Krishnamurti Bhadriraju. The Dravidian Languages
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9.6 Sentence
negation
461
b
. ku
.
t
.
ti v¯ı
.
t
.
t-il illa
[child house-loc not]
‘the child is not at home’
c. avan pa
.
ticcu
[he study-past]
‘he studied’
c
. avan pa
.
ticc(u)-illa
[he study-past not]
‘he did
not study
’
d. avan var-um
[he come-fut]
‘he will come’
d
. avan varuka.y-illa/ var-illa
[he come-inf neg]
‘he will not come’
e. avan innale vann-illa
[he yesterday come-past-neg]
‘he didn’t come yesterday’
f. avan-alla innale vann-at
ə
[he-neg yesterday come-noml-neg]
‘it was not he that came yesterday’
The past negative is formed by simply adding the negative verb illa to the past finite
verb (44c, c
). This is also true of the present tense. To denote future negative illa is
added to the infinitive (44d, d
). Sentence (44e) is like (44c
), but (44f ) is a cleft sentence
with a nominalized verb. The phrase negated in a nominal predication has alla added to
it and not illa.
Kanna
.
da follows the same pattern in the distribution of alla to negate nominal predi-
cation and illa to negate verbal or existential predicates.
(45) a. sar¯oja
.
d¯ak
.
taru alla
[Saroja doctor neg]
‘Saroja is not a doctor’
b. sar¯oja ¯od-id-du k¯adambari alla
[Saroja read-past-nom novel neg]
‘what Saroja read is/was not a novel’
c. n¯ınu avar-a mane-ge h¯og-a k¯u
.
d-a-du
[you they-gen house-dat go-inf proh]
‘you should not go to their house’
462 Syntax
d. do
.
d
.
d-avar-ige eduru ¯a
.
d-a b¯ar-a-du
[old-persons-dat opposite speak-inf-proh]
‘one must not talk back to elders’
e. n¯a
.
le.y-inda kelasakke bar-a b¯e
.
da
[tomorrow-abl job-dat come-inf-neg]
‘don’t come to work from tomorrow’
f. anil k¯al¯eji-ge h¯ogal/houvadu illa
[Anil college-dat go-inf/non-past noml neg]
‘Anil did/does not go to college’
Sentences (45a, b)
are negatives of nominal predications,
hence
alla is the negative
marker; (45f ) has illa, being a verbal predication. Sentences (45c, d, e) relate to the
usage of negative modals with different auxiliaries added to the infinitive of the main
verb: k¯u
.
d-a-du ‘it does not suit’ is the third neuter singular negative of the verb k¯u
.
du- ‘to
suit’, b¯ar-a-du ‘it does not come’ is the third neuter singular negative of the verb bar-/
b¯ar- ‘come’. Both these verbs occur after the infinitive and are totally grammaticalized
as
though they are unin
flected
prohibitive markers. In (45e)
b¯e
.
da ‘is
not needed
’is
the
opposite of b¯eku ‘is needed’, both historically related to
∗
w¯e-
.
n
.
t-¯a-tu,
∗
w¯e
.
l-kk-um, from
PD
∗
w¯e
.
l- (w¯e-
.
n
.
t-) ‘to desire’.
Telugu has a negative verb derived from l¯e-‘is/was not’ (<
∗
il-a <
∗
cil-a-) inflected
for gender, number and person as a finite verb; it is used to negate verbal predica-
tions. Nominal predications are negated by k¯a-du (3neu sg), suppletively related to
∗
aw-
‘to be’.
(46) a. ´sarma-g¯aru
.
d¯ak
.
taru k¯adu
[Sarma-hon doctor be-not]
‘Mr Sarma is not a doctor’
b. akka
.
da nilaba
.
d
.
da-di ´sarma-g¯aru k¯adu
[there stand-past-noml Sarma-hon not]
‘the person standing there is/was not Mr Sarma’
c. ´sarma-g¯aru ¯u
.
l-
.
l¯ol¯e-ru
[Sarma-hon town-in be-not-3h-pl]
‘Mr Sarma is not in town’
d. n¯enu sinim¯aku r¯aw-a
.
tam-l¯edu
[I cinema-dat come-noml not]
‘I am not coming to the movie’
e. ninna m¯ai
.
