Kolodziejczyk Dariusz. The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania (ENG)

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884 document 48 (24 october–2 november 1624)

erefore, I promise to rmly and inviolably keep this letter of agreement

[ list przymierny] along with the matters, articles, and clauses recorded in it

from its beginning to its end, until the end of my days, and we conrm it by the

oath made upon the almighty and merciful God and our Prophet. And in order

to further raise its validity, we have impressed the seal with our own brotherly

hand. Hence the divine peace to the good ones!

Written in the second decade

of the month named Muharrem of the year

1034, that is in the middle of the month of January of the year 1625.

On the seal: <Sultan>

Mehmed Giray Khan,

son of Sa‘adet Giray Khan

is must be an imprecise translation of the standard Arabic formula ve`s-selam

‘ala men ittaba‘a`l-Hüda (“salutation unto whomsoever has followed the right path

[i.e., Islam]!”), typically entered by Muslim chanceries at the end of a document; cf.

Document 35.

e Polish phrase we środku (“in the middle”) is an apparent translation of the

Turkish term evasıt (lit. “the middle”) referring to the second, middle decade of a

month.

Sic; the second decade of Muharrem 1034 A.H. lasted from 24 October till 2

November 1624. e reference to January is an obvious mistake by Otwinowski or

a later Polish copyist. Perhaps it refers to the month when the Crimean envoy, Sefer

Ghazi Bey, delivered the present document at the royal court. On the identity of the

Crimean envoy, not mentioned in the present document, see n. 399 in Part I.

e Turkish inscription apparently read: Mehmed Gėrey Han bin Sa‘adet Gėrey

Han. In the Crimean Khanate the term sultan referred to a prince from the Giray

family but it was inappropriate for the khan.

Sa‘adet II Giray (r. 1584), the grandson of Devlet Giray and son of Mehmed II

Giray, was favorized by his father against his uncles and appointed the rst nured-

din in the Crimean history (cf. Document 44, n. 6). Aer the deposition and death

of Mehmed II Giray, Sa‘adet Giray appealed for the Nogay support and temporarily

removed his uncle Islam II Giray from the throne. Yet, aer a few months of reign he

was defeated by the Ottoman troops sent to support Islam II Giray. He took refuge in

Astrakhan and died between the years 1587-1591, perhaps killed on the tsar’s order

due to suspicions of his pro-Ottoman activity among the Nogays; cf. Vinogradov,

“Russko-krymskie otnošenija v 1570-1590-x gg.,” p. 292.

DOCUMENT 49 (26 SEPTEMBER–5 OCTOBER 1632)

e ‘ahdname sent by Khan Djanibek Giray to the Polish king

[Facs. V]

Original paper document in Turkish (Crimean Tatar mixed with Ottoman

Turkish): AGAD, AKW, Dz. tat., k. 63, t. 21, no. 481.

89.5 x 35 cm. (2 sheets glued together)

invocation (gold): divani script

tuġra (gold with blue, green, greyish, and red): 23 x 26 cm.

text (black with gold insertions): divani script

the black almond-like seal of Djanibek Giray (1.7 cm. in height) is impressed

at the bottom

Published in Materialy dlja istorii Krymskago xanstva, pp. 85–88.

Polish 17th-century translation by Samuel Otwinowski: a) AGAD, AKW, Dz.

tat., k. 63, t. 21, no. 482 (copied by Antoni Crutta from the Turkish docu-

ment’s reverse side); b) Bibl. Czart., ms. 611, pp. 491–496; c) Bibl. Czart., ms.

128 (Teki Naruszewicza), pp. 717–724.

