Krishnamurti Bhadriraju. The Dravidian Languages

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6.3 Cases 231

Malay¯a

lam: -kku is the widely used morpheme in dative, e.g. k¯oyil-kku ‘to the temple’,

t¯eva

r-kku

tutta

bh¯umi

‘land

given

to Devan

’. (A variant of -kku is -inu, which

is used after numerals and some abstract nouns. Its origin needs to be explored, e.g.

¯u

n-inu

k¯atirukunnu

‘(someone) is waiting

for food

’.)

Kota and Toda: the sufﬁx is -k, e.g. Ko. pe

d-k ‘to wife’, en-k ‘to me’, mar-t-k ‘to tree’,

p¯ab-k ‘to the snake’; To. n¨ın-k ‘to you’, k¯otfoy-k ‘to wife’.

In Iru

la, the dative is marked by -(u)kku and -kke which are morphologically condi-

tioned, e.g. nin-ukku ‘to you’, b¯avi-kke ‘to well’, pa

liku

da-kke ‘to school’ (Perialwar

1978b: 17–18). The Purposive (Perialwar 1978b: 18–19) seems to be a variant of da-

tive marked by -kk/-kk¯ayi, e.g. telya-kku ‘for oil’, tingudu-kk¯ayi ‘for eating’. Zvelebil

(1973: 19) gives -kke (after non-front vowels), -kkye (after front vowels) and -ke after

consonants, c¯o

la-kke ‘for maize’, cemi-kkye ‘for the ear’.

Alu Ku

rumba has -gu for dative without any change, k¯ucu-gu ‘to the child’, uli-gu

‘to the tiger’.

dagu: the allomorphs are -g¨ı after stems ending in a nasal and -k¨ı elsewhere, e.g.

av¨en-g¨ı

d¨ıte

‘I gave

him

’, ava-k¨ı ‘to her’, pattu

da-k¨ı

‘at

o’clock

’.

Kanna

da: -(k)ke occurs as dative marker after stems ending in -a and after pronouns

which take -ar as the augment, and -(g)ge elsewhere (Ramachandra Rao 1972: 59–60),

e.g. nagara-kke ‘to the town’, id-ar-kke ‘to this’, mane-ge ‘to the house’, ¯alaya-ke ‘to the

temple’, avanu

ta-kke

sikkidanu

‘he

is caught

in (lit. to) difﬁculties

’, nahu

sa˙n-

gan

yay¯ati

‘Ya

yati

, son

Nahusha

’. I

n Modern Kanna

the dative markers

are -ge/-ige and -kke.

daga: -ga is the dative sufﬁx, e.g. adu-ga ‘to that’, avaka-ga ‘to them’, mane-ga

‘to/for the house’.

lu: the markers are -ku/-k¨ı/-g¨ı with morphological complementation, e.g. kay-k¨ı ‘to

the hand’, en-k¨ı ‘to me’, j¯oku

la-g¨ı ‘to the children’, ka ˜nji-g¨ı

‘give

to the calf

’,

vy¯ap¯aro˙n-ku ‘for business’, e˙n-ku

mage

‘my

son

’.

South Dravidian II Telugu: -ki(n)/-ku(n) are the markers: -kin after stems ending in

-i, and -ku(n) elsewhere, e.g. tammul-a-ku(n) ‘to the younger brothers’, w¯an-i-ki(n) ‘to

him’, ¯ame-ku(n) ‘to her’, pani-ki ‘for work’, m¯u

duga

tal-a-ku ‘at 3 o’clock’, n¯aku

talli

‘my

mother

’. In Modern Telugu the ﬁnal -n is uniformly dropped.

Gondi: -k is the normal sufﬁx. In the Koya dialect

ku/-ki/-iki are the markers of

dative, ann¯a-n-k ‘to the elder brother’, pel-di-ki ‘for marriage’, l¯ohk-in-ki

k¯oysi

‘having cut

the grass

for (thatching) houses

’.

da: the sufﬁx -

i used for accusative and dative seems to have been derived by

combining the accusative -n with dative -k, i.e. /ng/, e.g. ba

a-di-

‘because of hunger’,

b¯u

d-di-

sona

‘I will go

for bathing

’, dokri

dokre-

veRtad

‘the old woman

said

to the old man

’, o

ta-di-

‘at

1o’clock

’.

232 Nominals

Kui: -gi is the marker of dative after stems in a ﬁnal -n,-ki is used elsewhere, e.g.

¯aba-ki ‘to father’, aja-n-gi ‘to mother’, k¯o

di-tin-gi

tinba

s¯ımu

‘give

(food) to eat

the cows

’.

Kuvi: the dative marker is uniformly -ki, e.g. m

reha-ki ‘to the man’, aya-na-ki ‘to the

woman’, karata-ki ‘because of heat’.