n
.
ti-ki
.
d¯ak
.
taru-g¯aru r¯a-l¯edu
[yesterday our house-dat doctor-hon come-inf-not]
‘the doctor did not come to our house yesterday’
9.7 Reflexivity
and reciprocality
463
f. m¯ıru peddag¯am¯a
.
tl¯a
.
d-a g¯u
.
dadu
[you-pl loudly speak-inf proh]
‘you should not speak loudly’
g. sigare
.
t-lu t¯ag-a waddu
[cigarette-pl smoke-inf-proh]
‘don’t smoke cigarettes’
Sentences (46a, b) are nominal predications and hence they carry k¯adu as the negative
verb. (46c) is a verbal predication with a PP in locative and therefore it takes l¯eru. Note
that this verb agrees with the subject NP in gender, number and person. The negative verb
l¯e-du, without subject agreement, is added to an action nominal of the main verb to form
durative negative and to the infinitive to form past negative (46d, e). In sentence (46f)
the infinitive of the main verb is followed by k¯u
.
d-a-du (see Kanna
.
da) as a prohibitive
marker. In (46g) an imperative prohibitive is formed by adding waddu (historically from
wal-a-du ‘(it) is not needed’).
In both South Dravidian I and II we notice parallel processes in negation by using
different verbs to distinguish between nominal and verbal predications. The remaining
types of negation are formed as part of verb conjugation in both the subgroups.
9.7 Reflexivity and reciprocality
If tw
o NPs are coreferential within
the same clause, one of them uses
a variable re-
flexive pronoun or some other strategy. There are three devices to express reflexivity
in Dravidian: (i) by replacing one of the coreferential NPs with the correct personal
pronoun with appropriate case marking; (ii) by using a reflexive pronoun t¯an/tan-V
‘self’ if the coreferential phrase is in the third person; (iii) by marking the verb with
a reflexive auxiliary, derived from PD ko
.
l-/ko
.
n- ‘take’; (iv) a combination of the use
of (i) or (ii) with (iii) as required by the selected verb. The emphatic clitic -¯e or -t¯an
(the latter optionally in Tamil and Malay¯a
.
lam) may occur in combination with any of
the above or sometimes even independently to denote reflexivity. In reciprocal usage,
a clause has two NPs or PPs, both denoting referents participating in a reciprocal ac-
tivity denoted by the predicate. One of these phrases (which we may call the Reflexive
Phrase) has the structure ‘one-person/persons/thing/things + postposition followed by
one-person/persons/thing/things + postposition’. This phrase modifies the predicate.
(47) a. Ta. n¯a
nenn-ai mara-ntu vi
.
t
.
t¯en (Reflexive)
[I I-acc forget-ppl leave-past-1sg]
‘I forgot myself’
b. Ta. ava
.
lta
nn-ai ka
.
n
.
n¯a
.
ti.y-il p¯arttu ko
.
n-t-¯a
.
l (Reflexive)
[she she-acc mirrior
-loc see-ppl take-past-1f-sg]
‘she looked at herself in the mirror’
464 Syntax
c. Ta. kum¯ar ta
na-kk-u
.
l
.
l-¯e ciri-ttu.k-ko
.
n-
.
t-¯an (Reflexive)
[Kum¯ar he-dat-inside laugh-ppl-hold-past-3m-sg]
‘Kumar laughed within himself ’
d. Ta. avarka
.
l oruvar-i
.
tam oruvar p¯ec-i
n-¯arka
.
l (Reciprocal)
[they one-person-loc one-person talk-past-3h-pl]
‘they talked to each other’
e. Ta. kum¯ar-um r¯aj¯a.v-um oruvar-ai oruvar p¯ar-tt-¯arka
.
l (Reciprocal)
[Kumar-cl Raja-cl one-person-acc one-person see-past-3h-pl]
‘Kumar and Raja looked at each other’
f. Ma. ˜n¯a
n-¯e cey-t-¯al pra´snam t¯ır-um (Reflexive)
[I-emph do-(past)-cond
problem end-fut]
‘if I do it myself the problem will be solved’
g. Ma. avan svantam talay-il a
.
ti-ccu (Reflexive)
[he self head-loc beat-past]
‘he beat his own head’
h. Ma. n¯ı-tanne at
ə
ceytu ko
.
l
.
lu (Reflexive)
[you-emph that do-past-take-imp-sg]
‘do it yourself’
i. Ma. avar oruvan ma
rravan-¯o
.
t
ə
sams¯ariccu (Reciprocal)
[he one-m-sg other-m-sg-soc speak-past]
‘they spoke with each other’
The above sentences illustrate reflexivity and reciprocality in Tamil and Malay¯a
.
lam.
