Dobak William A. Freedom by the Sword: The U.S. Colored Troops, 1862-1867 (ENG)
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South Texas, 1864–1867
451
ists evacuated Bagdad and Matamoros. In the course of the summer, the Liberals
nally gained control of all of northern Mexico.
68
The expulsion of the Imperialists by no means resulted in a reign of law and
order. The new governor of Tamaulipas imposed a policy of forced “loans” and
conscation that hurt the leading merchants of Matamoros, many of whom were
United States citizens who had favored the Imperialists and had grown rich trad-
ing in cotton and arms on behalf of the Confederacy. The president of Mexico,
Benito Juárez, himself disowned the governor’s actions. Another local strongman
proclaimed himself governor, but before he could march on Matamoros, other par-
ties there overthrew the incumbent, who escaped across the river to Brownsville.
Juárez detested the new regime in Matamoros as much as he had the old one, and
in November Escobedo led an army of thirty-ve hundred men toward the city.
69
With a battle imminent, the merchants of Matamoros looked for means of stav-
ing off the new governor’s defeat until they could collect debts amounting to some
$600,000 that he had accrued during his three months in ofce. The merchants found
their means in Col. Thomas D. Sedgwick, of the 114th USCI, who commanded the
post at Brownsville. The merchants convinced Sedgwick that the governor’s troops
might riot and pillage the town. No doubt remembering the days of disorder at Bag-
dad in January, the colonel agreed to send a small force across the river. Although
he wrote to Sheridan on 22 November, telling him of his plan, his letter could barely
have reached Sheridan’s desk in New Orleans by the time he acted.
70
The black infantry companies in the Brownsville garrison were responsible for a
military pontoon bridge that they had brought from Virginia. On the night of 24 No-
vember, two companies of the 19th and 114th USCIs crossed the Rio Grande in boats
and secured a site on the Mexican bank. The next day, they assembled the structure
of boats and planks and 118 ofcers and men of the 4th U.S. Cavalry clattered across
it to occupy Matamoros. The black infantrymen guarded the south end of the bridge
and a ferry landing two miles from the city while a battery of the 1st U.S. Artillery
positioned its guns at the north end of the bridge. No longer responsible for patrolling
the town themselves, the defenders of Matamoros were able to repel a Liberal attack
on 27 November, inicting some one thousand casualties on Escobedo’s force.
71
Weeks earlier, Sheridan had warned Sedgwick that the United States pursued a
course of strict neutrality in Mexico’s quarrels but contradicted himself somewhat
by emphasizing that the policy was in force especially “against the adherents of the
imperial buccaneer representing the so-called Imperial Government.” When Sheri-
dan learned that Sedgwick had acceded to the request of the Imperialist sympathizers
of Matamoros, he ordered him to withdraw United States troops across the river at
68
Maj Gen P. H. Sheridan to Lt Gen U. S. Grant, 7 May 1866 (“The Liberals”), NA Microlm
Pub M1635, Headquarters of the Army, LS, roll 94; Thompson, Cortina, pp. 175–81 (“Canales
outlaws,” pp. 175–76).
69
“Occupation of Mexican Territory,” 39th Cong., 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc. 8 (serial 1,287), p. 3;
Thompson, Cortina, pp. 181–85.
70
Col T. D. Sedgwick to Maj Gen P. H. Sheridan, 22 Nov 1866, and Maj Gen P. H. Sheridan
to Gen U. S. Grant, 27 Nov 1866, both in Andrew Johnson Papers, Library of Congress; “Mexico,”
39th Cong., 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc. 17 (serial 1,288), p. 177; Thompson, Cortina, pp. 185–86.
71
NA M594, roll 216, 114th USCI; NA M617, roll 152, Fort Brown, Nov 1866; “Present Condition
of Mexico,” 39th Cong., 2d sess, H. Ex. Doc. 76 (serial 1,292), pp. 550–52, 554; Thompson, Cortina,
pp. 186–88.
