Schmitt C.B. (ed.) The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy
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The
rise of the philosophical textbook
797
philosophy within the educational systems on both sides of the religious
divide.
The
Jesuits
from the beginning stressed the importance of
philosophy - especially Aristotle - in education and ultimately formed the
bulwark
of
a continuing Aristotelianism, even after it had begun to decline
elsewhere.
Luther's hostility to Aristotle - particularly to the scholastic
variety he had known as a university
student
- is evident everywhere in his
writings.
16
There was, in fact, an early
attempt,
within the
Protestant
movement, to establish a reformed educational system without Aristotle.
17
This
proved to be untenable, however, for the genuine basis
of
a systematic
and comprehensive knowledge still had to derive from Peripatetic learning.
Consequently, it was Aristotelianism - in a way only slightly different from
the version
that
continued to flourish in Catholic countries
—
which became
the foundation of the Lutheran educational programme masterminded by
Melanchthon and Sturm. It was Melanchthon who set the
trend
in
textbooks and expositions, which were to maintain a remarkable populari-
ty from the time of their first publication mainly in the 1530s and 1540s
until the end of the century. Besides several
logical
compendia, his books
include
Philosophiae moralis epitome
(1538),
Initia doctrinae physicae
(1549),
Ethicae
doctrinae elementa
(1550)
and
Liber
de anima
(1553).
Inherent
in
Melanchthon's approach is the assumption
that
both moral philosophy and
natural
philosophy are necessary
parts
of the education of the Christian.
Morality,
of course, was of the highest priority, but
logic
and
natural
philosophy also held a position
of
respect in Lutheran education. Each
of
his
compendia is brief, simple and to the point.
18
Melanchthon's approach to physics is solidly based on Aristotle:
atomism, Pyrrhonism and the
cavillationes of
late medieval scholasticism are
all
rejected.
19
The
Doctrinae physicae elementa
is arranged according to the
order
of
exposition
of
the
Physics,
though a good deal is added on from the
other
libri naturales,
and, more importantly,
there
is a significant section on
astronomy. The
Liber
de
anima
is unusual in several respects. First, the
exposition is based primarily on the Greek text, and quotations in the
original language abound. Second,
there
is a very strong emphasis on
anatomy and
physiology,
with recent authorities such as
Vesalius
and Fuchs
being used to supplement traditional knowledge. Third, unlike most
expositions of the work - particularly those associated with Italian
16.
Nitzsch
1883;
Rokita
1971. 17. See
Nauert
1979, p. 80. 18.
Lohr
1978, pp.
576-82.
19.
Melanchthon
1834-60,
vn, col. 475 (Epistolaelib. xi, no.
4603):
'Nonenim
a
Democrito
aut
Epicuro,
aut
aliis,
qui
usitatam
doctrinam
corrumpunt,
ars
petenda
est.
Eligatur
et
rerum
doctrina,
omissis
inanibus
cavillationibus,
quales etiam
haec
recentior
aetas
miscuit
communi
doctrinae
non
paucas.
Studeamus
et
genere
sermonis
proprio
uti, et non
alieno
a
linguae
Latinae
consuetudine.'
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
798
Appendices
Aristotelianism -
there
is little emphasis on the intellectual functions
of
the
soul.
Finally, the traditional topic
of
immortality is given little attention, the
discussion being based largely on Scripture
rather
than
the abundant
philosophical literature which had grown up in the previous
three
centuries.
The
two works on moral philosophy have both Aristotelian and Christian
elements, marking out areas of autonomy for each. All of the works are
clearly
meant to be introductory guides for beginning students, based
partially on Aristotle but incorporating many other elements as
well.
They
are all in catechetical form, beginning with the fundamental query in each
discipline:
'Quid est physica doctrina?' 'Quid est anima?' 'Quid est
philosophia moralis?'
The
early post-Reformation Catholic approach is epitomised by the
Jesuits. Ignatius
Loyola,
the founder of the Society, had himself studied at
Paris
(1528—35),
and the experience made a deep and lasting impression on
him. This happened just at the time when he was laying the foundation for
his new organisation. Theology was the capstone of the new educational
system he founded, but a number of other more basic disciplines led up to
this, including a broad introduction to systematic philosophy, derived
primarily from Aristotle. 'The teaching of Aristotle is to be followed in
logic,
natural and moral philosophy and metaphysics' is how it is stated in
the
Constitutiones
of
the Society.