In sentence (47a) the object ar
gument is expressed by the
first person in accusative
coreferring to the subject pronoun n¯a
n ‘I’. In (47f, h) in Malay¯a
.
lam the emphatic
markers -¯e,-tanne added to the subject NP also mark reflexivity. The Sanskrit word
svantam ‘one’s own’ is used in Malay¯a
.
lam as a reflexive pronoun in (47g). In Tamil
in sentences (47b, c) the reflexive pronoun t¯a
n/tan- occurs coindexed with the third-
person subjects ava
.
l ‘she’ and kum¯ar ‘Kumar’, respectively. Sentences (47b, c, h)
illustrate the use of a reflexive auxiliary ko
.
l- in addition to the reflexive pronoun. In these
cases, to obtain the meaning of self-benef
action the use of the auxiliary is obligatory.
Reciprocality is expressed
by a Reciprocal Phrase
‘one [±hum] ...one [±hum]’ as
shown in (47d, e). In the place of the second constituent of the phrase Malay¯a
.
lam uses a
different lexical item meaning ‘another person’ (47i). It is important to note that the entire
string has to be treated as a single phrase (NP or PP), since it does not allow scrambling
of the words within the string and interspersing them with words of other phrases.
(48) a. Ka. r¯ama tanna makka
.
l-ige c¯akal¯e
.
tu ko
.
dis-id-a (Reflexive)
[Rama refl-poss children-dat chocolate give-past-3m-sg]
‘Rama gave chocolates to his children’
9.7 Reflexivity
and reciprocality
465
b. Ka. ravi ba
.
t
.
te oge-du ko
.
n-
.
d-a (Reflexive)
[Ravi clothes wash-ppl refl-past-3m-sg]
‘Ravi washed (his) clothes himself (his own sake)’
c. Ka. b¯agilu h¯ak-i ko
.
n
.
d-it-u (Reflexive)
[door shut-ppl refl-past-3n-sg]
‘the door closed itself’
d. Ka. bassu k¯aru ond-akk-ondu
.
dikki ho
.
de-d-avu (Reciprocal)
[bus car one-dat-one collision hit-past-3n-pl]
‘the bus and the car collided with each other’
e. Ka. obba-bbar-inda aydu r¯up¯ayi tog¯o (Reciprocal)
[one-one-h-instr five rupee take-imp]
‘take five rupees from each person’
In (48a) the reflexive possessive tanna- ‘his’, which is a modifier of an indirect object
in a Postpositional Phrase, is coindexed with the antecedent subject NP r¯ama. Sentence
(48b) illustrates the use of the reflexive auxiliary. Sentence (48c) is a case of the reflexive
auxiliary converting a transitive verb into anti-passive with an inanimate subject NP.
Sentence (48d) exemplifies the use of a Reciprocal Phrase with participant referents
being [−hum]; in (48e),
the ablative PP with the
head nominal marked [
+ hum], is a
Distributive Phrase, used reflexively in discourse, but it has no antecedent NP within the
sentence.
Telugu of South Dravidian II also has parallel strategies for both reflexivity and
reciprocality. First study the illustrative sentences.