Pengo: has the same morpheme -a

/-i

for accusative and dative as Ko

da, e.g.

¯o

da-ti-

rin

dan

komon

‘a goat has (to the goat

, there are) two

horns

’, ¯aha-t-i

hunjavatan

‘he did not sleep

out (because) of greed

’, puni-t-i

‘come

on the

full-moon day

’.

Central Dravidian Kolami: -

after stems ending in a vowel, -u

elsewhere, e.g. ella-

‘to the house’, avar-u

‘to them’.

Naiki (Chanda): the

dative marker looks like a

semantic extension of the accusati

ve,

e.g. avn-un

¯an

entar

‘I

will tell

him

’, ¯ı r -un s¯e ‘go for water’.

Parji: in the northern dialect -g/-ug and in the southern dialect -

/-u

, e.g. ma

di-g/

di-

‘for the axe’, ¯enu-g/ ¯enu-

‘for the elephant’, p¯ap-ug/p¯ap-u

‘for the child’.

Dative uses include the indirect object, purpose, cause, etc.; e.g. c¯epid-ug ‘for the broom’,

r ˜nil-ug ‘because of mosquitoes’.

Ollari: the dative markers are -

/-i

/-u

, e.g. an-u

‘to me’, s¯ur-u

‘for selling’, a

t-u

‘for beating’.

Gadaba: the accusative–dative are marked by -n/-un/-in, e.g. gon

dsa-n (spelt go

nsa-n

by the author) ‘squirrel’ (acc), vars-in ‘paddy’, elb-un ‘white ant’. The accusative–dative

is said to be identical with the oblique–genitive (Bhaskararao 1980: 20–1).

North Dravidian Ku

rux: the dative is -g¯e, e.g. ¯en

¯as-g¯e

ci-ck-an

‘I

gave

him

’,

g¯a-g¯e

dhib¯a

mal¯ı

‘to me

there is no

money

’.

Malto: the sufﬁxes are -k/-ik occurring after vowel-ending and consonant-ending

stems, respectively, e.g. male-k ‘to a man’, mal-er-ik ‘to men’ (Mahapatra 1979:

68–70).

Brahui: the accusative -e is also used as dative, e.g. shar-exu

rk ‘near to the town’.

Summary For Central Dra

vidian we need to reconstruct

∗

-ng (< PD

∗

-nk). Naiki seems

to have lost the original dative sufﬁx and extended semantically the accusative for dative

meanings. In South Dravidian II Ko

da and Pengo innovated a morpheme for accusative

and dative traceable to

∗

-n-g. The remaining South Dravidian I and II languages require

∗

-kkV which is weakened to -kV [-gV] in some members, Ko

dagu, Kanna

da, Ba

daga

and Tu

lu in South Dravidian I and Kui in South Dravidian II. In North Dravidian, only

rux and Malto require a velar in reconstruction

∗

-kV. On comparative grounds we

6.3 Cases 233

can reconstruct for Proto-Dravidian

∗

-nk alternating with

∗

-nkk with the loss of nasal in

many of the languages of South Dravidian I and South Dravidian II. One also needs to

look at the possible inﬂuence of NIA dative, which is predominantly represented by a

velar consonant.

The use of

∗

-Vn reconstructed for accusative is noticed to have been extended to

dative meaning in some of the languages, e.g. OTa. vi

zav-i

celvam

‘we will go

to the

festival

’, Ma. celav-inu ‘to the expenditure’, Ku

r. ¯en

¯ı s -in

...¯ankan

‘I

told

him

’.

The other languages use the dative case sufﬁx with verbs meaning ‘to go, come’ or ‘to

say, speak’. Shanmugam (1971a: 379) assumes that locative

∗

-in is used in a dative sense

here, but this proposal is doubtful. It is possible that the Proto-Dravidian accusative

∗

-Vn

survives in

Tamil

–Malay¯a

lam only in these

cases and not as a marker of

direct object.

The extension of the accusative to dative in Naiki and Ku

rux could be under the inﬂuence

of their Indo-Aryan neighbours.

6.3.2.3 Genitive case

The augments added to form oblique stems in many languages also signal the gen-

itive case. In other words, the oblique stem may optionally function as an adjective

when it qualiﬁes a noun head, e.g. Te. i

ti-oblofillu ‘house’. It is a morphologi-

cal construction when followed by case markers, e.g. i

ti-ki ‘to the house’, but it has

a syntactic function (i.e. becomes a genitive stem) when followed by another noun,

e.g. i

ti pedda ‘head of the house’. Several languages have postpositions meaning ‘be-

longing to’ to denote a periphrastic genitive. This is at least true of South Dravidian I

and II.