Freedom by the Sword: The U.S. Colored Troops, 1862–1867
452
once. Sedgwick complied. The day he withdrew his troops, Escobedo and the self-
proclaimed governor entered negotiations. On 1 December, the Liberal army took
possession of Matamoros, peacefully and for the nal time. A few days later, Sheri-
dan took ship for the mouth of the Rio Grande. Once there, he relieved Sedgwick of
command and placed him in arrest. Nevertheless, the general was hardly displeased
with the result of “this unauthorized and harmless intervention,” as he called it in a
letter to Grant’s chief of staff. He released Sedgwick from arrest in January.
72
While all these events were taking place, the muster-out of volunteer regiments
continued. The 10th and 62d USCIs left Texas in the spring of 1866, the ofcers
and men of both regiments traveling north for nal payment and discharge. That
fall, the 7th, 9th, and 36th USCIs followed them. The 19th, 38th, and 116th USCIs
left Texas in January 1867, the 19th sailing for Maryland, the 38th for Virginia, and
the 116th for Kentucky. By that time, the War Department had undertaken a new
project. On 28 July 1866, in an act that determined the size of the Army’s post-
war establishment, Congress for the rst time authorized all-black regiments for
peacetime service. Two of these, the 9th Cavalry and the 39th U.S. Infantry, were
recruiting in New Orleans, the port where the men of the 116th USCI landed on
their way home to Kentucky.
73
Before the Civil War, the Army’s responsibilities had amounted for the most
part to maintaining the country’s coastal defenses and keeping the peace in the West.
With the occupation of the South added to these tasks, Congress in July 1866 au-
thorized a sixty-regiment peacetime force. Two cavalry and four infantry regiments
72
Maj Gen P. H. Sheridan to Col T. D. Sedgwick, 23 Oct 1866 (quotation) (f/w G–204–AUS–
1866), NA M1635, roll 94; “Mexico,” pp. 3–5 (quotation); Thompson, Cortina, pp. 188–89.
73
ORVF, 8: 176, 179–80, 190, 207, 209, 235, 297.
The pontoon bridge at Brownsville
South Texas, 1864–1867
453
were to be “composed of colored men.” Sheridan was to organize one regiment of
each branch in the Division of the Gulf, both of them headquartered at or near New
Orleans. A War Department order offered immediate discharges to men of volunteer
regiments who intended to join the regulars, and one hundred thirty men of the 116th
availed themselves of it. The vast majority of them went directly into the 39th U.S.
Infantry. In cities from New Orleans to Boston, about twenty-ve hundred veterans
of the U.S. Colored Troops joined the six black regular regiments in 1866 and 1867,
contributing more than 40 percent of the total number of recruits and providing most
of the noncommissioned ofcers. Two companies of the 9th U.S. Cavalry arrived at
Brownsville in April 1867, just four months before the 117th USCI, the last regiment
of the U.S. Colored Troops in Texas, mustered out. In July, companies of the 41st
U.S. Infantry, another of the new black regular regiments, relieved companies of the
117th at Fort McIntosh and Ringgold Barracks.
74
Throughout the rst few months of 1867, the Imperialist cause in Mexico con-
tinued to collapse. Sheridan thought that Maximilian might embark for Europe as
his foreign troops withdrew from Mexico, but the emperor decided to make a stand
at Querétaro, some one hundred thirty miles northwest of Mexico City. Besieged
there for more than two months, he surrendered in mid-May. A ring squad shot
him on 19 June. A few days later, the garrison of Brownsville was able to see re-
works and hear the sounds of celebration in Matamoros.
75
Within six weeks, the 117th USCI mustered out and its ofcers and men took
ship for Kentucky to receive nal payment and discharges. Since that spring, the
117th had been the last volunteer regiment in Texas. Its duties on the Rio Grande
seemed far removed from the cause for which its ofcers and men had joined the
Army, but Sheridan was convinced that the successful suppression of the Confed-
eracy and the Liberal victory in Mexico ran parallel to each other. “While we were
struggling for a republican existence against organized rebellion,” he wrote in his
report of November 1866,
the Emperor of the French undertook the bold expedition to subvert the Repub-
lic of Mexico. . . . The effect of the presence of our troops in Texas and on the
Rio Grande . . . on the destiny of imperialism was great . . . , so much so, that
. . . had a demand been made for the withdrawal of the Imperial troops, on the
ground that the invasion of Mexico was part of the rebellion, it would have been
granted and the miseries of that country for the last year avoided.
