Krishnamurti Bhadriraju. The Dravidian Languages

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6.4 Pr

onouns

251

able 6.6c

Plur

al forms in

South Dravidian II

Group IIC Nominative Oblique

Te. m¯ı-ru mimm-, m¯ı

Go. mim-e

t, m¯ı

tm¯ı-

da m¯ı-ru mi

-, m¯ı-

Kui m¯ı-mu (BB) m¯ı

Kuvi m¯ı-mb¯u(F), m¯ı-mbu(S) m¯ı-

Pengo — mi

g, m¯ı-

Table 6.6d Tamil and Brahui bound plural stems

Group IID Nominative Oblique

Ta. (Old) – num-; (Mdn) um-,

u˙n-ka

Br. num num-

this form provides a missing link in Telugu prehistory. But notice the oblique is

im- from which we can predict that the nominative

∗

¯ı m was replaced by borrowed n¯ır,as

it happened in the singular in these two languages; (d) the replacement of the inherited

plural marker -m by -r (the plural human sufﬁx in the third person) in Old Tamil, Tu

and in Telugu, Ko

da, Kui and Kuvi is a shared innovation of these two subgroups,

not found in Central Dravidian; (e) Gondi treats

∗

nim- as a singular and adds a plural

sufﬁx-a

t to form the plural.

Table 6.6c shows that the languages of South-Central Dravidian (SD II) have innovated

oblique m¯ı-(

∗

n¯ı 

∗

n¯ım) by a morphological change to restore the singular–plural

distinction as in the case of the ﬁrst person plural. The oblique is unifor

mly

m¯ı-inall

languages of South Dravidian II, which indicates its primacy over the nominative forms

with wide variability. Later the initial m- was analogically extended to the nominatives.

Consequently we ﬁnd in Telugu

∗

n¯ıru, ¯ıru, m¯ıru (the last in Mdn Te.), Gondi im-, nim-,

mim- plus plural -a

t, also m¯ı-

t,Ko

da–Kui–Kuvi m¯ıru beside m¯ım-(

∗

n¯ım).

Table 6.6d: the

oblique of

∗

n¯ım should be normally

∗

nim or with loss of n-

∗

im;but

Old Tamil shows num-/um- instead, explained as involving a vocalic change i > u when

followed by -m in this particular item (Bloch 1954: 32). Brahui also has num- in the

nominative and oblique. Since no other language in the family shows this development,

we can consider these as independent changes.

Table 6.6e illustrates a unique development in pre-Gondi. The plural stem came to be

treated as singular and a plural morph -V

t was added to it to make it a plural. A similar

252 Nominals

Table 6.6e Gondi plural stems (construed

as singular)

Group IIe: Second-person-singular ‘thou’ (DED 3684)

Nominative Oblique

Go. (dial) nim¯a, nim(m)a, nim-a

nim-e

t; ima, imm¯a,

imm-

¯a

t, im-e

tn¯ı-

Table 6.7a. Reﬂexive pronoun singular

Language Nominative Oblique

Proto-Dravidian

∗

t¯an

∗

tan-/

∗

tann-

Ta. t¯a

ntan-

Ma. t¯an tan-

Ko. t¯an tan-

To. t¯on tan-

d. t¯an¨ı tan-

Ka. t¯an tan-

Tu. t¯an¨ı tan-

Te. t¯anu tan-

Go. t¯an, tan¯a, tann¯a, t¯an¯a tan-

Kui t¯an t¯a

ran-

Kuvi t¯anu tan-

Kol.

∗

t¯an tan-/tann-

Pa. t¯an tan-

Oll. t¯an tan-

r. t¯an ta

Malt. t¯an ta

Br. t¯en t¯en-

development

is also witnessed in the case of

(m)amm-V

t ‘we’. It w

ould be worthwhile

to investigate if there was any sociolinguistic circumstance that led to these unique

formations.

6.4.1.3 The reﬂexive pronoun

The reﬂexive pronoun actually refers to the third person singular and plural (which

some Tamil scholars have called ‘the fourth person’). It cannot be used for the ﬁrst

and second persons anaphorically, except in specialized cases (see section 9.3.4.2,

The plural becoming singular is attested in many European languages including English, in which

‘thou’ (2sg) is replaced by ‘you’ (2pl). In non-standard varieties of English a new grammatical

plural is innovated as ‘you-all’ or ‘you-se’. (I thank Comrie and Dixon for these comments

independently communicated to me.)

6.4 Pr

onouns

253

able 6.7b.