Hüve at-tavq an-nasir al-mübin

Canibek Gėrey Han sözümüz

[1] Uluġ orda ve uluġ yurtnıŋ ve taht-i Qırımnıŋ ve Deşt-i Qıpçaqnıŋ ve

sansız hem Tatarnıŋ ve saġışsız köp Noġaynıŋ ve taġ çıġlay Çerkesniŋ

ve Tat bile Tavgaçnıŋ

[2] ve din-i mübin ve islam-i din-i mü’mininniŋ uluġ padişahı ve uluġ

hanı ‘azametlü Canibek Gėrey Han hazretleriniŋ edame`llahu ta‘ala

ila yevmi`l-mizan eyyam-i nusretindin

[3] uluġ orda ve uluġ yurtnıŋ ve köp memleketlerniŋ ve köp Hrıstyannıŋ

uluġ padişahı qarındaşım Lėh qıralı bolġan qıral musadaqat-iştimal

hazretlerine köpdin köp selam

[4] qılıp nedir haliŋiz yahşımısız hoşmısız dėb

haliŋiz ve hem hatırıŋuz

sorġanmızdan soŋra muhabbet birle i‘lam-i yarlıġ-i şerif ve iam-i

tebliġ-i ‘ahdname-i münif oldur ki bundan

[5] burun vezirimiz Mehemmed Aġaya Bar hetmanıŋuzdan bir niçe kerre

mektub bile siz qardaşımız tarafındın uzun uzaq ‘ömr-i ahırġaça barış

yarış bolurġa bildirgen ėkendir

[6] aġamız Mehemmed Aġa dahi hetmanıŋuzġa hat yazıp öz ayiniŋizçe uluġ

sem qılıb barça yurt beyleriŋüz bile kėngeş kılġaynıŋuzdansoŋra qıral

hazretlerindin icazet alıb

It can be also read deyib.

886 document 49 (26 september–5 october 1632)

[7] söziŋüz qarar bulduqdansoŋra çın söz bile yahşı kişiŋüz yibergeysiz taqı

burunġı ‘adet üzere uluġ hazinemizni yiberip Öziden qazaqlarıŋuznı

çıqarıp min ba‘d dahi

[8] Öziġe qazaqlarıŋıznı salmaġaysız işbu ‘ahd üzere muhkem turup bizni

inandırġaysız biz dahi han hazretleri efendimizge ‘arz qılıp yahşılıqġa

çalışırmız dėgen

[9] birbirleri bile aralarında söz bolġan mektubları barġan kėlgen ėkendir

hala Bar hetmanıŋuz Kinas İstanislav Polisqav

dan aġamız Mehmed

Aġaya hat kėlip

[10] hattında yazıdır kim qıral hazretleri yanına bardım yurt beylerinden

barçaları bile söyleşdim uluġ sem bile qavl alışdım sa‘adetli han haz-

retleri bile uzun

[11] uzaq barış yarış bolıb uluġ hazineni yiberib dostuŋuzġa dost

tüşmanıŋuzġa tüşman bolıb Özüden qazaqlarnı çıqardım barça hid-

metni baŋa tefviz

[12] ve sifariş qıldılar qıral sözi beyler sözi ve re‘ayamız sözi ve barça yahşılıq