South Dravidian I Tamil: Classical Tamil has -a and -atu/-¯atu in genitive, e.g. maratt-a

k¯o

(KT 99.4) ‘branch

of a tree

’, ninn-a

(PN 45.3) ‘your

garland

’, v¯entan-

atu

zil¯e

‘the duty

of the king

’ (Ai˙nk. 451), tan-¯atu

¯ur

(Cil. 2.8.3) ‘his

village

’.

The augments -a

n and -in are also used as markers of genitive, e.g. at-anniram ‘its

chest’ (Kali 52: 3–4), palav-i

cinai

‘branch of

a jack fruit tree

’.

The postpositional noun u

tai ‘wealth, possession’ and its adnominal form u

taiya ‘be-

longing to’ are used more frequently in later Tamil (Modern Tamil also ¯o

de) as genitive

markers, e.g. avar-u

tai

n¯a

‘his

country

’, tamm-u

taiya

‘his

kindness

’.

Malay¯a

lam has the derivatives of u

tai, u

taiya in genitive.

Iru

la marks the genitive by -a (after personal pronouns) or -ttu (elsewhere), e.g. nan-a

‘my’, mara-ttu

pammu

‘fruit of tree’ (Perialwar 1978b: 24–5). Zvelebil (1973: 19) lists

-tu,-ttu,-te,-

te as ‘possessive’ case markers, but does not give their distribution.

Kota: the genitive sufﬁx is -d apparently related to OTa. -atu, e.g. en-d ‘my’, c¯aym-d

‘God’s’, mar-t-d ‘of tree’.

234 Nominals

Toda: the augments -n (<

∗

-Vn), -t,-d-, -θ are used in a possessive sense (for distri-

butional statements, see Emeneau 1984: 75–6). -d (<

∗

at-V) is used, en

ok-n

¯o

‘my

elder sister’s

husband

’, kor-d

k¯ol

‘calf’s

leg

’.

Kanna

da: the genitive is expressed by -a/-¯a and the augment -da, e.g. avar-¯a

maga

‘his (pol)

daughter

’, a´svam¯edha-da

phala

‘the fruit of

the horse-sacriﬁce

’.

In Old Kanna

da atu (? <

∗

-att-) was also used in genitive, en-atu

´sauryam

‘my

valour

’.

daga: -a is the genitive sufﬁx, e.g. aman-a ‘his’, avkar-a ‘their’.

lu: -a is the genitive sufﬁx added to stems with the augments -t/-d/-n, e.g. kay-t-a

‘of hand’, ka ˜nji-d-a ‘of calf’, ¯aya-n-a ‘his’.

South Dravidian II Telugu: Old Telugu has -du/-adu in the genitive, e.g. n¯ı-du

karu

‘your

mercy

’. All oblique stems in the singular may also carry genitive meaning when

followed by noun heads. In the plural -a is added to plural sufﬁx as an augment before case

sufﬁxes. The oblique stem also functions as an adnominal form, bomma-l-a

koluwu

‘show

of dolls

’.

Gondi: the genitive sufﬁxes are -n¯a/-v¯a/-¯a, e.g. n¯a

t-n¯a ‘of the village’, m¯ı-v¯a ‘your

(pl)’, kall¯e-n-¯a ‘of thief ’, kuh¯ı-t-¯a ‘of well’. In the Koya dialect, the genitive sufﬁx is -a

or -i, e.g. mald-a ‘of peacock’, tapp¯e-n-i ‘father’s’ (Tyler 1969; Shanmugam 1971a:

321–2).

da: the oblique sufﬁxes -ti/-di/-Ri,-a and -i also function as genitive sufﬁxes

(Krishnamurti 1969a: 252), e.g. kusa-di

¯eru

‘boiled water

of vegetables

’, goro-ti

da d¯evu

‘the Ko

da God

of hills

’, vank-a

¯aram

‘their

(n-m pl) food

’,

anar-i

n¯a

‘elder brothers’

village

’. The only non-augment type of genitive is -

which occurs with some stems, r¯as-k-a-

ni ‘belonging to kings’, n¯a

to-

ni ‘of the village’.

Here, there is a semantic fusion between possession and location.

Kui: the oblique stem is used in the

genitive,

rehe-n-i ‘of man’, aja-n-i ‘of mother’.

Kuvi: -i is the genitive sign added to the oblique stems in ﬁnal -t or -n, e.g. m

reha-t-i

‘of man’, aya-n-i ‘of woman’, ka

da-

a-t-i ‘of rivers’.

Pengo: the genitive marker is -i, d¯es-t-i

r¯aja

‘the king

of the country

’, k¯al-d-i

r¯en

‘bone

of leg

’.