20
Such prescriptions led to the preparation
of
a series of teaching manuals for the subjects to be taught in the Jesuit
colleges,
first in the
Collegio
Romano
21
and then in Jesuit institutions
throughout the Old and New World. The pedagogical structure eventually
became codified in the
Ratio
studiorum
(1585;
final version,
1599).
The study
of
Aristotelian philosophy among the Jesuits took various forms —
commentaries, expositions, annotated editions of Aristotle and textbooks
adapted particularly for classroom use. These books were prepared by men
such as Benito Pereira, Franciscus Toletus, Antonio Rubio, Pedro da
Fonseca, Francisco Suarez and the Coimbra commentators.
One of the key methods introduced into Jesuit education, based
ultimately on
Loyola's
Paris experience, is the
Modus
Parisiensis,
a rigorous,
intense and successful mode
of
educational formation, which provided the
pupil with a firm base in the fundamentals necessary for advanced study in
any of the current disciplines. It involved several factors including: (1) a
close
relationship between master and student; (2) the concentration of
instruction into small collegial units; and (3) the centrality
of
the class unit,
20. Monumenta paedagogica Societatis Jesu
1965-,
1, p. 299. See also Lohr
1976b.
21.
Garcia
Villoslada
1954.
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The
rise of the philosophical textbook
799
in which
students
of
the same age and educational accomplishment worked
in collaboration with the instructor and progressed to higher
levels
together.
22
Such a system was ideal for the use of graded textbooks, often
written by the teacher himself. Many manuals - not only in philosophy, but
also in subjects such as grammar, mathematics or rhetoric - came from this
context.
One of the more popular and characteristic textbooks of
natural
philosophy written by a
Jesuit
during the second half of the sixteenth
century
is the De
communibus
omnium
rerum
naturalium principiis et
affectionibus
libri
XV of Benito Pereira. More substantial
than
the similar
works
produced by Melanchthon, it stays fairly close to Aristotle's order of
exposition in the
Physics,
but much
attention
is paid to theological issues
(e.g.,
the eternity of the world), and the approach to Aristotle is
given
a
theological
coloration which it does not have in the work of a contem-
porary such asjacopo Zabarella. In the preface Pereira clearly states
that
he is
not writing a commentary in the usual sense.
23
However, despite its
inclusive
title, it does not
attempt
to provide a general orientation to the
increasingly vast range
of
material which the
term
philosophia naturalis
was
beginning to encompass.
Besides
the Lutherans and Catholics other religious groups had their own
systems
of
education and, consequently, their own approach to the teaching
of
philosophy. Principal among these were the Calvinists. Though much
less
favourable to Aristotle and to pagan learning in general
than
either the
Lutherans or the post-Tridentine Catholics, they nonetheless produced
impressive systematic expositions of Aristotelian learning, like
that
by
Clemens
Timpler at the
turn
of
the seventeenth century.
Of
a more popular
nature
and more
widely
read were the introductions to ethics and
natural
philosophy prepared by Lambert Daneau. These attempted to avoid the
influence of Aristotle and of pagan learning altogether. Daneau's philo-
sophical manuals,
part
of a massive
output
covering many subjects, came
from Calvinist Geneva and bear titles such as
Physica Christiana
(1576)
and
Ethica
Christiana (1577).
24
Representing a tradition which was to have a
great influence in the next centuries, he argued
that
'profane philosophy'
had been responsible for misleading many Christian believers and
that
new
22.
Codina
Mir 1968.
23.
Pereira
1576, sig. c 4
r
: 'At
licet
nobis
multas
ob
causas
(quas
hoc
loco
exponere
non est
necesse)
visum
non
fuerit,
commentarios
in
Aristotelem
scribere,
quibus
eius
sententias
et
verba,
sigillatim
interpretaremur;
sedulo
tamen
curavimus,
ut
quicquid
Aristoteles
iis de
rebus,
quas
hoc
opere
docemus,
usquam
sensit,
et
scriptum
reliquit,
variis
ex
libris
eius
colligentes,
suo
quoque
loco,
pertractaremus.'
24.