sözlerni bizdin bilgeysiz han hazretlerine bildirgeysiz dėp tafsil ėtken

[13] sebebli vezirimiz ve hem qapu aġamız bolġan Mehmed Aġa dame

iqbalühü dahi devlet ayaġımıza baş urub hetmanıŋuz sözin bildirmegin

mėn uluġ Canibek Gėrey Han hazretlerimiz

[14] siz uluġ qardaşımız qıral hazretleri bile uzun uzaq ‘ömr-i ahırġaça dost

olmaqnı ma‘qul körüb aġamız Mehmed Aġa Bar hetmanıŋuzġa i‘tiqad

ėtken sebebli barışlıqnı

[15] qabul qılıp siz qardaşımız hatırasıyçün vilayetiŋüzge cavlay varacak

Qırım ‘askerimizni Masqav

memleketlerine yiberdik Allahu tebareke

ve ta‘ala ‘amme nevalühü ve tevali hazretleri ‘inayeti

[16] bile ol ‘askerimiz mansur olub ġanaim-i bi-şümarla saġ ve salim ve toq-i

doyum vilayetimüze kėldiler Bar hetmanıŋuz sözünçe siz qardaşımız

qıral hazretleri huzuruŋuzga barışub

[17] qıdvetü`l-ümera’i`l-kiram zübdetü`l-kübera’i`l-ham içki beylerimiz-

den Külük oġlanları soyundan İbrahim Bey dame iclalühüni uluġ elçi

başı qılıb tėt bahşısı bile yiberdim

[18] ve buyurdum ki mėn uluġ padişah Canibek Gėrey Han hazretleri bile

uzun uzaq ‘ömr-i ahırġaça dost qarındaş bolurday bolsaŋuz burunġı

‘adet üzere uluġ

[19] hazinemizden kamil beş yıllıq hazinemizini yibergeysiz taqı Özü

qazaqlarıŋuznı Öziden çıqarġay ve min ba‘d dahi Öziġe qazaqlarıŋızdan

bir qazaq

[20] kėltürmegeysiz taqı hala qoluŋuzda tutsaq tüşken qardaşımız İslam

Gėrey Sultannı Botqalı

tavġa Özüġe kėltürüp bizim qolumuzġa teslim

qılġaysız

وﺎ

ﻘ

ﺴ

ﻟ

ﻮ

ﭘ

ﻼ

ﺴ

ﻨ

ﻄ

ﺳ

سﺎ

ﻨ

ﻛ

, whereas the rst word must be a loanword from Ruthe-

nian term knjaz, i.e., “prince”.

وﺎ

ﻘ

ﺴ

ﻣ

ﻰﻟﺎ

ﻘ

ﺗ

ﻮﺑ.

document 49 (26 september–5 october 1632) 887

[21] özge kişige vėrmegeysiz taqı tüşmanımız Şahin Gėrey Özü qazaġıŋuza

barġan sebebli vilayetimizde bolġan işler ma‘lumuŋuz dur Haq ta‘ala

‘inayet qılup

[22] feth ve nusret bizim bolub tüşmanımuz hor ve haqir boldılar daima

dostlarımız mesrur tüşmanlarımız maqhur bolmaqdan hali bolmaġay

ihtimaldır ki Şahin

[23] Gėrey ya Özü qazaġına barsa Özü qazaġından alıp veya siz qardaşımızġa

barsa öziŋüz tutıp mėn uluġ padişah Canibek Gėrey Han hazretlerimize

[24] vėrgeysiz taqı her qanda bizim tüşmanımuz olsa yardım qılıb ‘asker

lazım bolsa ‘asker bile hazine lazım bolsa hazine bile yardım qılġaysız

hetmanıŋuz sözünçe

[25] i‘tiqad qılıp siz qardaşımız işbu yazılġan hatçe sabit-qadem bolsaŋuz

mėn uluġ padişah dahi öz sözümde sabit-qadem bolub turdum taqı

uluġ elçi başımız

[26] bolġan İbrahim Bey tėt bahşıġa ant qılıb inandırdım İbrahim Bey meniŋ

özüm sözi sözüm ‘ahdi ‘ahdim şartı şartım dır barça her ni türlig söz

söylerdey

[27] bolsa taqı siz qardaşım qıral hazretleri barışlıq içün ni söz sorarday

bolsaŋuz İbrahim Bey menim tarafımdan cevab vėrse i‘tiqad ėtkeysiz

[28] ol sözler barçası benim sözüm dür taqı işbu ‘ahdname-i hümayun ve

şartname-i mü’ebbed-maqrunumça şart ve peymanıma bütün bolıb

qardaşım qalġa Mehmed Gėrey

[29] Sultanı ve oġlum nureddin Mübarek Gėrey Sultanı barça qulları ve barça

Qırım ‘askeri bile boynuma aldım taqı Qırım beylerimizden Şirin begi

[30] qaraçımızını barça qardaşları bile ve Manqıt begi qaraçımız barça qardaşları

bile taqı Arġın begimiz qardaşları ve Secevit begi qardaşları bile

[31] ve Barın begi qardaşları bile ve ulan küyėnleri

uruġ daruġaları bile ve

gayr yaman yahşı barça vilayetimiz kişilerin boynuma aldım siz

[32] qardaşımız vilayetine ve memleketlerine tüşman bolıb ‘asker çekib bar-

maslar ve cav bolıp hergiz yamanlıq qılmaslardır inşa’a`llahu ta‘ala

sözüm söz ‘ahdim ‘ahd olub

[33] işbu ‘ahdnamemizni vėrdim ma damki siz qardaşımızdan hilaf olmaya

ve hetmanıŋuz sözünden başqa söz olmaya bu tarafdan hilaf olmaq ihti-

mali yoqdur

[34] her yıl sayın uluġ elçi başıŋuz bile hatasız uluġ hazinemizni özümüzge ve

qapumuzda hidmetimizde bolġan erbab-i mansıb ki vezirimiz Mehmed

Aġa

ىرﻼﻨ

ﻴ

ﯾ

ﻮﮐ نﻻوا

(cf. ىرﻼﻨ

ﯾ

ﻮﮐ نﻻوا in line [36] below and in line [13] in Document

60). On the ulans, who claimed the Genghisid lineage, see n. 348 in Part II. e second