While ofcers and men of the black regiments openly favored the Liberal party
in the struggle for control of Mexico, they managed to avoid direct involvement
in all but a few episodes. Nevertheless, their presence on the north bank of the
Rio Grande inuenced the calculations of Napoleon III when he announced the
74
116th USCI, Entry 57, Muster Rolls of Volunteer Organizations, RG 94, NA. NA M617,
roll 155, Post of Brownsville, April 1867; roll 681, Fort McIntosh, Jul 1867; roll 1020, Ringgold
Barracks, Jul 1867. William A. Dobak and Thomas D. Phillips, The Black Regulars, 1866–1898
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2001), pp. xii–xv, 1–2, 13, 24.
75
Maj Gen P. H. Sheridan to Maj Gen J. A. Rawlins, 4 Jan 1867 (G–7–AUS–1867), NA M1635,
roll 98; Thompson, Cortina, pp. 189–92.
Freedom by the Sword: The U.S. Colored Troops, 1862–1867
454
withdrawal of French troops from Mexico. In that sense, it helped to hasten the
end of the conict there.
76
Mustered-out regiments of black soldiers sailed from Texas for Philadelphia,
Baltimore, or Louisville, where ofcers and men received their nal pay and dis-
charges. As the veterans reached home, they found life there changed because of
their efforts during the war. For many former enlisted men, the most dramatic
change was in their status, and that of their families’, from slave to free. This was
especially true in the states of the former Confederacy that came under military
occupation. While some black regiments stood guard on the Rio Grande, others
served in posts across the defeated South, assisting the federal attempt to impose a
new regime of freedom.
76
OR, ser. 1, vol. 48, pt. 1, p. 300 (quotation); Krause, Mexico, pp. 177–86; Vanderwood,
“Betterment for Whom?” pp. 386–91.
The business of Reconstruction began before the federal government had
settled on a policy of Emancipation or organized a single regiment of black sol-
diers. The chief concern at rst was to create stable, loyal governments in states
that had left the Union. Efforts to install such governments began early in 1862,
not long after Nashville became the rst capital of a seceded state to fall to a fed-
eral army. On 4 March, Andrew Johnson, who had remained in the U.S. Senate
when Tennessee seceded, received an appointment as brigadier general of U.S.
Volunteers and assumed the post of military governor of that state. Later in the
war, other attempts to install Unionist state governments gave impetus to federal
military offensives in Florida and Louisiana (see Map 10).
1
As Union armies moved south, they met the black residents of each state. On
the Sea Islands of South Carolina, soldiers found slaves tending their own garden
plots on plantations from which white owners had ed. In other parts of the Con-
federacy, escaped slaves thronged the camps of the advancing troops or settled
in shantytowns on the outskirts of occupied cities. Whether black Southerners
waited for the liberators to arrive or rushed to meet them, Union soldiers saw the
former slaves as a problem that required food, shelter, and direction in perform-
ing useful labor. While putting to work the able-bodied residents of plantations
and camps and providing food and shelter for others, federal administrators also
had to decide what to do with the plantations of disloyal owners. Congress had
declared these lands forfeit to the federal government and provided for their sale
or lease in a series of laws enacted between August 1861 and July 1864. Often,
administrators used these plantations as settlement sites for former slaves, who
1
The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Ofcial Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, 70 vols. in 128 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Ofce, 1880–1901),
ser. 1, 7: 424–33; vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 612 (hereafter cited as OR). Leroy P. Graf et al., eds., The
Papers of Andrew Johnson, 16 vols. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1967–2000), 5:
177, 182 (hereafter cited as Johnson Papers); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unnished
Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York: Harper & Row, 1988), pp. 35–37, 43–50; Peter Maslowski,
Treason Must Be Made Odious: Military Occupation and Wartime Reconstruction in Nashville,
Tennessee, 1862– 65 (Millwood, N.Y.: KTO Press, 1978), pp. 19–20; Ted Tunnell, Crucible of
Reconstruction: War, Radicalism, and Race in Louisiana, 1862–1877 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State University Press, 1984), pp. 44–50.
