Damana illustrates the combined use of subject and accusative markers.

(26) m-n-paˇs-ka

2S.SG-1O.SG-beat-FM.2S.SG

‘You beat me.’

(Trillos Amaya 1989: 54)

The subject marker in (26) is a preﬁx, but it is accompanied in Damana by a sufﬁx -ka

(-ga after monosyllabic roots beginning with k, z or ˇz), which plays an accessory role

in the identiﬁcation of the subject. Its primary function is that of a marker of a factual

mood, indicating the general validity of the stated event. It varies according to person and

number, the form -ka being limited to third-person subjects and second-person-singular

subjects. Dative marking with an impersonal verb (ˇz



n- ‘to dream’) is illustrated in (27).

In Landaburu’s analysis, the reference of -w- to a ﬁrst-person-singular subject is not the primary,

but rather a derived function of that sufﬁx, which he deﬁnes as an ‘intralocutive’. It denotes a

combination of speaker–subject and present tense. After roots ending in -k/-

its allomorph is

-k

-; see example (30) below.

72 2 The Chibcha Sphere

The choice of the preﬁx mi- identiﬁes it as dative, not accusative; there is no special

marker for third-person subject.

(27) mi-n-ˇzn-ga

2.SG.DA-EU-dream-FM.3S

‘You dream.’ (lit. ‘Dream comes to you.’)

(Trillos Amaya 1989: 54)

A comparable example from Kogui (28) shows the use of a special dative marker -k-,

which follows the person marker. The impersonal verb is nuni ‘to want’. The initial n

of the stem changes to l according to a frequent morphophonemic rule of the Kogui

language.

(28) big´ıˇza na-k-l ´uni

pineapple 1O.SG-DA-want

‘I want a pineapple.’

(Ortiz Ricaurte 2000: 774)

Accusative marking with an impersonal verb can be observed in example (29) from

Ika. It is followed by (30), which illustrates a verb form with a beneﬁciary marker.

(The auxiliary verb nuk (∼nu

) ‘to be’ in combination with the nominalisation in -



expresses a progressive form.) The future tense in Ika is expressed by an impersonal

auxiliary verb -

a.Itobligatorily takes an accusative object marker that refers to the

actor. The auxiliary verb -

a is preceded by the imperfective participle (in -



n)ofthe

verb it dominates (31).

(29) n-aʔʔtikuma na

1O.SG-forget be/past

‘I forgot.’

(Frank 1990: 9)

(30) akusa win-i-zas-nnuʔʔ-k

-in [Spanish aguja ‘needle’]

needle 3O.PL-BN-save-N be-1S.SG-DV

‘I am saving needles for them.’

(Frank 1990: 71)

(31) pinna d

ˇz

una was-nn-ŋŋg

all kind chase-N 1O.SG-F

‘I will chase all kinds (of animals).’

(Frank 1990: 61)

The interplay of preﬁxes and sufﬁxes referring to person of subject is illustrated in

(32) by means of the factual (habitual) mood paradigm of the verb buˇs- ‘to spin’ in

Damana (Trillos Amaya 1989: 87):

2.6 Languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 73

(32) 1S.SG buˇs-uga ‘I spin’

1S.PL buˇs-kurra ‘we spin’

2S.SG m-buˇs-ka ‘you (sg.) spin’

2S.PL m-buˇs-k

a ‘you (pl.) spin’

3S.SG buˇs-ka ‘he/she spins’

3S.PL yi-buˇs-ka ‘they spin’

The Damana afﬁxes for virtual (non-realised) and real (realised) mood are inserted

between the root and the variable sufﬁx, as in buˇs-



n-kurra ‘we may spin’ or m



-buˇs-

an-ka ‘you spun’.

In Ika the interplay of subject-marking preﬁxes and corresponding sufﬁxes that also

convey such meaning is even more subtle, because the latter are selected on the basis

of deictic distinctions involving both personal reference and tense. Further temporal

distinctions are made explicit by variation in the stems to which the sufﬁxes can be

attached. For a detailed discussion of this complicated part of Ika verbal morphology

see Landaburu (1988, 1992, 2000a); cf. also Frank (1990: 63–6).

The system of Damana and Ika pronouns and object markers is based on the distinction

of three persons and singular or plural number. At the least in its set of possessive markers

Kogui expresses a distinction between inclusive and exclusive ﬁrst person plural. The

form s



n- ‘our (exclusive)’ reﬂects a Chibchan ﬁrst-person-plural marker not recorded in

the other Arhuacan languages.

Its inclusive counterpart na-wi- is the regularly derived

plural of the ﬁrst-person-singular marker na-.Inother contexts the element s



n- is used

indistinctively both for inclusive and exclusive (33).

(33) gaik´a-li ni ub´ıˇsa sn-ka-l´ai

snow.mountain-L water much 1O.PL-DA-be

‘On the snow-capped mountain we have a lot of water.’

(Olaya Perdomo 2000: 782)

Some valency-changing processes show a clear afﬁnity with other Chibchan lan-

guages (cf. section 2.5 on Cuna). It is the case in example (34), where u- is a transitiviser,

and (35), where a- is an intransitiviser.

The examples are from Kogui. (The substi-

tution of stem-initial consonants is part of a regular morphophonemic alternation; cf.

also (28).)

Constenla Uma˜na (1981: 430) reconstructs *s

˜e

for Proto-Chibchan on the basis of the

Talamancan (Costa Rican) languages Bribri, Cab´ecar and T´erraba.

A Chibchan language of Central America (Honduras) that uses the preﬁx u- as a transitiviser is

Paya (see Holt 1989).