term is perhaps a misspelled form of the Persian word keyan (sing. key), i.e., “prin-

ces,” which already gures in Document 35 (ulan keyan, i.e., “the ulan princes”). Yet,

the term küyėn/küyen might also derive from Mongolian küy, recorded in the Arabic

script (

ىﻮﮐ) in Kowalewski’s dictionary and explained in French as race or famille and

in Russian as rodstvo, familija, semejstvo, or plemja; see Józef Kowalewski, Dictionna-

ire mongol-russe-français, vol. 3 (Kazan, 1849), pp. 2554–2555. I owe this suggestion

to Henryk Jankowski. Hence, the expression ulan küyenleri is translated below as “the

ulans’ clan members.”

888 document 49 (26 september–5 october 1632)

[35] ve hazinedar başımız ve emir-i hor

başımız ve qapucı başımız ve

deerdarımız ve divan katibimiz ve kilerci başımız ve balcı başımız ve

iki tüfengçiler aġalarımız taqı

[36] mansıbda bolmaġan barça yahşı saylı aġalarımızġa ve yazılġan yurt

beyleri ve ulan küyenleri

ve mirzalarımızġa tiyişler ve bölekleri bi`t-

temam

[37] qusursuz yibergeysiz taqı qalġa sultan hazretleriġe barça aġaları bile taqı

nureddin sultan hazretleriġe barça aġaları ve qulları bile

[38] ‘adet [ü] qanun üzere tiyişleri ve bölekleri bile bi`t-temam qusursuz

yibergeysiz taqı ana biyim hazretleri ve ulu biyim hazretleriġe hem

tiyişleri bi`t-temam

[39] qusursuz yibergeysiz ve oġlum nureddin sultan validesi hazretleriniŋ

hem tiyişleri taqı burundan elçileri barıp kele turġan ‘adetli kanunlı

[40] bolġan biyimlerden her qanġisi bolsa elçileri barsa anları saylap ‘adetler-

inçe say [ve] ri‘ayet qılġaysız elçi başımızġa tėt bahşı bile ri‘ayet ėdüb

[41] dost bolurday bolsaŋız dost bolġaysız tüşman bolurday bolsaŋuz tüşman

bolġaysız her qalay öziŋüzġe qolay kėlse alay

[42] qılıb i‘lam ėtkeysiz vallahi`l-‘azim ve bi`llahi`l-kerim ma damki siz

qardaşım qıral hazretlerindin hilaf bolmaġay hetmanıŋuz sözünçe

[43] dostluġuŋuzda muhkem turġaysız bizim tarafımızdan dahi sözümüzde

hilaf ve hata bolmastur yahşılıqdan özge nimerse bolmaq ihtimali

[44] yoqdur dostluqdan ve yahşılıqdan ġayri muradımız bolmay uzun uzaq

dost bolub muhabbetlik bile hat bitildi baqi

[45] ve`d-du‘a ‘ala men ittaba‘a`l-Hüda tahriren  evasiti şehri Rebi‘i`l-evvel

seneti isna ve erba‘in ve elf seneti 1042

bi-maqami

Baġçesaray

el-mahruse

sahh

Canibek Gėrey Han bin Mübarek Gėrey Sultan

Translation:

He, the Guidance, the Helper, the Manifest!

[tuġra] Djanibek Giray Khan: our word:

From his excellency, the great padishah and great khan of the Great Horde and

great country [yurt], the Crimean throne, the Kipchak Steppe, innumerable

Written with strange orthography: راﻮﺧ ﺮﻴ

ﻣ

ا.

Here written with only one ya: ىرﻼﻨ

ﯾ

ﻮﮐ نﻻوا. For a tentative interpretation of the

word küyen, see n. e above.

