Adelaar Willem, Muysken Pieter. The languages of the Andes
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244 3 The Inca Sphere
Among the lexical elements to be mentioned in particular, wilka ‘sun’ (see above) is
not found in any other Quechua dialect; amru:na is from Spanish hambruna ‘famine’.
The non-proximate deictic say (< *ˇcay) shows the effect of a regular change *ˇc>
s,which Pacaraos shares with a number of QI dialects on the Pacific side of the
Andes.
The verb yarku- ‘rise’, ‘climb’ contains a petrified derivational suffix -rku- ‘upwards’.
Internal verbal suffixes that end in a rounded back vowel u change this vowel to a
before a small class of other internal verbal suffixes including the ventive -mu- ‘hither’,
as in the example given. The intervening suffix -rqu- ‘perfective aspect’ is affected
as well.
Unique for Pacaraos is the shape of the independent suffix -s-,which in combination
with the adverb mana marks a negative sentence. This suffix appears in its full shape
-su (< *-ˇcu)when the phonological context requires it, that is, when it is not preceded
by a short vowel or followed by -a: (see below). When the allomorph -s occurs in word-
final position, the vowel preceding it is stressed. Since penultimate stress is the rule in
Pacaraos Quechua, the existence of a short form -s must be interpreted as the result of
the elision of a final vowel (u). This elision is optional, although the use of the short
form is preferred. The element -a: indicates emphasis and is frequently used in Pacaraos
Quechua.
The reportative independent suffix indicates a second-hand data source and appears in
its long form -ˇsi when not preceded by a short vowel or followed by -a:. The alternation
-ˇs/-ˇsi is reconstructible for Proto-Quechua and bears no relationship to the alternation
described in the preceding paragraph. When the short allomorph -ˇs occurs in word-final
position, the preceding vowel is not stressed.
Other affixes found in sentence 1 are the independent suffix -qa,which may delineate
a non-comment phrase, the infinitive marker -y, the past-tense marker -rqa-, the switch-
reference marker -pti- ‘different subject’ and the third-person subject marker -n.As
in several other dialects, the third-person subject marker is zero after the past-tense
marker -rqa-.
2. saki-rqa-ˇsim´a-p ayk´a-p haˇc
.
´a-p im´a-p wa:k´a-p
dry-PA.3S-HS what-AD how.much-AD plant-AD what-AD cow-AD
‘Everything dried out, the plants, etc., and the cows as well.’
Sentence 2 contains several instances of the additive suffix -pa ‘even’, ‘too’. This
suffix has a short form -p,which is the product of elision, and the distribution of the
two forms is parallel to that of the allomorphs of -su (see above). Ima-p(a) ayka-p(a)
is a composite pronominal expression meaning ‘all kinds of’, ‘everything’; the second
3.2 The Quechuan language family 245
instance of ima closes an enumeration and has the meaning of ‘et cetera’. Wa:ka is a
borrowing from Spanish (vaca).
3. wan
y
u-ku-rqa-ˇs animal-kuna
die-RF-PA.3S-HS animal-PL
‘The animals died.’
The use of the reflexive suffix -ku- can be explained in that the animals died for no
reason, without any social benefit to their owners. The suffix -kuna indicates nominal
plurality.
4. sawr´a-q yanqa kay-naw uˇcuˇcaq wamra-kun´a-p miku-y-piq-ˇsi
wan
y
u-rqu-n
then-TO in.vain this-CP little child-PL-AD eat-IF-AB-HS die-PF-3S
‘Then, in this way, even the little children died in vain for lack of food.’
The expression sawr´a-q(a) is probably a contraction of *say ura-qa (ura ‘hour’,
‘time’, from Spanish hora ‘hour’). The independent suffix -qa (non-comment phrase
marker) exhibits the same phonological variation as -pa and -su. The proximate deictic
kay followed by the comparative case marker -naw ‘like’ behaves like an adverb here
(‘in this way’). The ablative case marker -piq or -piqta is used in an expression with
the infinitive of miku- ‘to eat’, mikuypiqta ‘without eating’, ‘for lack of food’ (literally,
‘away from eating’).