Fatio
1976.
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8oo
Appendices
scripturally based versions
of
the subjects had to be formulated as acceptable
substitutes.
25
His aim was precisely
that.
Cast in the same question and
answer form as the manuals of Melanchthon and many others, the
Physica
Christiana
begins 'Quid est physica?' But the responses are very different
from those usually found in traditional Peripatetic manuals. Daneau's
attempt
is probably the most concerted effort at an out-and-out rejection of
Peripatetic principles on the
part
of
a
textbook writer
—
at least before the
crumbling of the system a century later.
Working
more to recast the form and method of exposition
than
the
content was Petrus Ramus. He moved to simplify and to make more
communicable the whole encyclopaedia of knowledge through a new
method based on an organising principle partially founded on visual
components. Though generally considered to have been virulently anti-
Aristotelian, such was not entirely the case, for Ramus joined a Peripatetic
base
of
knowledge
to other sources
of
enlightenment in an effort to produce
an
up-to-date
and accessible core of information. His real innovation,
though not without earlier models,
26
came to the fore in the middle
of
the
sixteenth century and was the introduction of a new way of presenting
knowledge.
The Ramist impact can be seen in a great number
of
textbooks
on all subjects dating from the second
half
of
the sixteenth century and later.
The
frequent use of dichotomous tables is one of the elements which
characterise his new mode of exposition. Indeed upon occasion
entire
books,
often
of
great length, were cast in this form, as is the case with several
of
Theodor Zwinger's expositions of moral philosophy.
27
At the other
extreme were brief pamphlets, such as the anonymous one produced at
Paris in 1550, which compresses the whole of Aristotle's
Physics
into eight
octavo
pages of skeletal tables.
28
Typical
of the new approach are the
Quaestiones physicae
(1579)
of
Ramus' biographer and
follower
Joannes
Thomas Freigius. This massive
work
of
well
over 1,000
closely
printed
pages systématises learning about
the
natural
world, not only from Aristotle but from many other sources as
well.
Besides the traditional subjects served by the
libri naturales,
we also find
among the thirty-six books
treatments
of sound and music, hydrography,
geography,
metals, botany, agriculture and much else. This is characteristic
of
the new type of 'physics' textbook, which is in no way limited to the
restricted range of topics contained in the
corpus Aristotelicum.
29
Freigius
also made available a number
of
similar books in other branches
of
learning,
25.
Daneau 1576,
sigs.
*ii
v
-*iii
r
.
26. Hôltgen 1965. 27. Zwinger 1565, 1566, 1582.
28. [Anonymous] 1550; see Schmitt 1983a, p. 58 for a sample illustration. 29. Freigius 1579.
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The
rise
of the
philosophical textbook
801
creating
a
sort
of
encyclopaedia
of
learned disciplines which foreshadows
the great ones
of the
next century.
By
the end
of
the sixteenth century
the
textbook mode
of
exposition
had
come
increasingly into
its
own.
It had
begun,
if not to
replace
the
direct
reading
of the
Aristotelian text
and the
perusal
of the
vast supply
of
commentaries
by
then available,
at
least
to
provide some competition
for
the attention
of
potential readers
of
philosophical material. This happened
primarily
in
Northern Europe;
in
Italy
in
most university contexts
the
commentary
was
still
the
favoured mode
of
presenting
an
interpretation.
Northern expositors, including
John
Case
in
England
and
Johannes
Magirus
in
Lutheran Germany, provided textbooks largely based
on
Aristotle
and
adapted
to the
pedagogy
of the
classroom. Neither uses
the
conventional commentary form, though both frequently
follow
Aristotelian
content quite
closely.
Besides
a
textbook
on
logic,
Case wrote
volumes
on the
Physics,
Politics,
Nicomachean Ethics,
and
Magna moralia,
as
well
as a
standard commentary
on the
Oeconomics. Magirus wrote
on the
Ethics,
Physics
and De
anima. Both gave their works
rather
elegant titles,
which
give
little hint
of the
traditional
and
often pedestrian content.
Magirus,
for
example, wrote
a
Corona
virtutum
moralium
and
Anthropologia,
while
Case produced Lapisphilosophicus (on
the
Physics), Sphaera civitatis
(on
the Politics)
and
Speculum quaestionum
moralium
(on the
Nicomachean Ethics).