Text of the seal.

document 49 (26 september–5 october 1632) 889

Tatars and countless Nogays, mountain Circassians, Tats and Tavgaches,

and

of the faithful of the manifest religion of Islam, great Djanibek Giray Khan

(may God—may He be exalted!—prolong his [i.e., my] victorious days until the

Day of Judgment!), to the great emperor [padişah] of the great horde [orda]

and great country [yurt], and many dominions and many Christians, his excel-

lency, who induces friendly feelings, my brother, the king of Poland: aer hav-

ing expressed great many salutations and inquired about your condition and

health by asking: “how are you?,” “do you feel well?” and “are you doing well?,”

the message of the noble yarlıq, associated with aection, and the explanation

of the transmission of the illustrious ‘ahdname is that:

Previously your hetman of Bar

announced in a few letters to our vizier,

Mehmed Agha, your wish, our brother, to keep a long lasting peace and com-

panionship until the end of our lives. Also our agha, Mehmed Agha, wrote a

letter to your hetman, saying: “according to your custom, you should hold a

great Diet

and take counsel with all the lords of your country [yurt]; then,

aer you receive an approval of his excellency, the king, and take your decision,

you should send your true word through a worthy man; moreover, according

to the ancient custom, you should send our [i.e., owed to us] great treasure

[uluġ hazine], you should expel your Cossacks from the Dnieper, and hereaer,

you should not let your Cossacks go to the Dnieper; you should ensure that

you will rmly keep the present engagement, and we, too, will work for the

good and submit our request [to this eect] to his excellency, the khan, our

lord;”—the letters containing such words circulated between them from one to

the other.

On the Tats, see Document 48, n. 8, where this term gures separately (or rather

the term Tavgaches was le out by the Polish translator). e earliest known refer-

ence to the Crimean khan as the ruler of the Tats and Tavgaches can be found in the

şartname sent by Khan Mehmed III Giray to Moscow in September 1624 (its contem-

porary Arabic script copy is preserved in RGADA, f. 123, op. 2, no. 36, fol. 5a; pub-

lished in Materialy dlja istorii Krymskago xanstva, pp. 20–24, esp. p. 21). In the Old

Turkic context the term Tabγač or Tavγač referred to a Mongolian speaking tribe in

northern China, while in the Karakhanid state it referred to Central Asia. It is doubt-

ful whether the term Tavgaç, adopted by the Crimean chancery in the 17th century,

referred to any ethnic or religious group. It rather stressed the dynasty’s historical

roots, harmonizing in juxtaposition with the word Tat; cf. Edmond Schütz, “e Tat

people in the Crimea,” pp. 98–100 (the author overlooked the earliest reference from

1624 and attributed the introduction of the formula “Tats and Tavgaches” to Djanibek

Giray); Mary Ivanics, “Formal and linguistic peculiarities of 17th century Crimean

Tatar letters adressed to princes of Transylvania,” pp. 217–218. e vague meaning

of the formula, not referring in the Crimean context to any specic ethno-religious

community, is conrmed by an entry in Drevnetjurkskij slovar’, where the expression

tat tavγač is explained as vsjakie inozemcy (“all kinds of aliens”); see Drevnetjurkskij

slovar’, p. 541.

I.e., Stanisław Koniecpolski, whose military headquarter was the Podolian fortress

of Bar.

e Tatar term sem must origin from the Polish sejm (“Diet”).

890 document 49 (26 september–5 october 1632)

Now, a letter came from your hetman of Bar, Prince Stanisław Koniecpolski,

to our agha, Mehmed Agha, stating and explaining: “I went to his excellency,

the king; I spoke with all the lords of the country and reached an agreement

with the great Diet. I have resolved to keep the long lasting peace and compan-

ionship with his excellency, the prosperous khan, send the great treasure, be a

friend to your friend and an enemy to your enemy, and expel the Cossacks from

the Dnieper.

ey [i.e., the king and the Diet] committed and commissioned

to me all these tasks. You should know [this as] the word of the king, lords,

and our subjects, [you should know] that we wish [you] well and you should

let his excellency, the khan, know about it;” as consequently our vizier, who is

also our court agha, Mehmed Agha (may his prosperity be lasting!), prostrated

before our prosperous feet and let us know the word of your hetman, I, our

excellency, the great Djanibek Giray Khan, found [the notion of] keeping a long

lasting friendship with your royal excellency, our great brother, until the end

of our lives, conceivable; and because our agha, Mehmed Agha, trusted your

hetman, I accepted the peace; and for the sake of yours, our brother, we sent

our Crimean troops, which were to set out in hostility to your country, to the

Muscovian dominions [instead]. By the grace of His Excellency, God (may He

be blessed and exalted!), whose benecence is universal and continuous, those

troops were victorious and came [back] to our country with innumerable spoils,

safe and sound, and satiated with booty.