Reconstruction, 1865–1867
Chapter 14
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Fort Sumter
Columbus
Clarksville
Gallatin
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Pulaski
Bridgeport
Jackson
La Grange
Union City
La Fayette
Batesville
Oxford
Meridian
Corinth
Tuscaloosa
Rome
Resaca
Asheville
Spartanburg
Salisbury
Florence
Georgetown
Orangeburg
Beaufort
Greensboro
Goldsborough
Washington
Dalton
Spring Place
Decatur
Okolona
Tupelo
Grenada
Pascagoula
Pensacola
Helena
Duvall’s Blu
Lake Providence
Monroe
Shreveport
Columbia
Port Gibson
Brookhaven
Hazlehurst
Fayette
Woodville
Port Hudson
Morganza
Donaldsonville
Mississippi City
Brashear
Washington
Alexandria
Grand Gulf
Camden
Monticello
Pine Blu
Hot Springs
Hamburg
Knoxville
Fayetteville
Wilmington
Charleston
Augusta
Savannah
Chattanooga
Atlanta
Macon
Jacksonville
St. Augustine
Columbus
Selma
Mobile
Holly Springs
Memphis
Huntsville
Florence
Tuscumbia
Columbus
Aberdeen
Vicksburg
New Orleans
Natchez
New Berne
MONT
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JACKSON
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COLUMBIA
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Camden
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Fayetteville
Wilmington
Charleston
Augusta
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Atlanta
Macon
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St. Augustine
Columbus
Selma
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ARKANSAS
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RECONSTRUCTION
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Bridgepor
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La Grange
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Florence
Georgetown
Orangeburg
Beaufort
Greensboro
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Dalton
Spring Place
Decatur
Okolona
Tupelo
Grenada
Pascagoula
Pensacola
Helena
Duvall’s Blu
Lake Providence
Monroe
Shreveport
Columbia
Port Gibson
Brookhaven
Hazlehurst
Fayette
Woodville
Port Hudson
Morganza
Donaldsonville
Mississippi City
Brashear
Washington
Alexandria
Grand Gulf
Camden
Monticello
Pine Blu
Hot Springs
Hamburg
Knoxville
Fayetteville
Wilmington
Charleston
Augusta
Savannah
Chattanooga
Atlanta
Macon
Jacksonville
St. Augustine
Columbus
Selma
Mobile
Holly Springs
Memphis
Huntsville
Florence
Tuscumbia
Columbus
Aberdeen
Vicksburg
New Orleans
Natchez
New Berne
MONTGOMER
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COLUMBIA
MILLEDGEVILLE
LITTLE ROCK
MISSOURI
GEORGIA
FLORIDA
KENTUCKY
VIRGINIA
TENNESSEE
NORTH
CAROLINA
SOUTH
CAROLINA
ALABAMA
LOUISIANA
MISSISSIPPI
ARKANSAS
TEXAS
RECONSTRUCTION
1865–1867
0
100755025
Miles
Freedom by the Sword: The U.S. Colored Troops, 1862–1867
458
grew food for themselves as well as staple crops, chiey cotton, that helped pay
for the Union war effort.
To govern the freedpeople and the land on which they lived, and to provide for
thousands of white Unionist refugees forced from their homes, Congress passed and
President Lincoln signed on 3 March 1865 an act that established the Bureau of Ref-
ugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, a title soon shortened in popular usage to
the Freedmen’s Bureau. Deliberations on the bill had extended through two sessions
of Congress. Introduced in December 1863 to establish a “Bureau of Emancipation,”
its provisions grew during the next fourteen months to include responsibility both for
destitute white Unionists in the South and for plantations that had fallen to the federal
government for nonpayment of taxes, or through abandonment by a disloyal owner, or
because the owner was a civil or military ofcer of one of the seceded states or of the
Confederacy itself. In the end, legislators felt so condent that revenues from manage-
ment of abandoned and forfeited lands would sufce to fund the new agency that they
failed to appropriate any money for its operations and its agents’ salaries. This lack of
budget meant that the Bureau had to be staffed by Army ofcers who were already on
the federal payroll. The new agency itself became part of the War Department.
2
At the Bureau’s head was a commissioner, Maj. Gen. Oliver O. Howard, who
had led the Army of the Tennessee on its march through Georgia and the Carolinas
during the last months of the war. “I hardly know whether to congratulate you or
not,” Maj. Gen. William T. Sherman wrote when he learned of his subordinate’s
appointment, “but . . . I cannot imagine that matters that may involve the future of
4,000,000 of souls could be put in more charitable and more conscientious hands.”