(49) a. Te. par¯ık
.
sa tapp-ina-andu-ku n¯enu nann-¯eti
.
t
.
tu kon-n-¯anu (Reflexive)
[exam fail-past-adj-noml-dat I I-acc-emph accuse refl-past-1sg]
‘I accused myself for failing (in) the examination’
b. Te. ninnu n¯ıw-¯epoga
.
du kon-n-¯awu-
.
ta (Reflexive)
[you-acc you-nom-emph praise refl-past-2sg-evid]
‘it seems you praised youself’
c. Te. r¯amu tana ¯atmakatha r¯asu-kon-n-¯a
.
du (Reflexive)
[Ramu self-poss own-story write-refl-past-3m-sg]
‘Ramu wrote his autobiography’
d. Te. kamala [r¯amu tana-nu pr¯emis-tunn-¯a
.
du] an-i anukon-n-adi (Reflex-
ive)
[Kamala Ramu refl-acc love-dur-3m-sg say-ppl think-past-3f-sg]
‘Kamala thought that Ramu is/was loving her’
e. Te. ¯ayana oka-r-i-ni okar-i-ki paricayam c¯es-
æ
-
.
du (Reciprocal)
[he one-h-acc one-h-dat
introduction do-past-3m-sg]
‘he introduced (us/them) each other (one to the other)’
466 Syntax
f. Te. m¯ıru okk-okkaru wanda r¯up¯ayalu cand¯a-lu iww-¯ali (Reciprocal)
[you-pl one-one-h hundred rupees donation-pl give-must]
‘you must all give 100 rupees each (as) donation’
In (49a, b) the personal pronouns themselves have occurred as reflexives, marked by the
emphatic -¯e, and the reflexive auxiliary kon- also occurs. In (49c) the reflexive pronoun
tan-a in the direct object PP is coindexed with the referent of the subject NP, also
reinforced by a reflexive verb. Note that in Telugu kon- ‘take’ and pe
.
t
.
t- ‘place’, when
used as auxiliaries, are mutuall
y complementary, functioning as
self-benefactive and
non-self-benefactive auxiliaries, respectively, e.g r¯asu kon- ‘write for oneself’ vs. r¯asi
pe
.
t
.
t- ‘write for others’, wa
.
n
.
du kon- ‘cook for oneself’ vs wa
.
n
.
di pe
.
t
.
t- ‘cook for others’.
14
In sentence (49d), the reflexive pronoun in the embedded sentence is coindexed with the
subject NP in the matrix sentence, i.e. kamala. Sentence 49(e) is an example of the use
of a reciprocal compound. If the first constituent is not marked for any oblique case, the
whole string becomes a Distributive compound meaning ‘each one’.
Strategies of reflexivity (i) through the
repetition of personal pronouns in
first and
second persons and the use of
∗
t¯an ‘self ’ a reflexive pronoun for
third-person animate,
and/or (ii) adding a reflexive auxiliary to the main verb are the shared features of all South
Dravidian languages and can be reconstructed for Proto-South Dravidian. The second
strategy is also shared by members of the other subgroups and can be reconstructed for
Proto-Dravidian, although see section 7.15.
9.8 Anaphora
The absence of stringent conditions on word order, combined with case marking on
complement NPs and (gender)–number–person marking on the verb, allows deletion
of NP arguments, without ambiguity, as a common type of anaphora in discourse, in
any continuous narration, or conversation, either in speech or in writing. The missing
arguments can be retrieved from pragmatic or discourse contexts. Thus in a Telugu
dialogue, note the deletion of all phrases except the ones questioned, in answers:
A: m¯ıru ekka
.
di-nunci wastunn¯aru ‘where are you coming from?’
B: i
.
n
.
ti-nunci ‘from home’
A: ekka
.
diki we
.
ltunn¯aru ‘where are you going?’
B. sinim¯a-ku ‘to a movie’
A: ayt¯e, w¯ı
.
d(u)-ewa
.
du ‘then, who is this boy?’
B: m¯are
.
n
.
d¯ow¯a
.
du ‘our second boy’
14
The auxiliaries kon- and pe
.
t
.
t- are added to the perfective participle of the main verb, marked
by -i as r¯as-i, wa
.
n
.
d-i etc., but the final vowel is changed to -u when followed by kon- through
vowel harmony; note that it is retained before pe
.
t
.
t-. In spoken Telugu kon-i is grammaticalized
into -ku, which looks like a mere suffix.
9.8 Anaphor
a
467
All literary Dravidian languages follow the same pattern (Asher 1985: 79–84, Asher and
Kumari 1997: 156–7, Sridhar 1990: 115–17, Lehmann 1989: 365–8).