Reﬂexive

pronoun plur

Language Nominative Oblique

Proto-Dravidian

∗

t¯am

∗

tam-

Ta. t¯am, t¯a˙n-ka

l, tam-ar tam-, tamm-

Ma. t¯am, t¯a˙n-ka

l, ta˙n-˙na

l, tam-ar tam-, tamm-

Ko. t¯am tam-

To. tam tam-

d. ta

ga ta

ga-

Ka. t¯am, t¯avu, tam-ar, tav-ar tam-, tamm-

Te. t¯amu, t¯a-ru, tam-aru tama-

Go. tamm¯a, tamm-a

Kui t¯a-ru (m), t¯ai (neu) t¯a

ran-

Kuvi t¯ambu, tamb¯u tam-

Kol.

∗

t¯am tam-

Pa. t¯am tam-

Oll. t¯am tam-

r. t¯am tam-

Malt. t¯am, t¯ami tam-

example (33) with comment). However, it is included here on morphological grounds,

i.e. like the personal pronouns; it is not distinguished for gender but carries number and

is inﬂected for case. The reconstructions

∗

t¯an/

∗

tan- (sg) ‘he, she, it ...self’,

∗

t¯am/

∗

tam-

‘they (pl, all genders) ...selves’ do not present any problems. In South Dravidian I the

singular form is used as an emphatic clitic as well as a reﬂexive pronoun.

There are two other plural forms: Tamil–Malay¯a

lam add the common plural sufﬁx

-ka

l to the plural stem as in the case of the other personal pronouns; there is another

plural form replacing the inherited plural marker -m by the human plural sufﬁx -ru, t¯a-ru

in Telugu and Kui. Another polite plural by adding -ar to the plural stem

∗

t¯am occurs

in SD I and in Telugu. In Telugu the

form

tam-aru is employed in the second person

singular implying a higher degree of politeness than what is conveyed by the normal

plural m¯ı-ru ‘you (pl)’.

6.4.2 Demonstrative and interrogative pronouns

These are etymologicall

y and morphologically different from the other personal pro-

nouns. They are derived from deictic bases which I reconstruct with a laryngeal in

Proto-Dravidian,

∗

aH ‘that’ (distal),

∗

iH ‘this’ (proximal) and

∗

uH (intermediate). The

interrogative pronouns are derived from

∗

yaH(aH ) ‘which?’ The demonstrative and in-

terrogative pronouns carry gender and number and are inﬂected for case. Not only the

demonstrative pronouns but also the time (‘now, then, when’) and place adverbs (‘here,

there, where’) are derived from deictic and interrogative bases. These last two are devoid

254 Nominals

of number and gender but are inﬂected for case. For historical details of

∗

H in deictic

bases, see section 4.5.7.2.3.

The third-personal demonstrative pronouns derived from the deictic root

∗

aH have

been treated in the discussion on gender–number (see section 6.2). The following is a list

of pronouns other than those denoting ‘he, she, it, they’ (human and neuter) derived from

the deictic and interrogative bases. Most of them are morphological complexes denoting

‘place, time and manner’. They are syntactically adverbial but are morphologically

treated as a subclass

of nominals since they can

be in

ﬂected with cases/postpositions.

Many of them

can be reconstructed for Proto-Dra

vidian. Sources for the follo

wing:

DEDR (1984) and for Old

Tamil Rajam (1992).

6.4.2.1 PD

∗

aH/

∗

¯a ‘that (remote)’ [1],

∗

iH/

∗

¯ı ‘this (proximate)’ [410]

South Dravidian I Tamil: a-/¯a adj ‘that’, av-a

n, a-˙nku, a-mpar, ¯a-

n, ¯a-

nku, ¯a-

tu/

¯a-

t-ai ‘there’, ¯a-˙nku ‘that manner’, ap-p¯o

zu/ap-po

zutu ‘then, that time’, at-tu

nai ‘that

much’, a-

nru, a-nr-ai ‘that day’, a-nai ‘of that nature’, a-nai-ttu ‘that much’, a-mpar

‘yonder’; i-/ ¯ı adj ‘this’, iv-a

n, i-˙nku, ¯ı-nku, ¯ı-

tu/¯ı-

t-ai, ¯ı-

n ‘here, this place’, i-mpar

‘here, this world’, ip-po

zutu ‘now, this time’, it-ta

nai ‘so much’, i-nai ‘of this nature’,

i-n

ru ‘today’, i-ni ‘now’, i-nna ‘such as this’.

Malay¯a

lam: a-/ ¯a adj, a-˙n˙nu ‘there’, a-nai-tt-um ‘so much’, a-nnu ‘that day’, ap-po

zutu

‘that time, then’; i-/¯ı adj ‘this’, i-˙n˙nu ‘in this direction’, it-taram ‘this kind’, innu ‘today’,

ip-pa

ti ‘thus’, ip-p¯o

l ‘this time, now’.