5. sawr´a-q kay-kuna pun
y
u-rka:ˇc
.
a:-raq-su
then-TO this-PL sleep-PL.PR-PA.3S-IR
‘So were they asleep?’
When used without either one of the negative markers mana (in statements) and ama
(in exhortations), the independent suffix -su indicates a polar question. The verbal suffix
-rka:ˇc
.
a:- is a portmanteau morpheme combining the function of a progressive aspect
(marker -yka:-) and a plural (marker -rka:-). As in most Quechua I dialects, a low vowel
located at the end of an internal verbal affix is automatically long in most open syllables.
The ending -raq is an alternative for -rqa (past tense + third-person subject).
6. keba: sin miku-y-piq kay-kuna pun
y
u-ka-nqa
how without eat-IF-AB this-PL sleep-NC-3S.F
‘How do you expect them to fall asleep without eating?’
The expression keba: (from Spanish
¿qu´e va?), here without a question marker, is fol-
lowed by a future-tense form. It introduces a rhetorical question. The derivational suffix
-ka:- in pun
y
ukanqa indicates non-controlled action, pun
y
u-ka:- and pun
y
u- relating to
246 3 The Inca Sphere
each other more or less like ‘to fall asleep’ and ‘to sleep’ in English. The suffix -ka:-
appears here as -ka- because of its checked position within a closed syllable. The prepo-
sition sin ‘without’, a borrowing from Spanish, may have a disambiguating function,
favouring the interpretation ‘without eating’ for mikuypiq.
7. mana-m pun
y
u-ka-n-su miku-y-piqt´a-q
not-AF sleep-NC-3S-NE eat-IF-AB-TO
‘They did not fall asleep because they were hungry.’
The negative adverb mana is followed by the assertive independent suffix -mi/-m. The
distribution of its allomorphs is the same as that of the reportative -ˇsi/-ˇs (see above). The
suffix -qa (-´q)isrequired in a non-comment phrase located after the verb.
8. sawr´a-q mana-ˇs pun
y
u-ka-rqu-n
y
aq-su wamra-kun´a-q
then-TO not-HS sleep-NC-PF-SD.3S-NE child-PL-TO
‘So it turned out that they had not fallen asleep, the children.’
The portmanteau ending -n
y
aq marks the sudden-discovery tense and a third-person
subject. It is preceded by the perfective aspect marker -rqu-,which indicates immed-
iateness or, in this case, the (lack of) result of a previous development.
9. “may-ˇc
.
aw-raq kanala ka-yka-n” n
y
i-n-ˇsi
where-L-AN corn.toaster be-PR-3S say-3S-HS
‘“Where could the corn toaster be?” they would say.’
Interrogative expressions such as mayˇc
.
aw ‘where?’ (may ‘what place?’, -ˇc
.
aw ‘locative
case’) can be followed by the independent suffix -raq ‘still’ for the purpose of indicating
that an answer is not likely to be obtained. The element -yka- represents the progressive
aspect marker -yka:- in a checked position. With the verb ka- ‘to be (there)’, progressive
aspect indicates a temporary position.
10. “kuy-ˇc
.
aw ka-yka-n” n
y
asay-naw-pa-ˇswamra rima-rqu-rqa
that.over.there-L be-PR-3S already that-CP-G-HS child speak-PF-PA.3S
‘“It is over there”, a child had said.’
The deictic kuy indicates location at a distance within sight of the speaker and the
hearer. It stands in opposition to kay ‘this (near speaker)’ and say ‘that (near hearer or
anaphoric)’. The three far distant deictics are ˇc
.
aqay ‘lower level’, ˇc
.
uqay ‘same level’
and naqay ‘higher level’.
The form saynaw ‘such’ exemplifies a special type of use of the comparative case
marker -naw ‘like’. Whereas it normally functions as a deictic adjective, saynaw is
3.2 The Quechuan language family 247
adverbialised by means of the genitive case marker -pa. The verb rimarqurqa illustrates
a combination of perfective aspect and past tense.