Persuaded by your hetman of Bar, in order to make peace with you, your

royal excellency, our brother, I have appointed Ibrahim Bey

(may his glory be

lasting!), the model of noble commanders and the cream of illustrious dignitar-

Although the fragment uzun uzaq barış yarış bolıb uluġ hazineni yiberib dostuŋuzġa

dost tüşmanıŋuzġa tüşman bolıb Özüden qazaqlarnı çıqardım (lit. “keeping the long

lasting peace and companionship [with his excellency, the prosperous khan], hav-

ing sent the great treasure, and being a friend to your friend and an enemy to your

enemy, I expelled the Cossacks from the Dnieper”) is written in the past tense, it

evidently refers to the future. According to the present document the gis were still

overdue for the past ve years (see below). Moreover, in spite of Koniecpolski’s genu-

ine eorts to restrain the Cossacks, a statement of their expulsion from the Dnieper

would be far from the reality. In his original letter the hetman could only promise to

send gis and expel the Cossacks aer the conclusion of a new peace. erefore the

above fragment is translated here: “I have resolved to keep the long lasting peace and

companionship with his excellency, the prosperous khan, send the great treasure, be a

friend to your friend and an enemy to your enemy, and expel the Cossacks from the

Dnieper;” in analogy, in the seventeenth-century Polish translation by Otwinowski the

above sentence is rendered: U Króla Jego Miłości pana mego byłem, i ze wszystkiemi

na sejm walny zgromadzonemi postanowiłem, aby z wielkim carem i chanem kryms-

kim z dawna będąca przyjaźń odnowiona i mocno odtąd zatrzymowana była, i zwykłe

upominki aby oddawane były, i abyśmy przyjacielowi przyjacielem, a nieprzyjacielowi

nieprzyjacielem z obu stron byli, i Kozaków dnueprowych abyśmy zatrzymali; cf. also

n. 12 below.

Lit. “knocked his head [against the ground].”

Ibrahim Bey arrived at Cracow on 1 March 1633; see Baranowski, Stosunki pol-

sko-tatarskie w latach 1632–1648, p. 18. In other Crimean documents his name was

recorded in a shortened form as Ibrash (cf. Document 50); therefore, in the Polish

document 49 (26 september–5 october 1632) 891

ies, from among my courtiers [içki beylerimizden] and from among the Külük

family, the great envoy [uluġ elçi başı], and sent him to your presence along

with his tet and bahşı.

And I have ordered that if you [wish to] keep a long lasting friendship and

brotherhood with me, my excellency, the great padishah, Djanibek Giray Khan,

until the end of our lives, you should send our [overdue] treasure, owed to us

for the full ve years, you should expel your Dnieper Cossacks from the Dnieper,

and hereaer, you should not let even a single Cossack of yours come to the

Dnieper; moreover, you should send to the Dnieper, to the Botqali mountain,

and deliver in our hands our brother, Islam Giray Sultan,

who is presently

in your hands as a captured prisoner; you should not deliver him to anybody

else; moreover, you are aware of the ghts in our country that were caused by

the arrival of our enemy, Shahin Giray,

to your Dnieper Cossacks; as God

sources he is also known as Ibrasz or Ibraz bej; cf. AGAD, Metryka Koronna, Libri

Legationum, no. 32, fol. 110b–112a and 143a.

Külük oġlanları (“the sons of Külük”), a prominent Crimean clan, known in the

Russian sources as the Kulikovy (in the plural; Kulikov in the singular); during the

reign of Sigismund Augustus, they acted as “protectors” (hamis) representing Polish-

Lithuanian interests in the Crimea; cf. Vinogradov, Russko-krymskie otnošenija, vol. 1,

p. 127, n. 58, and idem, “<<Moskovskaja partija>> v Krymu v 70–90-x gg. XVI v.,”

p. 404; cf. also Document 41, n. 2, and Document 50, n. 12; in 1681, Russian envoys

sent to the Crimea listed the Kulikovy among the ve most powerful clans along

with the Shirins, the Sulesh-oghlu, the Arghıns, and the Mansurs (i.e., Manghıts); see

“Spisok s statejnago spiska [. . .] Vasil’ja Mixajlova syna Tjapkina, d’jaka Nikity Zotova,”

p. 631. e Polish translator of the present document misread the envoy’s name

كوﻟوﻛ

as Gulun and, by treating the title bey/biy as an integral part of the name, obtained the

form Gulunbi. is corrupt form is repeated in Baranowski; Stosunki polsko-tatarskie

w latach 1632–1648, p. 18.