Kota: a-/ay- adj, a-nta ‘so great’, a-n¯a- ‘such’; i-/¯ı adj ‘this place’, i-nta ‘so great’,

i-nm (obl i-nt-) ‘like this’, i-nt-al ‘so many as this’, i-n

dy ‘today’.

Toda: a- adj, a-

d ‘on that day’, a-t ‘that many’, ¯a-n-k ‘to that place’; i- adj ‘this’, i-t

‘in this direction’, ¨ı-t ‘this many’, ¨ı-

d ‘today’, i-l ‘in this place’, ¯ı-n-k ‘to this place’.

dagu: a-/¯a adj, a-lli ‘there’, ak-ka ‘then’, at-t¨ı ‘to that side’; i-/¯ı adj, i-lli ‘here’,

ik-ka ‘now’, it-t¨ı ‘to this side’, i-nt¨e ‘of this kind’, i-nd¨ı ‘today’.

Kanna

da: a-/¯a adj, a-nittu ‘that much’, ¯a-ce ‘that side, beyond’, ¯a-su ‘that much’, at-tal

‘on that side’, ah-a˙nge, h¯a-˙nge, h¯a-ge ‘that manner’, a-lli ‘there’, ak-ka ‘then’; i-/¯ı adj,

i-nittu ‘so much as this’, i-su/¯ı-su ‘so much as this’, it-tal ‘on this side’, ih-a˙nge/h¯ı-˙nge

‘in this manner’, ik-ka ‘now’, i-lli ‘here’, i-ndu ‘today’, i-nu ‘the current time’.

lu: a-/¯a adj, ¯a-mbe ‘there’, ¯a-t¨ı ‘so much’, a-

lta ‘of that place’, a-

lt¨ı ‘thence’, ¯a-pe

‘yonder’, ¯a-ni ‘then’; i-/¯ı adj, m¯u

lu (<

∗

i-mbu

l) ‘here’, ¯ı -t¨ı ‘this much’, i-

nca ‘thus’, it-tε

‘now’, i-ni, i-nne ‘today’.

South Dravidian II Telugu: a-/¯a adj, ak-ka

da ‘there’, ap-pu

du ‘then’, ac-ca

tu, a-ndu

‘there’, a-nta ‘that much’, a-nni ‘that many’, a-

tu ‘that manner’, ¯a-wala/aw-wala ‘that

side’, a-

tu ‘that side’; i-/ ¯ı adj, ik-ka

da ‘here’, ip-pu

du ‘now’, ic-ca

tu, i-ndu ‘here’, i-nta

‘this much’, i-nni ‘this many’, i-

tu ‘this manner’, ¯ı -wala/iw-wala ‘this side’, i-

tu ‘this

side’.

6.4 Pr

onouns

255

Gondi: a-gg¯a/ha-gg¯a ‘there’, ap-p¯o

r ‘then’, ¯a-han (<

∗

¯a-tt-) ‘thus’, an-n¯e

t ‘that day’;

i-gg¯a ‘here’, i-

g¯a ‘now’, i-hin, ¯ı -hun (<

∗

¯ı -tt-) ‘like this’, h¯ı-k¯e ‘here’, h¯ı-p¯e ‘with this’.

da: ay-a adj ‘that’, a-tal ‘that side’, a-be ‘there’, ¯a-Ru ‘that manner’, na-so ‘that

much’, na-ni ‘that sort of ’; iya/y¯a ‘this’, i-tal ‘this side’, i-be ‘here’,¯ı -Ru ‘this manner’,

iy-el/¯e-l ‘now’, ni-so ‘this much’, ni-ni ‘this sort of’ [the source of the n- forms is not

clear].

Kui: a-/¯a adj, ¯a-mba/a-mba ‘there’, ¯a-ne ‘in that direction’, ase/¯ase ‘so much’; i-/¯ı

adj, i-mba ‘here’, i-ne ‘this side’, i-se/¯ı -se ‘this much’, ¯ı -so

ri ‘so many’.

Kuvi: ¯a adj, a-mba ‘there’; ¯ı adj, i-mba ‘here’, i-c(c)eka, i-cura/ic-c¯ora ‘so much, so

many’, ¯ı -yona ‘this year’.