11. say o:ra-ˇs mama-n wan
y
u-si-raq miku-na-m-paq
that time-HS mother-3P die-CA-PA.3S eat-FN-3S-B
‘At that moment, its mother killed it in order to eat it.’
The borrowed term o:ra (also ura, cf. above, from Spanish hora ‘hour’) is used for
time in general. Time expressions need not take a case marker. The form maman contains
a third-person possessive marker -n; number of possessor is not indicated in Pacaraos
Quechua. The derivational suffix -si-(< *-ˇci-) marks a causative construction. The
combination of -na ‘future nominaliser’ and -paq ‘benefactive case’ indicates a goal;
-m is a phonologically conditioned allomorph of the third-person subject marker -n.
12. payla-wan-ˇsi yanu-raq say wamr´a-k
cooking.pan-IS-HS cook-PA.3S that child-AC
‘She cooked that child in a large cooking-pan.’
The instrument is indicated by means of the case marker -wan. The accusative marker
-kta indicates a direct object. Word-finally, it appears in its form -k, preceded by a short
stressed vowel. The distribution of -kta and -k is similar to that of the allomorphs of the
suffixes -pa,-qa and -su (see above). Additionally, the accusative case marker has an
allomorph -ta after consonants or long vowels.
The example sentences to be treated below constitute a necessary supplement to the
above text fragment in that they contain references to the speech participants.
13. l
y
am´a-y ka-pti-n kanta-q ka-y, kunan mana-m kanta-y-su
llama-1P be.there-DS-3S sing-HB be-1S, now not-AF sing-1S-NE
‘When I had llamas, I used to sing. Now I don’t sing any more.’
The suffix -y, preceded by a stressed vowel when in word-final position, refers to the
speaker. It may either indicate a first-person possessor, or a first-person subject. The
combination of an agentive nominalisation (suffix -q) and the verb ka- ‘to be’ indicates
a past habitual.
14. n
y
uq´a-q huk-la-m-a: rima-mu-rq´a-y, pi:=pi-kt´a-p n
y
uq´a-q rim´a-y,
I-TO one-DL-AF-EM speak-H-PA-1S who=who-AC-AD I-TO speak-1S
“may-piqta-m ka-nki, ima-m huti-ki” lapa-n-ta-m-a: n
y
uq´a-q
tapu-k´u-y
what.place-AB-AF be-2S, what-AF name-2P all-3P-AC-AF-EM I-TO
ask-RF-1S
‘I spoke to you at once. I speak to everybody. I always ask everyone:
“Where are you from? What is your name?”’
248 3 The Inca Sphere
The verb rimamurq´ay ‘I spoke to you’ is an example of the unique way in which
Pacaraos Quechua expresses the combination of a first-person subject and a second-
person object. Except in the future-tense paradigm, this combination is indicated by
means of what is otherwise the ventive suffix -mu- and the first-person subject marker -´y
(if possible, with previous stress). The combined subject–object markers consist of
two parts that can be separated by other suffixes, in this case, by the past-tense
marker -rqa.
The suffix -la in hukla ‘at once’ normally refers to limitation (‘just’, ‘only’); huk is
a numeral ‘one’. Second-person markers are -nki (for subject) and -yki (for possessor);
the latter appears in a shorter form -ki after roots in i, such as huti ‘name’.
The reflexive suffix -ku- has a derived meaning ‘always’, ‘characteristically’ in tapuk´uy
‘I always ask’.
The root lapa- ‘all’ is compulsorily followed by a possessive personal reference
marker, in this case, the third-person marker -n.Inneutral WH-questions, interroga-
tive pronouns or phrases are closed by the assertive validator -mi/-m. The combination
of the additive independent suffix -pa (-´p) following an interrogative root such as pi
‘who’ (pi: when not directly followed by a suffix) results in an indefinite pronoun ‘who-
ever’. The reduplication of pi(:) indicates that several people are addressed on separate
occasions.
15. qayan rrahu-kta-ˇc
.