In both cases
the
manuals held their interest
well
into
the
next century, still
being
used
at
Oxford
and
Cambridge during
the
middle years
of the
seventeenth century.
SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY DEVELOPMENTS
It was during
the
seventeenth century
that
the
philosophical textbook really
began
to
dominate
the
teaching
of the
subject
in
most formal courses
in
institutions
of
higher learning.
30
Not
only
is
this
true
for the
period during
which
Aristotle continued
as the
prime authority,
that
is, until about 1675,
but
it
carries
on
even
up to the
present with
a
changed
and
changing
intellectual content. The later history
of
the topic is beyond
the
scope
of
the
present work,
but
we should
give
some attention
to the
developments
of
the
first quarter
of
the century. One
of
the evident changes
of
those years
—
and
one which
will
continue
to be a
common practice until much later
—
is the
30.
See, in
general
Thorndike
1923—58,
VII,
ch. i3;Reif
1962, 1969; Lohr 1976b;
Brockliss
1981a, 1981b;
Novità
celesti 1983, pp.
217-28
(Schmitt);
Freedman
1984. A
useful
survey
is
Fraile
1966,
pp.
376-479-
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802
Appendices
growing
tendency
for a
single author
to
write cursus covering
the
entire
field
of
philosophy. Sixteenth-century textbook writers
had
generally
written
on
one
or
two branches
of
philosophy
or,
if
they composed manuals
on
the
entire range, these were usually
not
cast
in a
unified form
and
published
as a
single comprehensive entity.
A
good example
of
the new genre
is the
Summa
philosophiae quadripartita
de rebus dialecticis, moralibus, physicis
et
metaphysicis
by the
Cistercian
Eustachius
a S.
Paulo. This manual, first published
in
1609,
was
widely
used throughout Europe.
31
Read
in
Protestant as
well
as Catholic countries,
with
printings
at
Cambridge, London, Leiden
and
Geneva,
it
is
typical
of
the integrated course which
was
to
dominate
the
seventeenth century.
Relatively
brief as such works
go
—
after all, eight hundred
or a
thousand
pages is
not
too much
to
master
in a
four-year course
of
studies
—
the
Summa
was
praised
by
Descartes,
32
even though
his
major effort
as
a
philosopher
was
aimed
at
undermining
the
suppositions upon which
it is
based. Here
much
of
the Aristotelian content remains, though
the
whole organisation of
the individual branches
of
learning
has
been recast.
The
section entitled
Physica,
for
example, covers
the
natural philosophical topics found
in the
Aristotelian corpus,
but
also includes subjects such
as
geography;
there
is,
however,
no
technical astronomy.
In
common with many such manuals,
the section
on
animate
life
(here
part
3
of
the section
on
physics entitled
'De
corpore animato')
has
become very physiological with much information
drawn from
the
medical literature grafted
on to the
Aristotelian core.
A
few years later
we
have
one
of
the first efforts
at a
vernacular course
of
the same sort from
the pen of
Scipion Dupleix, historiographer royal
and
member
of
Richelieu's entourage.
His
Corps
de
philosophie contenant
la
logique,
la
physique,
la
métaphysique
et
Véthique (1623) covers more
or
less
the
same ground
as the
Latin manuals like
that
of
Eustachius. Here, however,
even
the
Latin quotations from authors such
as
Vergil
and
Seneca
are put
into French. Much Christian doctrine
is
incorporated,
but no
more
than
is
usual
in the
Latin handbooks,
and
given
its
royalist origins,
it is not
surprising
that
the
writings
of
Jean
Fernel, physician
to
Henry
II, are
cited
frequently
and
with approbation.
What was happening
by
this time
-
and
it
became even more prominent
in later courses
- is
that
natural philosophy began
to
outstrip
the
information available
in the
other philosophical disciplines
in
terms
of
both
31.
Lohr 1976a,
pp.
725-6.
32.
Descartes
1897-1910,111,
p.
232,
in a
letter
to
Mersenne (11 November 1640), speaks of the
Summa of
Eustachius
as 'le
meilleur liure
qui ait
iamais
esté
fait
en
cette matiere'.