On the term tet, referring to the rst retinue member of a khan’s envoy, see

Document 20, n. 27. On the term bahşı, referring to a scribe responsible for drawing

ocial documents, see Document 35, n. 21.

Omeljan Pritsak identied the term Potqal or Potqalı (here Botqalı), found in

Ottoman sources, with Zaporozhia, i.e., the region on the lower Dnieper situated

below the Dnieper rapids; cf. idem, “Das erste türkisch-ukrainische Bündnis (1648),”

Oriens 6 (1953): 266–298, esp. pp. 292–296. e term Botqalı tav (lit. “the Botqalı

mountain” or rather “the Botqalı mound”) might refer to Karayteben, an elevated spot

surrounded by the Dnieper and Kins’ki vody rivers, which in that period served as a

traditional place of border exchange (see n. 392 in Part I).

e future khan Islam III Giray was the son of Selamet Giray, hence Djanibek

Giray’s cousin. Yet, as Djanibek was adopted by Selamet Giray (cf. n. 13 below), he

could treat Islam as his full brother. Islam Giray was captured by the Polish forces

during the Tatar raid in 1629. One of the Polish commanders, Stanisław Lubomirski

(the former commander-in-chief during the Hotin campaign of 1621 aer the death of

Jan Karol Chodkiewicz), sent the Tatar prince as a “trophy” to the king, who ordered

his imprisonment in the castle of Rawa; see Baranowski, Polska a Tatarszczyzna w

latach 1624–1629, p. 114. Islam Giray remained in the Polish captivity until 1634; cf.

Baranowski, Stosunki polsko-tatarskie w latach 1632–1648, p. 87.

A reference to the Crimean civil war of 1628–1629, when the Cossacks assisted

Mehmed III Giray and his brother and qalga, Shahin Giray, against Djanibek Giray,

892 document 49 (26 september–5 october 1632)

(may He be exalted!) extended his grace [to us], the victory and divine assis-

tance belonged to us, and our enemies turned contemptible and despicable; as

you should spare no pains to always render our friends joyful and our enemies

crushed, while it is likely that Shahin Giray comes [again] to the Dnieper Cos-

sacks or to you, our brother, he should be captured by the Dnieper Cossacks or

by you, and you should deliver him to me, the great padishah, my excellency

Djanibek Giray Khan; and wherever our enemy appears, you should help [us],

if troops are needed, then with troops, and if money [hazine] is needed, then

with money; while [I] trust your hetman’s words, if you, our brother, rmly

observe this written letter, also I, the great padishah, have resolved to rmly

observe

my own word.

Moreover, I have taken my oath to [i.e., in the presence of] our great envoy,

Ibrahim Bey, the tet and the bahşı, ensuring that whatever he would say—

Ibrahim Bey’s word is my own word, his oath is my oath, and his condition is

my condition. Also, if you, your royal excellency, my brother, ask any question

regarding the peace, and Ibrahim Bey answers in my name, you should trust

that all [his] words are my words.

And, to complete the conditions and engagements of this imperial ‘ahdname

and perpetual şartname, I have pledged on behalf of my brother, the qalga

Mehmed Giray Sultan,

and my son, the nureddin Mübarek Giray Sultan,

with all their servants and all the Crimean soldiers, and on behalf of our qaraçı,

the bey of the Shirins along with all his brothers, and our qaraçı, the bey of

the Manghıts along with all his brothers, and the brothers of our bey of the

Arghıns,

and the bey of the Sedjevüts with his brothers, and the bey of the

Barıns with his brothers—from among our Crimean beys–, and the ulans’ clan

members

along with the clan ocials [urug daruġaları], and others, all bad

or good people of our country, that they would not be enemies, would not set

out with troops, and they would never display hostility or act viciously towards

your, our brother, country and dominions.