-a: puri-ri-rqa-yki, n
y
awi-k´ı-k surumpi-ˇsu.nki
yesterday snow-AC-DU-EM walk-PL-PA-2S, eye-2P-AC give.snow.
blindness-3S.2O
‘Yesterday you (plural) must have walked through the snow; your
eyes were snow-blind.’
The combination -ˇsu- ...-nki indicates a second-person object with a third-person
subject, the verb surumpi-having an impersonal subject. The derivational suffix -ri-
indicates plurality in verbs not marked for aspect. The second-person subject marker
-yki is used in the past-tense paradigm of the verbs. The independent suffix -ˇc
.
i/-ˇc
.
indicates
conjecture; the distribution of the two allomorphs is the same as in the case of -mi/-m
and -ˇsi/-ˇs.
16. altu-ˇc
.
aw ka-yka-nqa-y-kama-m intrega-rqa-ma:-n
y
aq mam´a-y,
high.parts-L be.there-PR-N-1S-LI-AF hand.over-PA-1O-SD.3S
mother-1P,
wa:ka-piq ˇsa-mu-rq´a-y kasara-q
cow-AB come-H-PA-1S marry-AG
‘While I was up in the mountains, my mother had given me away. I came
straight from the cows to get married.’
3.2 The Quechuan language family 249
The combination of a first-person object and a third-person subject is illustrated in
intregarqama:n
y
aq.First-person object is indicated by -ma:- (for the long vowel see
above). The sudden discovery ending -n
y
aq implies a third-person subject, unless it is
accompanied by a conjugated form of the auxiliary verb ka- ‘to be’.
The word altu (from the Spanish adjective alto ‘high’) has come to mean ‘highlands’,
‘high mountains’ in Pacaraos Quechua. The nominalising suffix -nqa- combines with
progressive aspect and the case marker -kama ‘until’, ‘each’ in order to indicate simul-
taneousness of a dependent clause and a main clause (‘while’). The ablative marker -piq
is to be translated as ‘from’.
The verb ˇsamu- ‘to come’ obligatorily contains the ventive suffix -mu- ‘hither’. In
Pacaraos Quechua, the defective root ˇsa- and its ventive supplement can be separated by
other suffixes. The agentive nominalisation in -q can be used as a complement of motion
verbs, as is the case in sentence 16.
The following two sentences illustrate some more characteristic features of Pacaraos
Quechua. Sentence 17 contains the suffix -V:naq (-ni:naq after consonants) for ‘without’.
(There is also a verbal ending -V:ni ‘without . . . ing’.) The agentive form kariq is used for
a habitual past ‘they used to be’. The absence of an auxiliary verb implies a third-person
subject.
17. ˇc
.
ina-:naq-la-m kay-ˇc
.
aw ka-ri-q
female.animal-without-DL-AF this.place-L be.there-PL-HB
‘They (the rams) used to be here without ewes.’
In sentence 18 -sun (< *-ˇcun) indicates a third-person imperative. The deictic ˇc
.
aqay
involves reference to altitude level.
18. ˇc
.
aqay-ˇc
.
aw say wamra-kuna pukla-ri-sun
distant.lower.place-L that child-PL play-PL-3S.IM
‘Let those children play down over there!’
3.2.10 A Cuzco Quechua text fragment
The following text fragment is taken from the autobiographical history in Quechua
of Gregorio Condori Mamani (1977: 59). The recorded autobiographies of Gregorio
and his wife Asunta were translated and annotated by Carmen Escalante and Ricardo
Valderrama. For an English version see Gelles and Mart´ınez (1996). The sample text
is part of a story that was told to Gregorio in prison by a fellow-inmate from Ccamara
(qamara). As the narrator explains, the people from Ccamara had a reputation for daring
exploits and cock-and-bull stories.
250 3 The Inca Sphere
1. mask
h
a-ˇsa-spa-tax
.
-si tari-ru-n hux hunt’a mut’i manka-ta hux
.
-ta-tax
.
ˇciˇcarron-ni-yux
.