(50) a. Ta. avar-ka
.
la
.
ti-pp-¯ar-ka
.
l
[they-h beat-fut-3h-pl]
‘they will beat’ (object not stated: me/us, him/her, them, somebody)
b. Ma. epp¯o vannu
[when come-past]
‘when did (you/he/she/it/they) come?’
c. Ka. nenne ravi manege h¯og-idd-e
[yesterday Ravi house-to go-past-1sg]
‘yesterday (I) went to Ravi’s home’ (the subject NP is inferred from the
predicate)
A demonstrative pronoun (he/she/it) anaphorically refers to the NP in the preceding
clause(s) in the third person. The reflexive pronoun derived from PD
∗
t¯an/tan- is used
anaphorically for a NP or PP with the head nominal in the third person. Both the governing
NP and the reflexive
∗
t¯an have to be within the same clause or they have to be corefer-
ential if they are in different clauses. (The subordinate clauses are enclosed in square
brackets.)
(51) a. Te. [r¯amu
i
¯af¯ısu-ku was-t¯e] atan-i-ni
i
n¯a daggar-i-ki t¯ısu-ku-r¯a
[Ramu office-dat come-if/when he-acc I-obl presence-dat bring-refl-
come-imp]
‘when Ramu comes to the office, bring him to me’
b. Te. kamala
i
[r¯amu
j
tana-ni
i
pr¯emis-tunn-¯a
.
du][an-i] anukon-na-di
[Kamala Ramu she-acc love- dur-3m-sg say-ppl-comp think-past-3f-sg]
‘Kamala thought that Ramu is/was loving her’
c. Te. r¯adha-ki
i
t¯anu
i
anda-gatte-nu ani telusu
[Radha-dat she beautiful-female-1sg say-ppl-comp know-hab]
‘Radha knows that she is a beautiful woman’
d. Te. g¯op¯al
i
[r¯amu
j
tana-ni
j
t¯anu
j
pogu
.
du kon-n¯a-
.
du][ani] anukon-n-¯a
.
du
[Gopal Ramu self-acc self-nom praise-refl-past-3m-sg say-ppl-comp
think-past-3m-sg]
‘Gopal thought that Ramu praised himself’
Sentence (51a) is what somebody said to somebody. Neither the speaker nor the
addressee is specified in the sentence; n¯a daggariki ‘to my presence’ has the first-person
anaphora in n¯a- ‘my’. The second person is deleted since that fact is recoverable from
the imperative sentence. The demonstrative pronoun atani-ni ‘him’ is coreferential with
the subject NP, which occurs in the preceding subordinate clause. If the NP and the
468 Syntax
reflexive pronoun exchange positions with the same case marking, there will not be any
change in meaning, although, in unmarked constituent order, the anaphoric pronoun
relates to a preceding NP. In (51b) the reflexive tana-ni in the subordinate clause is
coindexed with the subject NP, Kamala, in the higher clause. Sentence (51c) has a dative
subjective and an irregular verb as predicate. In a simple sentence the reflexive t¯anu
always refers to the preceding subject NP. But in a complex sentence there are some
constraints on coindexing the reflexive t¯anu. The underlying object clause in (51c) is
n¯enu anda-gatte-nu ‘I am a beautiful woman’, in which n¯enu ‘I’ is replaced by reflexive
t¯anu ‘self’ because the subject of the main clause ‘Radha’ is in the third person. It is also
grammatical to say [t¯anu andagatte] ani with NP predicate in the third person instead
of first person. In (51d) the reflexive pronoun is reduplicated as an appositive phrase
with one member in the nominative and the other marked for a non-nominative case.
The reduplicated reflexive refers to the NP within the same clause only. Also note that
the verb in the subordinate clause has a reflexive auxiliary (see Subbarao and Lalitha
Murthy 2000 for a comprehensive treatment of the phenomenon of anaphora in Telugu).
e. Ta. kamal¯a
i
[avan
j
tann-ai
ij
veru-kkir-¯an] en-ru ninai-tt-¯a
.
l
[Kamala he self-acc hate-pres-3m-sg say-ppl-comp think-past-3f-sg]
‘Kamala thought that he hated her/himself ’
f. Ma. [tann¯o
.