Pengo: ¯a, ¯ay, a-nda adj, a-ce, a-ceke ‘that big’, a-be, ha-be, a-mbe ‘there’, a-ni‘over

there’; ¯ı , i-nda adj, i-ce, iceke (neu pl i-ci

, i-co

) ‘so big, so many, so much’, i-be, i-ni

‘here’, i-le

‘so, in this way’, iy-on

‘this year’.

Man

da: ¯ı adj, i-cek ‘this much’, i-ni, ¯ı -ba ‘here’ [a- forms not given in DEDR].

Central Dravidian Kolami: a-na

‘in that way’, ap-pu

d, ¯a-pu

d ‘then’, at-tin ‘there’,

at-tek ‘that much’; ¯ı adj, it-tan ‘man of this place’, it-tin ‘here’, it-te ‘this much’, i-n

‘no

’, i-nde

d, i-ne

r ‘toda

’.

Naiki: a-tan ‘there’, at-te ‘that much’, a-sen ‘like that (person)’, ay-el ‘that direction’;

¯ı adj, i-na

‘in this manner’, it-tin ‘here’, it-tek ‘so much’, i-n

di ‘now’, i-nda

r ‘today’.

Naiki (Ch.): ac-cir ‘day before yesterday’, a-tan ‘there’, at-te ‘that much’; i-tak, i-tan

‘here’, it-te ‘this much’, i-ndi, i-n

di ‘now’,

¯ı-sen ‘in this manner’, iy-el ‘in this direction’,

i-phu

r ‘now’, iy-¯an

d ‘this year’, i-nen ‘today’.

Parji: ¯a adj, at ‘in that direction’, a-na, a-ni ‘there’, ¯a-ta ‘like that’, ¯a-te(n) ‘so, in

that way’; ¯ı adj., i-t-/it-tu ‘in this direction’, i-ni ‘here’, ¯ı -ta ‘like this’, ¯ı -te(n) ‘this way’,

iy-a

d ‘this year’, i-ne(n) ‘today’.

Ollari: ¯a, ¯ay adj, ¯a-l ‘there’, ¯a-cin ‘that day’, a-pa

r ‘like that’; ¯ı adj, i-n

di ‘now’, i-t,

¯ı l ‘here’, i-ne(n) ‘today’.

Gadaba: a-, ay- adj, a-

ten ‘that way’, a-pa

d ‘that way’, a-pu

d ‘then’, a-man, a-l (lu)

‘there’, ay-nes ‘that day’; i, iy adj, i-nen ‘today’, i-pa

d ‘in this fashion’, i-ma

tuk ‘from

here, from now’, i-man ‘here’, iy-¯an

d ‘this year’, i-l (lu) ‘here’.

North Dravidian Ku

rux: a-/ ¯a adj, a-d¯a, ah-¯ay ‘there’, anti ‘then’, a-san/ha-san, a-

yy¯a/ha-yy¯a ‘there’, an-n¯u ‘in that way’;¯ı adj, i-d¯a, i-san/hi-san ‘here’, i -yy¯a/hi-yy¯a ‘over

here’, ¯ı -ge ‘therefore’, in-n¯u ‘in this direction’, in-n¯a ‘today’.

Malto: ¯a adj, a-nde ‘then, thus’, a-no ‘there’, ¯a-

ny ‘thus’, ¯a-

ti ‘that place, spot’; ¯ı adj,

ih-in, i-nda, i -

nhi ‘here’, ¯ı -nki, ¯ı -nle ‘thus’, i-ne ‘today’.

Brahui: ¯ı a base declined for case, to which the sufﬁx enclitic pronouns are added;

?ai-n¯o, a-nn¯o ‘today’.

Note that the laryngeal

∗

H lengthens the preceding vowel, hence

∗

¯a,

∗

¯ı , or assimilated

to the following stop, or lost before voiced consonants. The h sound (> y) found in

256 Nominals

some of the languages presumably indicates the retention of the laryngeal, or its later

development into a semivowel.

6.4.2.2 PD

∗

uH ‘yonder, not too distant’ [557]

Not all subgroups show evidence of the intermediate distance form.

South

Dravidian I

u-/uvv-

adj

‘of

intermediate distance from speak

’, uv-a

n, uv-a

uv-ar, u-tu, uv-ai ‘that man, that woman, those persons, that thing, those things (respec-

tively)’, unta adj, u-˙nku/¯u-˙nku ‘yonder’, up-p¯al ‘the side near the person addressed’,

u-mpar adv ‘yonder, aloft’, uv-a

n ‘upper place’, uv-a

n-ai ‘height’. Ma. (no forms are

reported), Ko. ¯u-n, ¯u-

l, ¯u-r ‘he, she, they (near the speaker)’; Ka. ¯u adj, uv-a/¯u-ta,

uv-a

l/¯u-ke, uv-ar, ud-u, uv-u ‘this man, woman, these persons, this thing, these things

(intermediate)’, u-nitu ‘so much as this’, u-ntu ‘this manner’, u-nne ‘this time’, u-lli

‘this place’, Tu. u-ndu, u-nde-ku

lu ‘this thing, these things’.