He
even
had the
plan
at one
stage
to
annotate
the Summa; for
references
to
discussions
on the
point,
see ibid., v, p. 601.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
The rise of the philosophical textbook
803
length and richness of content. While undoubtedly new and complex
things could be said regarding metaphysics and moral philosophy, it was
really
in the realm of the rising new science
that
an immense amount of
recently discovered information was becoming available and had to be
integrated into the cursus.
33
In Eustachius' work, for example,
logic
covers
182
pages; moral philosophy, 130; metaphysics, 84; but
natural
philosophy
requires 308. As time went on the imbalance became even greater, as with
Emanuel Maignan's Cursus philosophicus
(1653).
It was from the
natural
philosophy section
of
such
quadripartite
manuals
that
the textbooks on the
subject developed in later years.
Protestant equivalents to these examples are also numerous. The
Calvinists
Clemens Timpler and Bartholomaeus Keckermann are among
the most prominent. Both entitled their works
systema,
34
and both
produced far more comprehensive and detailed expositions
than
did
Eustachius or Dupleix. Their works covered a much wider range of
disciplines
than
was normal, pointing the way to the great encyclopaedias of
Johann
Heinrich Alsted and
Johann
Amos
Comenius. Keckermann wrote
textbooks in the fields
of
logic,
rhetoric, metaphysics, physics, astronomy,
geography, theology, ethics, oeconomics and politics. Timpler was scarcely
less
ambitious, providing
systentata
on
logic,
rhetoric, metaphysics, physics,
optics,
physiognomy and practical philosophy (encompassing ethics,
oeconomics
and politics).
The
real age of the textbook, therefore, was only beginning as the
conventionally defined period of the Renaissance was ending.
CONCLUSIONS
Although
there
were medieval and fifteenth-century examples of philo-
sophical textbooks, it was really at the
turn
of
the sixteenth century
that
the
genre came into its own, particularly at Paris. With the coming of the
religious
split a greater impetus was
given
to the activity, for such volumes
increasingly became features of both Protestant and Catholic education.
This
tendency became more pronounced in the seventeenth century.
In spite of the rise of the new genre, throughout the Renaissance
there
continued to be many new commentaries, editions and translations of
Aristotle,
who remained the central philosophical authority. Aristotelian
33. In
general
see
Novità
celesti
1983, pp.
217-28
(Schmitt).
34. The
term
sy
sterna
emerges
at the
turn
of the
seventeenth
century.
It may
well
point
in the
direction
of
the new
encyclopaedia
of the
sciences
which
came
increasingly
to
supplant
the
textbook
based
wholly
or
mainly
on
Aristotle.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
8o4
Appendices
commentaries and editions certainly outnumbered textbooks until the
beginning of the seventeenth century. But
then
the balance changed quite
rapidly, so
that
by about 1620 relatively few new commentaries were
prepared (mostly coming from Spain), and the
flow
of editions and
translations ebbed dramatically. The last serious
burst
of activity in the
direction of producing editions with commentary were those initiated by
the Coimbra commentators and Giulio Pace, both
of
which
came out in the
1590s.
The great bilingual editions of the Opera by Isaac Casaubon and
Guillaume
Duval were completed by 1620, though they continued to be
used through the seventeenth century.
It is not always easy to distinguish commentaries from textbooks.
Frequently, but not invariably, commentaries have the base text
printed
along
with the comments; however, they always
follow
the Aristotelian
order
of
exposition.
Textbooks sometimes
follow
the traditional order, but
more often rearrange the presentation of subject-matter according to
logical
or paedagogical criteria. Sometimes the whole order and mode of
presentation are changed with much extra material from sources outside the
text being introduced. There are also a good number
of
instances
of
eclectic
type manuals in which Aristotle is only one of a number of authorities,
though usually the main one. A good example
of
this is Magirus' Physiologia
peripatetica, where the
following
authorities are cited on the title page as
sources for the volume: Plato, Aristotle, Jacopo Zabarella, Arcangelo
Mercenario,
Thomas Erastus, Jacob Schegk,
Julius
Caesar Scaliger,
Francesco
Vimercato, Gasparo Contarini, Ermolao Barbaro and Francesco
Patrizi.
35
As the seventeenth century wore on,
of
course,
Aristotle began to
lose
ground as the main authority, and the more eclectic type
of
textbook
—
mainly in
natural
philosophy - began to predominate.