Central Dravidian Kolami: -e after n-ending stems and -ne elsewhere represent the

genitive case, e.g. ann-e ‘my’, kis-ne ‘of ﬁre’.

Naik

ri has -¯e/-n¯e as genitive markers, avan-¯e ‘his’, sup-n¯e¯ır‘salt water’; Naiki

(Chanda): -e/-ne mark the genitive case, e.g. pul-ne

tala

‘head

of tiger

’, ummel-e ‘of

mosquito’; -ta/-

ta also mean ‘pertaining to’, am-e

¯ur-ta

¯op

‘god

of our

village

’

(see section 6.3.1.1).

6.3 Cases 235

Parji: the genitive markers are -n/-in and -ta/-to of which -t represents the augment,

e.g. k¯oc-in ‘king’s’, t¯ate-n ‘of father’, mer-t-o evul ‘leaves of the tree’, polub-t-a

p¯av

‘village

path

’.

Ollari: -n/-in in phonological complementation represent the genitive; these are said

to be in free variation with -

/-i

, e.g. s¯epal-in ‘girl’s’, ayal-i

garn

‘wife’s

cloth

’,

¯ı

k¯onde-

k¯orgul

‘this

cow’s

horns

’; -ne is also used as the genitive marker, e.g.

kor-ne cen

di ‘cock’s comb’.

North Dravidian Ku

rux: several sufﬁxes are said to mark the genitive, -gahi,-hi,-ta,

-¯a,-nt¯a, according to different authors, e.g. ¯al-gahi ‘of the man’ (LSI), ¯alas-hi

kit¯ab

‘man’s

book

’, p¯up-ta

‘colour

of the ﬂower

’, padda-nt¯a

p¯ab

‘road

of the

village

’ (Shanmugam 1971a: 358–9).

Malto: the genitive marker -ki appears to have been borrowed from Hindi/Bengali,

e.g. male-ki ‘of the man’, maqe-ki

‘the boy’s hand’. There is agreement between

the genitive case and the head noun, e.g. ta

gade-ki-

pel-

barca-

‘the son’s

wife

came

’. This feature of agreement

also suggests Indo-Aryan in

ﬂuence.

Brahui: -t-¯a,-n-¯a mark the genitive of which -t/-n are oblique augments; hence -¯a is

the genitive marker, e.g. khar¯as-t¯a ‘of the bull’, t¯e-n¯a

hull¯ı

‘your

horse

’.

Summary (i) The sufﬁx a/¯a has wider distribution in the family, e.g. SD I: Tamil,

Kanna

da, Ba

daga, Tu

lu; South Dravidian II: Telugu, Gondi, Ko

da; North Dravidian:

rux, Brahui. In some of the languages, the sufﬁx follows the augments -t/-n. (ii) The

sufﬁx -in as genitive occurs in South Dravidian I: Tamil,

Toda and CD: Parji, Ollari,

Gadaba. (iii) -atu/-tu occurs in South Dravidian I: Tamil, Kota, Toda; South Dravidian II:

Old Telugu, mostly in the case of forming the genitives of personal pronouns. (iv) The

sufﬁx -i, which is not likely to be related to -in, is found in human nouns in South

Dravidian II: Telugu, Ko

da, Gondi and Pengo.

(i) and (ii) can be reconstructed for Proto-Dravidian; (iii) was probably an innovation

in Proto-South-Dravidian. (iv) is reconstructible for South Dravidian II.

6.3.2.4 Instrumental–sociative

The instrumental has two meanings: the instrumental meaning, i.e. ‘by means of (an

instrument)’ or the sociative,

i.e. ‘in company with’, or ‘possessing a state like hap-

piness, anger etc.’ In some languages, both the meanings are expressed by the same

marker, but in others, by different markers.

Other designations of this case are comitative, associative. There is an element of universality

in the instrumental being used in both the meanings, ‘instrument’ and ‘in company with’, cf. Te.

-t¯o English with, Hindi -se and Sanskrit saha.

236 Nominals

The instrumental case is mark

ed by Ta. -

¯a

n/-¯al,

Ma. -¯al,Ko.To.-¯al/-¯ar; e.g. Ta.

vill-i

n-¯al ‘with the bow’, kai-y-¯an ‘by hand’, Ma. r¯oga-tt-¯al ‘because of/by disease’,

Ir. -¯ale, nan-an-¯ale ‘by me’ (only with human nouns or pronouns), Ko. em-¯al ‘by us’,

n-¯ar ‘by the eye’. Kanna

da has -iM,-in,-inda following the oblique formatives -Ø

or -d, naya-d-iM ‘with politeness’, iv-a

r-iM ‘from these things’, adhik¯ara-d-inda ‘with

authority’ (soc), k¯ol-inda ‘by a stick’, ivand-ir-inda ‘from these persons’.