South Dravidian II Te. u-lla ‘over there, nearer the speak

’ (Classical); Kon

da u-

nda (imper sg), u-nda

t (pl) ‘take this’, u-nzar ‘take (sacriﬁcial offering to Gods/dead

elders)’, Kuvi ¯u/h¯u adj, ¯u-asi/h¯uv-asi, ¯u-ari/h¯uv-ari, ¯u-di/h¯u-di, ¯u-ati/h¯uv-ati, h¯u-aska

‘that male, those males, that female or thing, those females or things’, ¯u-ceka ‘so much’,

¯u-mba/h¯u-mbaa ‘there’.

Central Dravidian Pa. ¯u-d, ¯u-r ‘this male, these males’, ut ‘in that direction’.

North Dravidian Ku

r. h¯u adj, h¯u-s, h¯u-r/hu-b

rar, h¯u-d/hu-b

r¯a ‘this man, these persons,

this female or thing, these females or things’, hu-d¯a, hui-yy¯a, hu-san ‘there (close to

you)’, hu-nn¯u ‘by that way’, Malt. u-thi ‘look there’.

The long vowel in the root syllable, gemination of the consonant in the morph fol-

lowing the deictic root and the h-forms in Kuvi and Ku

rux – all relate to the underlying

laryngeal as part of the Proto-Dravidian root.

6.4.2.3 PD

∗

yAH/

∗

y¯AH

Interrogative root underlying words meaning

‘who, which, what, etc.’

The vowel following

∗

y represents neutralization a and e (see section 4.5.4.2), hence

it is indicated by

A. There is greater variation in the development of interrogatives in

different languages.

The reason for reconstructing A and ¯A before the laryngeal

∗

H is to account for variation between

ew-/¯ew ∼ ¯aw in which /w/ is a reﬂex of PD

∗

H, in several languages (see mainly South Dravidian I

languages).

6.4 Pr

onouns

257

South Dravidian I Tamil: y¯a adj ‘what’, y¯av-a

n/¯ev-an, y¯av-a

l, y¯a-r/y¯a-var (> ¯a-r/

¯av-ar), y¯a-tu/y¯av-atu (>¯e-tu), y¯av-ai (also later forms still within Old Tamil ev-a

n, ev-a

ev-ar, e-tu, ev-ai) ‘which man, woman, persons, thing, things (respectively)’, e-

nn-a/¯e-n

‘what, why, how’, y¯a-˙nku, y¯a-

tu/y¯a-

t-ai ‘where’, also e-˙nku id., et-tu

nai ‘how much,

many’, ep-po

zutu ‘what time’, e-

nru ‘when’, e-nai ‘of what nature, how many’.

Malay¯a

lam: y¯av-an/¯ev-an, y¯a-va

l/¯ev-a

l, y¯av-ar/¯ev-ar/y¯a-r/¯a-r, y¯a-tu/¯e-tu ‘which man,

woman, people, thing’, e-˙n˙nu ‘where’, et-tira ‘how much’, ep-p¯o

l ‘when’, ep-pu

ram

‘which side’.

Kota: e-/ey- adj, ev-n, ev-

l, ev-r, e-d/¯e-d/e-n ‘which man, woman, persons, thing,

things’, ey-k (dat) ‘whither’, ey-tr abl ‘whence’, ey-¯on, ey-¯o

l, ey-¯or, ey-d ‘man, woman,

persons, thing from where’, e-

t ‘which direction’, e-nt-k (dat) ‘to what

extent

’, e-ntal

‘how many’, e-nt¯a ‘how great’.

Toda: e-/¯e adj, ¯e-θ ‘which person or thing’, pl ¯e-θ-¯am; ¯e-l ‘where’, ¯e-

d/e-d ‘why’, e-t

‘how many’, in- ‘what, why’.