Finally,
it is worth noting
that
philosophical textbooks in the Renaissance
catered for a wide range of
levels.
Some - for instance,
John
Case's
ABCedarium moralis philosophiae
(1596)
and Ancilla philosophiae
(1599)
—
were
meant for very young
students
indeed and covered only the most basic
elements in a very unsophisticated way. Others - such as the
systemata
of
Keckermann
—
were much more comprehensive and detailed. More usual
was
something in between, designed to convey the principles
of
the subject
to a university-aged
student,
intelligent, but not yet very far advanced in his
subject.
35.
Magirus
1608.
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BIOBIBLIOGRAPHIES
This
section contains entries on some of the most important Renaissance philosophers. A
number of extremely influential men in other fields (e.g., Luther and Calvin, Copernicus
and Vesalius) have been omitted even though their influence on philosophical thought was
considerable. Moreover, the length
of
the entries often reflects the relative complexity
of
an
individual's life
rather
than
his significance in the history of philosophy. The bibliography
which
is appended is not meant to be comprehensive, especially for the best-known and most
studied figures. It is divided into two parts. Part I is keyed to a number
of
standard
reference
works,
cited according to the abbreviations given below. Part II refers to the main
bibliography of this volume. A selection of works by the philosophical authors themselves
can be found in the bibliography of primary sources.
Abbreviations
ADB
Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie,
56
vols.,
Leipzig,
1875-1912
AK
Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon.
Die
bildenden Künstler
aller
Zeiten
und
Völker,
Leipzig,
1983—
CHLMP
Cambridge History
of
Later Medieval Philosophy,
ed. N. Kretzmann, A. Kenny and
J. Pinborg, Cambridge, 1982
CTC Catalogus
translationum
et
commentariorum,
ed. P. O. Kristeller and F. E. Cranz,
Washington, D.C.,
1960-
DBF
Dictionnaire
de
biographie française,
Paris,
1933-
DBl
Dizionario biográfico degli Italiani,
Rome,
1960-
DCLI
Dizionario critico deüa letteratura italiana,
3
vols.,
Turin, 1974
DHE
Diccionario
de
historia
de
España,
ed. G. Bleiberg,, 2nd edn, 3
vols.,
Madrid,
1968-9
DHEE
Diccionario
de
historia eclesiástica
de
España,
4
vols.,
Madrid,
1972-5
DHGE
Dictionnaire d'histoire
et de
géographie ecclésiastiques,
Paris,
1912—
DL
H. Rupprich, Die
deutsche Literatur
vom
späten
Mittelalter
bis zum
Barock,
2
vols.,
Munich,
1970-3
DLM
W. Stammler, Die
deutsche Literatur
des
Mittelalters. Verfasserlexicon, 2nd
edn, Berlin-
New
York,
1978-
DNB
Dictionary
of
National Biography,
22
vols.,
Oxford,
1885-1901
(repr.
Oxford,
1921—2)
DS
Dictionnaire
de
spiritualité ascétique
et
mystique,
ed. M.
Viller,
Paris,
1937-
DSB
Dictionary
of
Scientific Biography,
16
vols.,
New
York,
1970-80
DTC
Dictionnaire
de
théologie catholique,
16
vols.,
Paris,
1923-72
Duhem SM P. Duhem, Le
Système
du
monde,
10
vols.,
Paris,
1913—59
Duhem TB P. Duhem, 'La Tradition de Buridan et la science italienne au
XVI
e
siècle',
Bulletin
italien,
ix
(1909),
338-60;
x
(1910),
24-47,
95-133,
202-31;
xi (1911), 1-32
EF
Enciclopedia filosófica,
2nd edn, 6
vols.,
Florence,
1968-9
El
Enciclopedia italiana,
39
vols.,
Rome,
1929-39
EJ
Encyclopaedia Judaica,
16
vols.,
Jerusalem, 1971-2
Farge J. K. Farge,
Biographical Register
of
Paris Doctors
of
Theology
1500-1536,
Toronto, 1980
Garin E. Garin,
Storia dellafilosofa italiana,
new edn, 3
vols.,
Turin, 1966
805
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
8o6
Biobibliographies
Giacon
C.