Ta. o

tu, ¯o

tu, u

n ‘with, in the company of’ are used as the markers of sociative

(comitative) case, e.g.

OTa.

iva

l-¯o

v¯a

ziya

‘may you prosper

with this woman

’ (Pat.

21:37–8), k¯al-o

tu ‘with the wind’ (Na

rr 2:9), evvam-o

tu ‘with distress’, ki

lai-u

tan ‘with

relatives’. Ma. ¯o

te: vastra

ŋŋ

l-¯o

te ‘with clothes’; Toda has -w¨ı

r ‘with’ for sociative, e.g.

kurb-w¨ı

r ‘with Kurumbas’. Kanna

da has -o

dane as a sociative marker. The Tu

lu markers

da,-

ta,-a

ta may be related to PSD

∗

t-V: nin-a

ta ‘with you’, ka ˜nji-

da ‘with the calf’

(soc), but the vowel quality poses a problem.

In South Dravidian II, Old Telugu had -an in instrumental sense, e.g. k¯ol(a)-an ‘by

an arrow’. The postpositions -t¯o,-t¯on, t¯o

d-an are used in instrumental and sociative

meanings, c¯et-an ‘by means of ’ (lit. ‘by the hand’) used for a noun meaning a ‘human

instrument’ or the causee Agent occurring as a complement of true causative or passive

verbs; Modern Telugu uses the latter two. Examples: katti-t¯o(n) ‘with a knife’ (instr),

s¯ıta- t¯o ‘with Sita’ (soc), Sugr¯ıwu

du R¯amuni -c¯eta W¯alini camp-inc-enu ‘Sugriva caused

Wali to be killed by Rama’, W¯ali R¯amuni-c¯eta campa -ba

denu ‘Wali was killed by Rama’.

In Gondi -¯e is the instrumental–locative marker, e.g. kay-d-¯e ‘with the hand’, r¯us¯ı-n-¯e

‘with knives’. In some of the dialects it is -e/-i. In many dialects -al (<

∗

-¯al) is used

as instrumental–ablative, curi-t-al ‘by knife’, r¯o-t-al ‘from home’. Ko

da has -a

d as

instrumental–ablative, e.g. gu

du-d-a

d ‘by a bullet’, ¯agasam-d-a

d ‘from the sky’. For

sociative, Ko

da uses the postposition -vale, n¯a vale ‘with me’. Kui uses -ke/-ge in

sociative meaning, e.g. aja-n-ge ‘with the mother’, m¯a-ke ‘with us’. A postposition -tole

is used in Kuvi for instrumental, e.g. h¯epor-tole ‘with broom’. In Pengo the instrumental

is marked by the postpositions -huda

,-laha

,-hoke, e.g. n¯ali-huda

‘with a gun’,

giya-hoke ‘with an axe’.

None of the sufﬁxes provides the basis for reconstruction of an instrumental in South

Dravidian II. It is not certain if OTe. -an (instr–loc) and Ko

da -a

d are related to

Pre-Tamil -¯an/-¯al.

Among the Central Dravidian languages Kolami has -a

d/-na

d,-inn-a

d ‘by you’, gollin-

d ‘with the bow’. Naiki (Chanda) has -la/-le for instrumental–ablative, e.g. suri-la ‘with

a knife’; -t-al and -a

r are the other markers of ablative, e.g. por-t-al ‘from top’, id-a

‘from here’. For sociative, a postposition -nokon is used: t¯ole-nokon ‘with father’. Parji

In Old Tamil -¯an is said to have both genitive and locative meanings.

6.3 Cases 237

instrumental–sociative is marked by -o

d/-no

d which is cognate with Kolami -a

d/-na

d and

Naiki -a

r.Tu

lu instrumental -

da seems closer to these than any other; Pa. c¯epid-o

d ‘with a

broom’, ¯on-o

d ‘with him’, inn-o

d ‘with you’. Ollari has -n¯al for instrumental–sociative,

e.g. ko

tal-n¯al ‘with a spade’, kuse-n¯al ‘with vegetables’. For Central Dravidian it appears

we can reconstruct -a

d ∼ -na

d as instrumental–sociative. Ollari -n¯al corresponds to

OTa. -¯al.

rux and Malto have non-native instrumental markers: Ku

r. -tr¯ı/-tr¯u ‘through’, e.g.

g-tr¯ı ‘by me’, Malt. -t/-et/-it, e.g. maler-it ‘by men’, man-et ‘by the tree’, male-t ‘by

the man’, k¯ı

r-et ‘because of hunger’. Brahui instrumental is marked by -a

t, d¯u-a

t ‘by

hand’; -to/-ton are used in instrumental–sociative meanings, and look very much like Te.