Kanna

da: y¯a, ¯a, ¯e, e- adj, y¯a, y¯av-a, ¯a, ¯av-a, d¯av-a, ¯e ‘what, which’, y¯a-r, ¯a-r, d¯a-ru

‘who’, y¯av-anu, ¯av-aM ‘which man’, y¯av-a

lu, ¯av-a

l ‘which woman’, ¯av-udu ‘what’, e-

nitu/e-nittu ‘how much’, ¯e-su ‘how much, many’, e-lli ‘where’, eh-e˙nge/h¯e-˙nge ‘how’,

h¯e-ge id.

dagu: ¯a-r¨ı, d¯a-r¨ı ‘who’, ¯ev-˙e

, ¯ev-a, ¯ev-u, ¯e-d¨ı ‘which man, woman, thing/things’,

e-nn¨ı ‘what’, e-lli ‘where’, ek-ka ‘when’, e-nd¨ı ‘which day’, ec-c¨e ‘how many’.

lu: ¯e-r¨ı ‘who’, d¯a, d¯av-a ‘what’, d¯ay-e ‘why’, ¯e-ni, ¯e-pa, ¯e-po ‘when’, ¯e-t¨ı ‘how

much’, e-˜nca ‘how’, ¯o-

lu, o-

lpa ‘where’.

South Dravidian II Telugu: ¯e-w¯a

du/e-w(w)a

du ‘which man’, ¯e-w¯aru/e-w(w)aru ‘which

persons’, e-w(w)ate ‘which female person’, ¯e-di, ¯e-mi(

ti) ‘what, which one (n-m)’, ep-

du ‘when’, ek-ka

da ‘where’, e-ndaru ‘how many persons’, e-nta ‘how much’, e-nni

‘how many’ (non-hum), e-ndu-ku (dat) ‘why’, e-

tulu ‘how’, ¯e-l¯agu ‘which manner,

how’, etc.

Gondi: b¯o-r (obl b¯o-n-) (<

∗

w¯o-r <

∗

w¯o-nr- <

∗

w¯e-nr- <

∗

ew-anr)‘who’,?bap-p¯o

‘when’. There are many b- forms which require an older

∗

w-.

da: ay-e adj ‘which, what’, ay-en/ey-en ‘which man’, ay-ed/ ey-ed ‘which woman

or thing’, ini ‘what’, ini-k-an ‘who’, e-mbe ‘where’, e-so ‘how much’, e-so

r ‘how many’,

e-se

‘when’, e-sti vale ‘whenever, when’, ¯e-nru ‘who’ (Sova dial).

Kui: an- (dial in-) ‘what’, an-i adj, in-aki ‘why’, e-st- ‘which’, e-se ‘how much’,

e-soni/e-so

ri ‘how many’, e-mbe ‘where’.

Kuvi: in-i adj, en-a ‘what’, e-cura, e-cc¯ora ‘how many’, e-cela, e-cceka (dial) ‘when’,

i-mbi ‘where’.

Pengo: in-en (pl iner)‘who’,in-a ‘what’, in-ak-an ‘who’, in-ak-a (neu) ‘what’, e-

ce/e-ce-k ‘how much’, e-ca-k-an ‘how big (m)’, ime ‘where’.

258 Nominals

Man

da: am-nan, in-an ‘who (m sg)’, am-d-el/in-d-el ‘who (f sg)’, am-d-i/in-d-i ‘which

(neu sg)’, in-a ‘what’, e-ce

‘when’, e-ce(k) ‘how much’.

Central Dravidian Kolami: ¯e adj (rarely used), e-md/¯e-n/¯e-nd, ¯e-r, e-d, e-dav/¯e-v

‘which man, men, woman or thing, women or things (respectively)’, e-na

‘how’, ette

‘how much’, et-tin ‘where’, ¯e-pu

d/ep-pu

d ‘when’.

Naiki: ¯e-n ‘who (m)’, ¯e-d ‘which woman or thing’, ¯e-v id. (pl), et-tin ‘where’,

e-pun

d/e-phu

r ‘when’.

Naiki (Ch.): ¯e-n (obl ¯e-r-), ¯e-d ‘who (m), which one (f, neu)’, et-te ‘how much’, e-sen

‘how’, ¯e-l ‘which direction’.

Parji: ¯e-d (obl ¯e-r-) ‘who’, ¯a-ro adj. ‘which’, ¯e-di (obl ¯e-ri-) ‘anybody’, e-te(n) ‘how’,

e-˜not ‘how much’.

Ollari: ¯ey-in

d (sg), ¯ey-ir (pl) ‘who (m)’, e-

ten ‘how’, ¯e-

t ‘where’, e-sel ‘when’, ¯e-net

‘how much’.

Gadaba: ey-in

d (sg), ey-ir (pl) ‘who (m)’, ¯e-di (sg), ¯e-vi (pl) ‘which, who (n-m)’, e-cel,

¯e-l ‘where’, e-

ten ‘in which manner’.