God—may He be exalted!—willing, as my word and my oath should be

observed, I have given our present ‘ahdname, [providing that] as you, our

who was supported by the Porte. Aer the nal defeat and death of Mehmed III

Giray, Shahin Giray initially took refuge in Persia, and then in the Caucasus, seeking

assistance against Djanibek Giray among the Circassians. Finally he arrived at the

Ottoman Porte soliciting the sultan’s pardon. Nevertheless, he was exiled to Rhodes

and probably executed somewhere between 1634 and 1642; see Le khanat de Crimée,

p. 338.

ough the sentence sabit-qadem bolub turdum (lit. “I rmly observed”) is writ-

ten in the past tense, it refers to the future; therefore it is translated here: “I have

resolved to rmly observe;” cf. also n. 4 above.

e future khan Mehmed IV Giray was another son of Selamet Giray (cf. n. 10

above). Since Djanibek was adopted by Selamet, he could treat Mehmed as his full

brother.

Arġın begimiz qardaşları—either for some reasons the bey himself was not listed,

or by a copyist’s mistake the word bile was omitted and the sentence should read:

Arġın begimiz qardaşları bile—“our bey of the Arghıns with his brothers.”

Cf. n. e above.

document 49 (26 september–5 october 1632) 893

brother, should not do anything contrary to it, and no deviation should occur

from the word of your hetman, it is unlikely that anything contrary [to the

peace] could happen from this side. Each year you should send us without

deciency our great treasure through your great envoy, and you should send

presents [tiyişler

] and gis [bölekler] to the oce holders being in our court

service, namely our vizier Mehmed Agha, our head treasurer [hazinedar başı],

our head master of the horse [emir-i hor başı

], our head doorkeeper [qapucı

başı], our bookkeeper [deerdar], our scribe of the divan [divan katibi], our

head butler [kilerci başı], our head mead cupbearer [balcı başı

], and our two

aghas of the musketeers [tüfengçiler aġaları], as well as to all our respected

aghas holding no oce, and to the [above] listed country beys [yurt beyleri],

the ulans’ clan members, and our mirzas, fully and without any omission.

Moreover, according to the custom and law, you should send presents [tiyişler]

and gis [bölekler] to his excellency, the qalga sultan along with all his aghas,

and to his excellency, the nureddin sultan along with all his aghas and ser-

vants, fully and without any omission. Moreover, you should also send presents

[tiyişler] to her excellency, the queen mother [ana biyim], and to her excellency,

the rst wife [ulu biyim], and also [you should send] presents [tiyişler] to her

excellency, the mother [valide] of my son, the nureddin sultan. Moreover, when

[your] envoys were coming since the ancient times, whoever from among the

[khans’] legal

wives was present, the envoys paid them respect upon arrival,

[and now] you should [also] pay [them] respect and attention as they [i.e., your

predecessors] used to.

You should respect our envoy [elçi başı], the tet and the bahşı, and if you

are [our] friend, be [our] friend, and if you are [our] enemy, be [our] enemy;

whichever mode comes easier to you, do accordingly and let [us] know.

By the great God and with the generous God! As you, our brother, your royal

excellency, should not do anything contrary [to the peace] and rmly keep your

friendship [towards us] according to the word of your hetman, also from our

Cf. Document 34, n. 16.

Written with strange orthography; it should rather read emir-i ahor başı or mira-

hor başı.

An ocial responsible for the delivery of honey and mead to the khan’s palace;

contrary to the Islamic prescriptions, mead was commonly consumed in the Crimea

along with wine; cf. Aleksandr Samojlovič, “Beiträge zur Bienenzucht in der Krim im

14.–17. Jahrhundert,” in: Festschrift Georg Jacob zum siebzigsten Geburtstag. Edited

by Th. Menzel (Leipzig, 1932): 270–275. Part of the honey and mead consumed in

the Crimea was collected in Moldavia and regarded as a part of the tribute due from

the hospodar to the khan; cf. Zajcev, “‘Propavšaja gramota’ (jarlyk krymskogo xana

Selim-Gireja Mustafe-age 1693 g.),” in: Tjurkologičeskij Sbornik (2006) (St. Petersburg,

2007): 174–182, esp. p. 179. An Italian missionary, Giovanni da Lucca, who traveled

between Poland and the Crimea in the years 1627 and 1634, benefitted from the pro-

tection of the balcı başı who oen traveled to Moldavia in order to collect honey; see

Ambrosius Eszer, “Giovanni Giuliani da Lucca O.P. Forschungen zu seinem Leben

und zu seinen Schriften,” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 37 (1967): 353–468, esp.

pp. 369 and 413.

Lit. “[married] according to the custom and law.”