Assistant commissioners reporting to Howard in Washington would be in charge
of the Bureau’s affairs in the states. Local administration would be in the hands of
eld agents, each one responsible for several counties. Most of these agents were
ofcers of the Veteran Reserve Corps, an organization of wounded soldiers t for
light duty, or of the U.S. Colored Troops.
3
As paroled Confederate soldiers returned home in the spring of 1865, one hundred
thousand ofcers and men of the Army’s black regiments occupied dozens of camps
scattered from Key West, Florida, to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. The largest body of
troops was the XXV Corps, twenty-nine regiments of cavalry, infantry, and heavy artil-
lery and one battery of light artillery, aboard ships bound for Texas, leaving no black
regiments in Virginia. The next-largest command numbered 21 regiments, with compa-
nies of 3 others, in Louisiana and 21 regiments and 3 batteries in Tennessee. Mississip-
pi played unwilling host to 12 regiments and several companies of another, as well as
2 batteries; North Carolina, to 10 regiments; Kentucky and South Carolina, to 9 each;
Arkansas, to 8 regiments and companies of 2 others, as well as 2 batteries; Florida,
to 6 regiments; and Alabama and Georgia, to 4 regiments each. A little farther north,
the 123d United States Colored Infantry (USCI), recently raised in Kentucky, guarded
2
George R. Bentley, A History of the Freedmen’s Bureau (New York: Octagon Books, 1974
[1944]), pp. 36–49; Steven Hahn et al., eds., Land and Labor, 1865 (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 2008), pp. 17–19. The text of the Freedmen’s Bureau Act appears in OR, ser. 3, vol.
5, pp. 19–20; the two Conscation Acts (August 1861 and July 1862), the Direct Tax Act (June 1862),
and subsequent acts implementing them are in U.S. Statutes at Large 12: 319, 422–26, 589–92; 13:
320–21, 375–78.
3
OR, ser. 1, vol. 47, pt. 3, p. 515 (quotation); Hahn et al., Land and Labor, pp. 19–20.
Reconstruction, 1865–1867
459
the quartermaster depot at Jefferson-
ville, Indiana, and the 24th USCI, a
Philadelphia regiment, monitored the
repatriation of Confederate prisoners
of war at Point Lookout, Maryland,
while guarding public property there.
4
Wherever soldiers were sta-
tioned, safeguarding government
buildings and supplies was an im-
portant part of their duties, for
nineteenth-century Americans were
quick to appropriate for themselves
whatever might be described as
public, whether movable goods or
real estate. As a result, soldiers in
many black regiments spent most
of their time as sentinels during
the months after the Confederate
surrender. Men of the 59th USCI,
veterans of Brice’s Crossroads and
Tupelo in the summer of 1864,
stood watch over the navy yard at
Memphis ten months later. The 81st
USCI, a regiment that evoked favor-
able comment from both generals
and inspectors, guarded warehouses, ordnance depots, and government ofces at
eighteen sites in and near New Orleans. The Freedmen’s Bureau headquarters in
Washington became the responsibility of the 107th USCI, one of the last volunteer
regiments, black or white, to muster out. Along with surplus ordnance stored at
several of the forts that ringed the capital, the 107th also guarded Freedmen’s Vil-
lage, which stood across the Potomac on the Virginia estate of Confederate Gener-
al Robert E. Lee. Apart from sentry duty at settlements of displaced former slaves
and the informal off-duty relations of enlisted men with nearby residents during
the months before mustering out, these regiments had little to do with enforcing
federal Reconstruction policies.
5
The exact nature of those policies remained unclear as spring turned to sum-
mer. The Congress that had been elected in 1864 was not scheduled to convene
until December 1865, leaving the initiative to President Andrew Johnson. A Demo-
4
Mean strength of black troops in May 1865 was 98,316; in June, 105,009. The Medical and
Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion, 2 vols. in 6 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing
Ofce, 1870–1888), 1: 685. Troop stations, 30 Jun 1865, in National Archives (NA) Microlm Pub
M594, Compiled Rcds Showing Svc of Mil Units in Volunteer Union Organizations, rolls 204–17.