North Dravidian Ku

rux: [n¯e ‘who’], endr (sg) ‘what’, e-kd-as, e-kd-¯a ‘which man,

which woman/thing’, e-k¯a adj, e-k¯age ‘when’, e-kayy¯a ‘where’.

Malto: [n¯ereh, n¯erith/n¯eth, n¯erer], indru ‘which man, woman, persons, thing’, ik adj,

ike(h), iker, ik¯ı(th), ik¯ır, iku(th), ‘which man, men, woman, women, thing (respectively)’,

ikni ‘how’, ikon ‘how much’.

Brahui: d¯er, d¯e ‘who’(sg/pl), ant ‘what’, ar¯a, ar¯afk ‘which (sg/pl)’, ar¯a adj, at ‘how

many’, axa ‘how much’, ama, amar ‘how’, amar¯ı ‘what manner’.

In addition to

∗

yAH/

∗

y ¯AH, there seems to be another Proto-Dravidian root

∗

yAn which

also denotes the interrogative in several subgroups; specially study the forms that have

en-/an-/in- in Tamil, Malay¯a

lam, Ko

dagu, Kanna

da, Telugu and all languages of South

Dravidian II, Kolami in Central Dravidian and Ku

rux–Malto in North Dravidian. In

terms of

word structure, it would seem that the root has a

ﬁnal -n here, rather

than

positing loss of H before an n-sufﬁx. In that case there would have been a long vowel

resulting from the loss of a laryngeal

∗

H. Therefore, this must be taken as an independent

reconstruction.

6.5 Numerals

Numerals are morphologically a subclass of nominals in that they are distinguished for

number and gender and inﬂected for case. The cardinal numerals (the citation forms) are

all non-masculine/non-human (neuter) in gender, e.g. Te. n¯alugu ‘four’ (cardinal, citation

form), n¯alugu bomma-lu ‘four dolls’, n¯alugu ¯awulu ‘four cows’. Separate classiﬁers or

human plural sufﬁxes are used when they qualify words denoting human beings: Te.

6.5 Numer

als

259

nalu-guru manu

su-lu ‘four persons’. Etymologically, the cardinals of one to ﬁve, eight

to ten are morphological complexes involving an adjectival root and a marker of ‘neuter’

gender represented by

∗

-tu/

∗

-ku. The number words for ‘six’, ‘seven’ and ‘hundred’ have

a zero neuter morph, which is replaced by a human classiﬁer when they occur as attributes

to noun heads which are [+ human]. Cardinals can be used as nouns or adjectives of

nouns denoting non-persons. To denote persons the numeral stem is followed by a human

plural sufﬁx

∗

-(w)Vr or a classiﬁer meaning ‘people’.

The numeral ‘one’ has more

than one root in Proto-Dravidian.

The literary languages have basic numerals for ‘one’ to ‘ten’ and ‘hundred’, and

compounds for ‘eleven’ to ‘ninety-nine’, and 101 to 999. Only Telugu has a native

number word for ‘thousand’, i.e. w¯eyi. Tamil and the other South Dravidian I languages

have borrowed all numbers, a thousand and higher, from Indo-Aryan.

All languages of

South Dravidian I preserve the basic number words. Only Telugu in South Dravidian II

retains all basic number words and also a basic word for ‘thousand’. The tribal languages

of Central and Northern India have borrowed many number words and the method of

reckoning from the neighbouring Indo-Aryan and/or Munda languages.

The Dravidian method of reckoning is decimal, since compounds (of basic number

words) are used for expressions from ‘eleven’ and anything higher, involving the pro-

cesses of addition or multiplication. To indicate addition a higher number occurs as the

ﬁrst constituent

of a compound and a low

er number as the second; in multiplication

the ﬁrst constituent is a smaller number and the second a higher number; e.g. Mdn Te.

padi ‘ten’, padak-o

du ‘eleven’ (10 + 1), padih-¯e

du ‘seventeen’ (10 + 7), but ira-way

‘twenty’ (2 × 10), ira-way oka

ti ‘twenty-one’ ((2 × 10) + 1). The same principle ap-

plies to all higher numbers such as pan-dhommidi

wandala

¯ebhay

‘nineteen

hundred

ﬁfty

’ (((10 + 9) × 100) + 50). Panikkar (1969) has proposed complicated formulas for

the Dravidian system of counting, but they are all explainable in terms of the above sim-

ple position-based processes, which he also recognizes.

rux and Malto deviate from

the decimal system of counting, because of the inﬂuence of the neighbouring Munda

language, Santali, which uses k¯o

ri/ku

r¯ı ‘score’ as a basic number. Malto uses native

Modern Tamil uses p¯er ‘name’ as a classiﬁer denoting ‘persons’ added to the basic (non-human)

numeral, e.g. ra

tu p¯er vant¯a˙nka ‘two persons came’. Modern Telugu uses mandi ‘persons’ from

‘eight’ onwards.