-t¯o(n), e.g. n¯am¯ar¯a-to ‘with your son’, n¯a ¯ılum-ton ‘with your brother’, la

ta-to ‘with

the stick’. -t¯o(n) can be reconstructed for Proto-Dravidian in view of their occurrence in

Telugu and Brahui in both the meanings of the instrumental case, i.e. instrumental and

sociative.

Pre-Tamil -¯al/-¯a

n looks related to Ollari -n¯al. SD I (Tamil–Malay¯a

lam–Kota–

Kanna

da–Ba

daga) sociative

∗

-o

tu/

∗

-¯o

tu,Tu

lu instrumental -

da/-

ta, and CD -a

d/-o

d are

said to be related (Shanmugam 1971a: 376–7).

6.3.2.5 Ablative

In most of the languages the ablative of motion is rendered by postpositions meaning

‘having stayed (in a place)’. In several languages the instrumental and ablative or the

locative and ablative have identical markers. A review will show that the case meaning

was present in Proto-Dravidian but not an exclusive marker.

Old Tamil used -i

n for ablative, comparative and instrumental, e.g. malai-y-in ‘from

the hill’, va

t-i

n ‘like the bee’, va

li-y-in ‘by the air’, ka

n-inn¯okki ‘having seen with

the eyes’. In Kanna

da -im/-in/-inda are instrumental–ablative, ke

rey-im ‘from the lake’.

daga ablative is -enda, e.g. aman-enda ‘from him’. Tu

lu ablative markers are -tt¨ı/-ntu,

e.g. ka

do-ntu ‘from the ﬁeld’.

In South Dravidian II, Telugu has only a postposition for ablative. Gondi has -al

for instrumental–ablative traceable to PD

∗

-¯al.Ko

da instrumental–ablative is -a

du-d-a

d ‘by a stick’, ¯agasam-d-a

d ‘from the sky’. There is another kind of ab-

lative in -

added to the oblique–genitive stems of certain ‘place’ nouns marked by

ni, abe-

ni-

‘from there’, inro-

ni-

‘from the house’ (Krishnamurti 1969a: 257–8).

The only bound form in Kui is -

ti for ablative ‘motion from’, kui-

ti ‘from above’,

lai-

ti ‘from inside’ etc. Kuvi also has -

ti with [−human] nouns, ilu-

ti ‘from house’,

ilk-a-

ti ‘from houses’ (Israel 1979: 70–1). Pengo instrumental–ablative is marked by

-a

, k¯al-d-a

‘with foot’, joyl-t-a

‘from the jail’ (Burrow and Bhattacharya 1970:

39).

238 Nominals

Kolami uses the instrumental -a

d/-na

d in some cases, e.g. ind- a

d ‘from here’. In Naiki

(Chanda) the instrumental–ablative is marked by -la, suri-la ‘with a knife’, a

r-la

‘from the market’; -a

r and -tal (?t-al) are also used as ablative markers with place nouns,

ad-a

r ‘from there’, por-t-al ‘from the top’. Parji has several sufﬁxes for the ablative, -i,

-ug/-u

,-ar/-are, e.g. mer-t-i ‘from the tree’, kon-t-ug, kon-t-ar ‘from the mountain’,

juvi-t-are ‘from the well’. Ollari has -u

for ablative, mar-

t-u

‘from the tree’. In Gadaba,

the ablative marker -u

t follows the augment -k, e.g. ule-k-u

t ‘from the house’, m¯are-k-u

‘from the tree’ (Suvarchala 1992: 87–90).

In Ku

rux -t¯ı expresses instrumental–ablative, e.g. parta-t¯ı ‘from the mountain’,

Rancin-t¯ı ‘from Ranchi’. This is also used in comparison, e.g. ¯as

gan t¯ı

k¯oh’¯a

taldas

‘he

is greater

than I

’. Malto

ablative is marked by -

nte after human

nouns

ending in a vowel, -inte after those ending in a consonant, and -te elsewhere, e.g. male-

nte ‘from a man’, maler-inte ‘from men’. Like Ku

rux, -t¯ı is also used as another marker

of the ablative. In Brahui, the ablative sufﬁx is -¯an, tugh

-¯an ‘from sleep’; it is also used

to mark instrumental and comparative cases.

Gondi -al, Naiki (Chanda) -al and Brahui -¯an marking ablative appear to be related to

SDI-¯al/-¯an instrumental. Even K

da -a

d seems to belong to this

set. There seems to

be syncretism in the use

of three case markers, instr

umental, ablative and locativ

e. SD I

-in, Parji -t-i,Ku

rux–Malto t-¯ı used for ab

lative seem to be basically

Proto-Dravidian

locativ

e suf

ﬁxes.