Giacon,
La
Seconda Scolastica,
3
vols.,
Milan, 1944-50
Lohr C. Lohr, 'Medieval Latin Aristotle commentaries'
(1967-73)
and
'Renaissance Latin
Aristotle
commentaries' (1974-82). See main bibliography
for
full references.
NDB
Neue deutsche Biographie, Berlin, 1953-
NNBW Nieuw nederlandsch biografisch woordenboek, ed.
P.
C. Molhuysen and P.J. Blok,
10
vols.,
Leiden,
1911-37
Prantl
C. Prantl, Geschichte der Logik im Abendlande,
4
vols.,
Leipzig,
1855-70
(repr.
Graz,
1955)
Saitta
G.
Saitta,
II
pensiero italiano nell'Umanesimo
e nel
Rinascimento, 2nd edn,
3
vols.,
Florence, 1961
Solana M. Solana, Historia de la filosofía española: época del Renacimiento (siglo
XVI),
3
vols.,
Madrid,
1940-1
Thorndike L. Thorndike,
A
History
of
Magic and Experimental Science,
8
vols.,
New
York,
1923-58
Totok
W. Totok, Handbuch
der
Geschichte
der
Philosophie,
ill:
Renaissance, Frankfurt am Main,
1980
ACCIAIUOLI,
DONATO
b.
Florence,
1429; d.
Milan,
1478.
Italian humanist
and
philosopher. Educated
in
Florence; strongly influenced
by
Johannes
Argyropulos.
Florentine statesman and ambassador. Participated in Platonic Academy
of
Florence. Wrote
commentaries on Aristotle's Ethics, Politics, Physics and De
anima.
Translated Plutarch's lives
of
Scipio
and
Hannibal.
I DBI1, pp. 80—2; Lohr 1967, pp. 400-1.
II Delia Torre 1902, pp. 322-425; Garin
1950a,
1954, pp.
210-87;
Gatti
1972-3.
ACHiLLiNi,
ALESSANDRO
b.
Bologna,
1463; d.
Bologna,
1512.
Italian philosopher.
Graduated doctor
of
philosophy and medicine at Bologna 1484, where he
then
taught logic,
natural
philosophy
and
medicine, 1484-1506. Lectured
on
natural
philosophy
at
Padua,
1506-8.
Returned
to
teach
at
Bologna,
1508-12.
Aristotelian; influenced
by
William
of
Ockham.
Also
wrote
on
anatomy, astrology, chiromancy
and
physiognomy.
I DBI 1, pp. 46-7; DSB 1, pp.
144-5;
EF 1,
cols.
52-3; Lohr 1974, pp. 236-8.
II Münster
1953;
Matsen 1968, 1974,
1975, 1977;
Philosophy and
Humanism
1976,
pp. 518-30
(Matsen); Zambelli 1978.
AGRÍCOLA,
RUDOLPH
(Rudolphus Frisius;
Roelof
Huysman) b. Baflo
near
Groningen,
1443
/4;
d. Heidelberg,
1485.
Dutch humanist. Studied at Universities
of
Erfurt and Louvain,
where he graduated M.A., 1465. Travelled
to
Italy 1469-79 with interruptions, studying
at
Pavia
and
Ferrara.
Returning to Northern Europe
1479,
he promoted Italian humanism and
lectured at Heidelberg,
1484-5.
Wrote the influential De inventione
dialéctica
(1479),
as well as
commentaries (Boethius, Seneca
the
Elder), humanistic orations, poems, letters
and
translations from Greek.
I
DL
1,
pp. 490-4; DLMi, pp. 84-93;
EFi,
cols.
135-6;
NNBWix, pp.
12-16;
Totok, pp.
280-1.
II Velden
1911;
Vasoli
1958a,
1968a,
pp.
147—82;
Nauwelaerts 1963; Spitz 1963,
ch. 2;
Kessler
1979;
J-
M. Weiss 1981; Mack 1983a; Cogan 1984.
AGRIPPA,
HENRICUS
CORNELIUS
(Agrippa von Nettesheim)
b.
near
Cologne,
i486;
d. Grenoble, 1535. German philosopher. Studied
at
University
of
Cologne. Travelled
widely
(France, Spain, England, Germany, Italy, Switzerland) as soldier, physician, teacher.
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