Ta. Ma. ¯ayiram,Ko.c¯avrm,To.s¯ofer, Ko

d. ¯air¨e/¯aira, Ka. s¯avira/s¯asira,Tu.s¯avira/s¯ara ‘thousand’.

All from Skt. sah´asra-[DEDR, Appendix 11].

‘Whether a given sequence is derived by multiplication or by summation can be easily inferred

by observing the values of its constituents. In multiplications, the linear arrangements of the

constituents will be from the lowest to the highest, i.e. the values of the constituents will be

in an increasing order, while in summation the order will be decreasing. If both increasing

and decreasing orders are found in sequence, then it is one of multiplication and summation’

(Panikkar 1969: 213). I have arrived at the principles independently.

260 Nominals

words in bound form only, e.g. k¯o

ri-ond ¯eke ‘one-score-one’(lit. 20-1-1), k¯o

ri-ond d¯uye

‘one score two’(lit. 20-1-2) (Mahapatra 1979: 119–22). Ku

rux uses native words ‘one’

to ‘four’ attributively, ort mukk¯a ‘one woman’,

d¯o ‘two oxen’, but kur¯ı-

r or du¯ı

r¯ı ‘lit., 20-2 or 2-20 = 40’ (Grignard 1924a: 30–1). The Brahui system of counting

is taken from Balochi, e.g. yanz-da ‘one-ten = 11’, s¯enz-da ‘three-ten = 13’ etc. (Sabir

1995: 7). Some dialects of Kui–Kuvi also use the system of multiplying by twenties, e.g.

Kui o

g¯o

ri ‘7 × 20 = 140’ [910].

All Dravidian languages preserve the ﬁrst two numbers ‘one’ and ‘two’. Non-literary

languages of central and north India have borrowed numerals from the neighbouring

literary languages of the same family or another family with which they are in greater

contact. Malto, Kuvi and Kui (Winﬁelds’s) have borrowed all numerals ‘three + (three

and everything higher)’, Brahui ‘four+’, Ku

rux,Ko

da, Ollari, Gadaba ‘ﬁve +’, Kolami,

and different dialects of Gondi ‘six +’, Parji ‘seven +’, and ﬁnally Kui (Letchmajee

1902, Friend-Pereira 1909) ‘eight +’ (Emeneau 1957a; repr. 1967b: §12).

The Central Dravidian languages have introduced a tripartite gender system in the

ﬁrst four numerals in derivational morphology, like ‘two men, two women, two things

(non-persons)’, although in other respects there are only two genders (masculine:

non-masculine) in these languages. Similar innovations to separate the ‘female per-

son’ from the non-person

category occur as isolated

innovations in Pengo and Malto,

and in the plural marking of several of the languages of South Dravidian II and Central

Dravidian, independently, attesting to the naturalness of such an innovation. It may be

noted that in Proto-South Dravidian I a feminine gender category was innovated both

in the demonstrative pronouns and in verb agreement. In the following the basic nu-

merals are given, ﬁrst the adjectival form followed by the cardinal, which is derived

from the adjectival root. In numeral ‘one’ the cardinal form and the adjectival root are

etymologically different; hence they are given as separate groups.

6.5.1 ‘one’

(a) PD

∗

on- adj ‘one’,

∗

on-tun.‘one thing’ [990 (c)]

SD I: OTa. o

nru, orr-ai ‘one, one of the

pair

’(<

∗

ontt-ay), Mdn Ta. o

n¨ı

‘one thing’, o

t-ai ‘one of a pair’, Ma. onnu, o

rra ‘one, single’, Ko.

d,To.w¨ıd,Ko

d. ond¨ı, Ka. ondu,Tu.o ˜nji (for the root

∗

on- see section

6.5.10b).

SD II: Te. o

du ‘one (neu)’, o

ti adj ‘single’, o

t-ari ‘a single person, lone’,

Go. un

¯ı, und¯ı, on

d,Ko

da un

ri.

ND: Ku

r. ¯on, ¯ond ‘one whole’, Malt. -ond ‘one thing’.

Rajam (1992: 443–7) calls the adjectival roots ‘oblique stems’. This is not correct since she has

used ‘oblique’ to denote stems to which case sufﬁxes are added in non-nominative cases. All

cardinal forms occur also as adjectivals in Classical Tamil. No ordinals are used in Old Tamil.