6.3.2.6 Locative

Only some of the languages have a locative case marker. Most languages use different

postpositions meaning ‘place, direction’. Even where a primary case sufﬁx is used, it

is also found in other case meanings. There are no exclusive, non-overlapping locative

case markers.

Old Tamil has -il/-i

n as locative signs occurring with inanimate nouns and pronouns,

maruk-i

n ‘in the street’, irav-in ‘at night’, cilamp-il ‘in the mountain’; -ttu has a locative

meaning with certain place and weather words, nilam ‘ground’: nila-ttu ‘on the ground’

(Shanmugam 1971a:273). Malay¯a

lam also has il, e.g. ava

l-il ‘in her’. Kota has -l and

Toda -

s/-z, related to pre-Tamil

∗

-il, e.g. Ko. marm-t-l ‘in the tree’, Toda has -s (<

∗

-l)

with variants in ˇs, ˇz,

z, e.g. ¨ır-

s ‘among the buffaloes’. Ko

dagu locative marker is -l¨ı,

e.g. mane-l¨ı, t¯o

ta-t-l¨ı.

In Tu

lu the locative sufﬁx is marked by -

t¨ı/-

tu or -

d¨ı/-

d¨ı, e.g. p¯u-

t¨ı ‘in the ﬂower’,

ka ˜nji-

d¨ı ‘on the calf ’. In Old Tamil u

n was used as one of the postpositions in locative

meaning, e.g. cilam-u

n ‘in the hill’ (Shanmugam 1971a: 276).

Suvarchala separates -t and -k as augments in Parji and Gadaba, respectively. The authors of the

descriptive grammars have not proposed this segmentation.

6.3 Cases 239

Old Telugu had a homophonous marker for both instrumental and locative, namely

-a(n), c¯et-an ‘in hand’, i

t-an ‘in the house’. Modern Telugu uses this form only in some

limited expressions like poddu-n-a(n) ‘in the morning’, kind-a ‘below’, m¯ıd-a ‘above’,

dama-

t-a(n) ‘in the west’, in which the case sufﬁx got incorporated into the lexeme

of the stem. Gondi -te/-de is used both for instrumental and locative, e.g. n¯a

t-e ‘in the

village’. In Ko

da -to/-do (→ -

ro) marks the locative after some place nouns, e.g. n¯a

t-o

(← n¯a

t-to), -tu/-du/-Ru in others, e.g. ga

da-du ‘in the river’; in the case of plural oblique

stems in ﬁnal -a, the locative is marked by -

, pa

nku-

-a-

‘on the stones’. In Kui -a

occurs as the locative marker, e.g. paheri-a ‘in the road’. Burrow and Bhattacharya

(1961: 128) noticed -ta in the dialects that they studied, e.g. neppi-ta ‘on the shoulder’.

Kuvi locative

is -

ta, e.g. ka

da-ta ‘in the river’; -to is also used, e.g. n¯ayu ‘village’:

n¯a

t-o ‘in the village’. Pengo marks the locative by -to, e.g. gu

di-to ‘in the hut’; after

plural nouns the locative is -a

,?key-(ku-)k-a

‘in the hands’. Except Telugu, the other

South-Central languages mark the locative by a dental stop followed by a vowel, -a/-e

or -u/-o.

In the Central Dravidian languages the locative can be deriv

ed from PD

∗

-Vn, e.g.

Nk. (Ch.) ku

d-in ‘on the wall’, Oll. ki-t-in ‘on the hand’, Gad. m¯are-t-in ‘in a tree’;

-un is found in some stems, e.g. Nk. (Ch.) ¯ur-un ‘in the village’, Oll. so

r-t-un ‘in the

ﬁeld’, Gad. polub-t-un ‘into the village’. Kolami has -t in locative, comparable to Ta.

-ttu and Ko

da -tu/-du, e.g. ella-t ‘in the house’, ¯ur-t ‘into the village’ (Suvarchala

1992:

–8).

Parji has several markers for

the locative, -

i,-ti,-el and

the postposi-

tions ka/kan, e.g. ¯ı polub-t-i ‘in this village’, meram-el ‘in the jungle’, v¯aye-k-el ‘in the

ﬁeld’.

rux and Malto use -n¯u for the locative, e.g. Ku

r. e

dpa-n¯u ‘in the house’, Malt.

¯alar-n¯u ‘in/among men’. Mahapatra (1979: 73) gives -no/-ino as the locative marker

in Malto, e.g. man-no ‘in the tree’, maler-ino ‘in the people’. Brahui has two sets of

markers: -¯a

¯ı, ¯ai (dialectally -¯a) and -is/-isk/-ik not apparently related to those in the other

two languages, shahr-¯a

t¯ı ‘in the town’, xar¯as-¯a ‘on the bull’. The second set means ‘near,

in the vicinity of, etc.’, e.g. mash-is ‘near the hill’.