ta
i
¯ar-um
j
para˜n˜n-illa] enn
ə
kamalam
i
¯aval¯ati para˜n˜nu
[self-soc anyone say-past-not comp Kamala complain-past]
‘Kamala complained that nobody told her’
g. Ka. sadasyaru
i
[r¯ama.n-annu tamma
i
pratinidhi] y-¯ag-i cun¯ayis-id-aru
[members Rama-acc refl-pl-poss representative-advl elect-past-3h-pl]
‘the members elected Rama as their representative’
In (51e) the reflexive is said to ambiguously refer either to ava
n (subject NP of the
subordinate clause) or to kamal¯a (subject NP of the main clause) in Tamil (Lehmann
1989: 366). In Telugu in sentences of this type the reflexive only relates to the subject
in the matrix and not to that of the subordinate clause. Sentence (51f) in Malay¯a
.
lam is
a straightforward case of the reflexive tann- referring to the subject NP of the matrix
clause, kamalam ‘Kamala’, and not to the subject NP of the subordinate clause, y¯ar-um
‘any one’. In (51g) the embedded clause is a nominal predication r¯ama tamma pratinidhi
‘Rama is their representative’. It is linked to the main clause by an adverbial particle
¯ag-i ‘being, as’; tamma ‘their’, as expected, anaphorically relates to
the subject NP in
the matrix sentence, sadasyaru ‘members’.
9.9 Conclusion
The four major Dravidian languages mainly treated in this chapter belong to two sub-
groups, South Dravidian I and South Dravidian II. All of them have the same patterns
9.9 Conc
lusion
469
of forming nominal and verbal predications. Malay¯a
.
lam is the only member which has
innovated the use of a copular verb ¯a
.
n
ə
as predicate in NP–NP type of clauses. In the
formation of phrases, complex and compound sentences, and minor sentences etc. all
these languages adopt practically the same principles and strategies. Therefore, they
definitely go back to an undivided stage of these two branches, namely Proto-South
Dravidian. Future research should focus on comparing these patterns with those in other
subgroups to find out if they can be reconstructed for Proto-Dravidian.
10
Lexicon
10.1 Introduction
The Dravidian lexicon may be divided into native and borrowed. I have drawn on the
native lexicon to reconstruct Proto-Dravidian culture in section 1.2.2, based on DEDR
(1984). The vocabulary is classified into semantic and functional categories like material
culture, social organization (including kinship terms), flora and fauna, weather and water
resources etc. A wide spectrum of native lexicon is thereby covered. Since the contact
of Dravidian with Indo-Aryan goes back to c. 1500 BCE, a number of Dravidian words
found their way into Indo-Aryan at all stages, Old, Middle and Modern. Southworth
(1995: 264) estimates that 88 lexical items were borrowed into Sanskrit from Dravidian
from the Proto-Indo-Iranian period down to Classical. Some aspects of this process have
been described in chapter 1 (section 1.7). We find that NIA exhibits more of structural
borrowing and less of lexical borrowing from Dravidian. This has been explained as a
function of the
absorption of a Dravidian substratum
into Indo-Aryan from the earliest
stages of contact, which gradually affected its grammatical structure over three millennia.
10.2 Indo-Aryan loanwords in South Dravidian I and II
The four languages of South Dravidian, after their separation from Proto-South
Dravidian, developed their own writing systems (see chapter 3) and became vehicles of
literature at different periods, Tamil from the early Christian era, Malay¯a
.
lam (an off-shoot
of Tamil) from the twelfth century, Kanna
.
da from the eighth century and Telugu from
the eleventh. Inscriptional records are available in all these languages several centuries
earlier than poetic compositions. Although we do not know when these languages came
to be exposed to Sanskrit grammar and literature, traces of borrowing from Sanskrit, Pali
and Prakrits are found in the literary texts even from the time of Tolk¯appiyam (c. late
BCE). Apparently some words from Sanskrit were borrowed at a common undivided
stage of Tamil and Kanna
.
da, i.e. Proto-South Dravidian I, perhaps two or three cen-
turies before Tamil literary texts were composed. This would place the branching off of
these to about the fifth century BCE. Contact of these languages with Sanskrit should be
placed around that time or slightly earlier. The separation of South Dravidian I and South