This count differs slightly from that provided by the map in Noah A. Trudeau, Like Men of War:
Black Troops in the Civil War, 1862–1865 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1998), p. 457, which portrays the
stations in May.
5
Capt C. P. Brown to Col I. G. Kappner, 29 Aug 1865, 59th United States Colored Infantry
(USCI); Maj W. Hoffman to Lt Col B. Gaskill, 11 Jun 1865, and Capt H. K. Smithwick to Capt B. B.
Campbell, 14 Aug 1865, both in 81st USCI; Dept of Washington, Special Orders (SO) 196, 18 Oct
Maj. Gen. Oliver O. Howard, Commissioner
of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and
Abandoned Lands from 1865 to 1872
Freedom by the Sword: The U.S. Colored Troops, 1862–1867
460
crat from the mountains of eastern Tennessee and wartime military governor of
the state, Johnson had seemed a good choice for Lincoln’s running mate on the
National Union ticket, a Republican Party surrogate, the previous year. When the
nominating convention met in June 1864, Northern newspapers had been printing
long casualty lists from Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant’s Virginia Campaign for a month
and Sherman’s attempt to seize Atlanta was still far from achieving a result. The
administration needed every vote it could get, so the Tennessean replaced Vice
President Hannibal Hamlin, a Republican from Maine, on the ticket. The election
of Lincoln and Johnson and Lincoln’s assassination in April 1865 put Johnson in
a position to reconstruct the conquered South by himself, without congressional
interference, for nearly eight months.
6
The new president embodied an observation expressed by many federal of-
cers during the war and after, that a staunch Southern Unionist was not neces-
sarily an abolitionist, or even well intentioned toward black people. Having risen
from poverty himself, Johnson as an elected ofcial represented the interests of
the white residents of the poorest section of his state. As a candidate for the vice
presidency in October 1864, he had told an audience of black Tennesseans, “I will
indeed be your Moses, and lead you through the Red Sea of war and bondage, to
a fairer future of liberty and peace.” Yet nearly sixteen months later—ten of them
spent as president following Lincoln’s assassination—after meeting a delegation
headed by the black abolitionist Frederick Douglass, he told his secretary, “I know
that d——d Douglass; he’s just like any nigger, and he would sooner cut a white
man’s throat as not.” In the fall of 1865, a captain of the 40th USCI serving as
Freedmen’s Bureau agent at Knoxville reported his inability to accomplish much
among “a people so hostile to the negroe as are the East Tennesseans.” The new
president was true to the type.
7
Johnson’s rst weeks in ofce confused onlookers. Late in April, he disowned
the too-lenient surrender agreement General Sherman had offered to Confederate
troops in North Carolina and sent Grant south to impose more stringent terms.
Southerners, black and white, awaited the president’s next move with anxiety.
Then, on 29 May, Johnson issued an amnesty proclamation and announced a plan
to install state governments throughout the former Confederacy. The amnesty
terms were generous, exempting only certain categories of persons, among them
the Confederacy’s highest-ranking ofcials, civil and military ofcers of the fed-
eral government who had embraced the Confederate cause, and owners of more
than twenty thousand dollars’ worth of property. Such persons could apply to the
president for individual pardon. In a second proclamation that day, Johnson ap-
pointed a provisional governor for North Carolina, whose duty it would be to sum-
mon a convention to draft a new state constitution that would repudiate secession
1866, 107th USCI; all in Entry 57C, Regimental Papers, Record Group (RG) 94, NA. On the 59th
USCI at Brice’s Crossroads and Tupelo, see above, Chapter 7; on the reputation of the 81st USCI,
see above, Chapter 13.
6
Foner, Reconstruction, pp. 43–45, 176–84, 228.
7
David W. Bowen, Andrew Johnson and the Negro (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press,
1989), pp. 6 (“I know”), 51, 81 (“I will”); Capt D. Boyd to Capt W. T. Clarke, 5 Oct 1865 (B–136),
NA Microlm Pub T142, Selected Rcds of the Tennessee Field Ofce of the Bureau of Refugees,
Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands (BRFAL), roll 25.