The markers

∗

-il/

∗

-in account for South Dravidian I and Central Dravidian markers.

Hence they can be reconstructed for Proto-Dravidian. Malto -ino/-no and Ku

r.–Malt.

-n¯u may be related with the loss of the ﬁrst vowel to this; then the reconstruction goes

to Proto-Dravidian. Old Telugu -an for instrumental–locative has already been com-

pared with SD I

∗

-¯an/

∗

-¯al. Perhaps Parji -el (in which Pre-Parji a became e before

∗

l, see section 4.4.5) is also cognate with this. In Kanna

da -in has an ablative

meaning, while the locative is expressed by a postposition. On the basis of Ta.–Ma.

-ttu used in the locative and SD II -tu/-du, we can reconstruct

∗

-ttV as another loca-

tive sufﬁx. In the locative case there is an abundance of postpositions used by all the

languages.

240 Nominals

6.3.3 Postpositions

Postpositions are historically independent words, which perform the function of case

markers. They are sometimes added to stems already inﬂected with bound case markers.

Alternatively they occur after the oblique stems of nouns in the place of bound cases.

Some of the nominal postpositions also have oblique forms to which case signs can be

added. It is not possible to reconstruct most of the postpositions for Proto-Dravidian

but the semantic categories represented by them seem to be a shared feature of many

of the languages, like ‘near, above, below, front, back, up to (space and time), because

of, for the purpose of, compared to’, etc. Some of these are in the process of becoming

grammaticalized, i.e. they have lost their autonomous status as words. Some are frozen

words, which are not used elsewhere with the same meaning. Both Dravidian and Indo-

Aryan have several such postpositions.

South

Dravidian I

Tamil: ko

tu ‘having

taken

’ (past

participle of

l ‘to tak

’) wa

used in the Instrumental meaning in Old Tamil, e.g. k¯ol

taikkum

‘(some one)

will beat

with

(lit. holding) the stick

’. For ablative Old Tamil has ninru ‘having stood’,

iruntu ‘having been’, e.g. n¯ır ni

nru ‘from water’, k¯alai-iruntu ‘from morning’. In the

ablative the verbal participles ni

nru ‘having stayed’ (← nil + ntu, nil ‘to stand’), iruntu

‘having been’ (ppl of iru to be), e.g. n¯ır ni

nru ‘from water’, k¯alai iruntu ‘from morning’.

The postposition u

tai ‘possession’ [DEDR 593] is more common as a genitive marker

with animate nouns and pronouns than the bound markers, e.g. avar-u

tai ‘their’, pari-y-

tai ‘of horse’. Many postpositions were used in Old Tamil in the locative case, ka

n, k¯al,

akam ‘inside’, u

l/o

l ‘inside’ [DEDR 698], p¯al, ka

tai ‘place’, va

zi, mutal ‘beginning’,

talai ‘?space’, m¯el ‘above’, varai ‘up to (place)’, vayi

n ‘with’, etc. (Shanmugam 1971a:

274–8).

Spoken Tamil (Schiffman 1999: 29–44) uses a number of postpositions (grammat-

icalized, inﬂected nouns or verbs), e.g. ki

te in a dative sense for human possession,

en-ki

nam

irukku

‘I have money’ (lit. ‘in my possession

, there is

money

’); it

has an ablative meaning when followed by irundu. The postpositions s¯endu ‘together

with’, m¯ulam ‘through’, var

‘up to,

until

’ occur

with nouns in the nominative;

k¯u

‘along with’, m¯ele ‘above’, pakkam ‘near’, k¯ı

ze ‘below’, a

de ‘near’ occur with nomi-

native or genitive; ¯aha ‘on behalf of ’, a

diyle ‘at the bottom of’, edire ‘opposite’, m¯ele

‘above’, u

le ‘inside of ’, etc. occur with nouns in the dative, e.g. v¯ı

tukku edire ‘opposite

the house’; s¯ettu ‘together’, p¯attu ‘at, towards’, tavira ‘except for, besides’, etc. occur

with stems inﬂected in the accusative, enne tavira ‘besides me’.

Malay¯a

lam has ko

tu as instrumental (arici-ko

tu ‘with rice’) and il nin

ru, later il

ninnu, as ablative postpositions. The latter have developed into -innu,-¯ınnu and -nnu

through grammaticalization, e.g. viruttiy-il nin

ru ‘from the land’, m¯el-¯ınnu ‘from above’,

v¯ı

t-iy-nnu ‘from the house’; k¯u

te is used as comitative postposition.