-ta.
search-PR-SS-SQ-HS find-U-3S one full mote pot-AC one-AC-SQ
chicharr´on-EU-OS-AC
‘While searching, he reportedly found a pot full of cooked corn and one
with pork meat.’
The words hux and hux
.
‘one’, ‘other’ are equivalent in Cuzco Quechua. The Spanish
word chicharr´on refers to over-roasted diced pork meat, which is considered a delicacy.
The word mut’i (Spanish mote) refers to cooked grains of corn. The function of the
suffix -ru- (∼ -rqu-) has been described for Cuzco Quechua as indicating a sudden event,
completion of an event, or an action performed with a sense of urgency (Cusihuam´an
1976a). It can be combined with the progressive aspect marker -ˇsa-. Therefore, it cannot
be interpreted as a (perfective) aspect marker, as is the case in Pacaraos and southern
Quechua I, where -r(q)u- and the progressive aspect marker are mutually exclusive. The
form hux
.
tatax
.
is used elliptically for hux
.
mankatatax
.
. The independent suffix -tax
.
marks
a sequence of sentences (‘and...’), often with the implication of a contrast (‘on the one
hand...,ontheother...’). In the latter case, the use of -tax
.
favours elliptic constructions
as exemplified here.
2. mik
h
u-y-ta-tax
.
-si qal
y
a.yu-n.
eat-IF-AC-EM-HS begin-3S
‘And he began to eat.’
The verb qal
y
ayu- ‘to begin’ obligatorily contains the suffix -yu- (∼ -yku-), which
originally referred to inward motion. Other dialects have reflexes of qal
y
ari-,butqal
y
a-
never occurs by itself.
3. peru as-ta-wan-si ˇciˇcarron-ta muna-n.
but a.little-AC-IS-HS chicharr´on-AC want-3S
‘But he wanted more pork meat.’
The conjunction peru ‘but’ is from Spanish pero. The combination aswan (literally
‘with a little’) has the meaning of ‘more’. In the role of the object, here in apposition
with ˇciˇcarronta,anaccusative case marker -ta is inserted before -wan in accordance
with the regular affix order found in other contexts.
4. manka-kuna mask
h
a-ˇsa-sqa-m-pi-tax
.
-si tari-ru-n manka-kuna-ta
ˇciˇcarron hunt’a-ta.
pot-PL search-PR-SN-3S-L-SQ-HS find-U-3S pot-PL-AC chicharr´on
full-AC
‘And while he was searching for (more) pots, he found (other) pots full of
pork chops.’
3.2 The Quechuan language family 251
The combination of progressive aspect (-ˇsa-), a stative nominaliser (-sqa) and the
locative case marker -pi is used to indicate simultaneousness (‘while...’). The form -m-
is the regular allomorph of the third-person marker -n before a labial consonant. The word
mankakuna lacks an accusative case marker, because it is the object of a nominalised
verb. The word hunt’a ‘full’ normally follows the product a container is filled with.
5. pero runa-x
.
ninri-n-manta-s ˇciˇcarron-qa ka-sqa.
but people-G ear-3P-AB-HS chicharr´on-TO be-SD.3S
‘But those pork chops turned out to be people’s ears.’
The word for ‘ear’ rinri is frequently found as ninri in Cuzco Quechua.
6. mut’i manka-kuna-tax
.
-si runa kiru-n ka-sqa.
mote pot-PL-SQ-HS people tooth-3P be-SD.3S
‘And the pots with cooked corn turned out to be people’s teeth.’
Note the absence of a genitive marker in runa kirun (instead of runax
.
kirun). The
final -n cannot be interpreted as an affirmative validator (-mi/-n), because the sentence
already contains the hearsay marker -si.
7. qamara mik
h
u-sqa-n manka-kuna-ta ˜nawi-pas salta-x
.
-rax
.
q
h
awa-ˇsa-x
.
ti-n-si, karu-manta-rax
.
uya.ri-ru-n korneta hina l
y
aki
qapa.ri-ka-mu-y-ta.
Ccamara eat-SN-3S pot-PL-AC eye-AD jump-AG-AN look-PR-
DS-3S-HS far-AB-AN hear-U-3S cornet like lament
shout-RF-H-IF-AC
‘As the (man from) Ccamara was looking at the pots he had been eating
from, with his eyes jumping out of their sockets, he heard sorrowful
cries like (the sound of) a cornet approaching from afar.’
The nominalised verb mik
h
usqan functions as a locative-based relative clause (‘from
which he had been eating’). The sentence contains several instances of the independent
suffix -rax
.
‘still’, ‘first’, here glossed as ‘anticompletive’ (AN). It indicates an obstacle
to be taken before an event referred to in the context can take place: ˜nawipas saltax
.
rax
.
‘although his eyes would come out first (before he was able to do so)’, karumantarax
.
‘although the sound was coming from quite a distance (still to be bridged)’. The phrase
˜nawipas saltax
.
rax
.
is not connected morphologically to the rest of the sentence. Such a
construction, reminiscent of a Latin ablativus absolutus (but without case marking), is
found in several Quechua dialects. The phrase l
y
aki qaparikamuy (literally ‘approaching
shouts of lamentation’) mirrors a compound. The reflexive suffix -ku- is lowered to -ka-
before the ventive suffix -mu-.For the structure of qapari- and uyari-, see the comments
252 3 The Inca Sphere
on qal
y
ayu- in sentence 2; the element -ri- is otherwise interpreted as an inceptive. The
word hina ‘as’, ‘like’, ‘so’ functions as a postposition in this sentence.
8. pasa.x
.
qapa.ri-ka-mu-y wasi serka-pi-n
y
a ka-ˇsa-x
.
ti-n-tax
.
-si,
qamara p’ita-spa wasi-x
.
moxineti-n-man taparaku hina
t’ipa-ru-ku-n.
everywhere shout-RF-H-IF house neighbourhood-L-CM be-PR-DS-
3S-SQ-HS Ccamara jump-SS house-G roof.beam-3P-AL moth like
cling-U-RF-3S
‘And when the approaching shouts were already everywhere near the
house, the (man from) Ccamara jumped into a roof-beam and clung
to it like a moth.’
The word pasax
.
‘everywhere’, ‘always’, ‘too much’ is derived from the Spanish verb
pasar ‘to pass’. The ending -x
.
can be identified as the agentive nominaliser. The Quechua
word serka, from Spanish cerca ‘near’, has the meaning of a substantive (‘neighbour-
hood’), as has Quechua karu ‘distant place’, ‘distance’ (rather than just ‘far’).
9. hina-man-tax
.
-si waqa-yu-spa hayku-mu-n hux runa asufri-man
asna-ˇsa-x
.
, haqay nirax
.
ˇc
h
aˇcu t
h
anta ˇcaki maki-n-tax
.
hunt’a
yawar-ˇca-sqa l
y
aga-manta.
so-AL-SQ-HS cry-IT-SS enter-H-3S one man sulphur-AL smell-PR-AG
that resembling ragged ragged foot hand-3P-SQ full blood-FA-SN
wound-AB
‘And there a man came in, crying intensely, smelling of sulphur, ragged
in an awful way, his feet and hands covered in blood from wounds.’
The expression hinaman, literally ‘into like’, refers to motion into a situation (‘in
those circumstances’, ‘at that moment’, ‘there’). The suffix -yu- (∼ -yku-) indicates
intensity, one of its uses according to Cusihuaman (1976a), derived from its original
function as a marker of inward motion (cf. the comments on sentence 2). The phrase
asufriman asnaˇsax
.
is a relative clause which contains a nominalised verb and follows
the antecedent. Note that the complement in ‘to smell of (something)’ is indicated by
means of the allative case (-man). The phrase haqay nirax
.
, literally ‘resembling (nirax
.
)
that remote one (haqay)’, is an expression of exaggeration or high degree. The words
ˇc
h
aˇcu and t
h
anta both have the same meaning ‘in rags’. The phrase ˇcaki maki ‘feet and
hands’ behaves like a single noun. The words asufri and l
y
aga are borrowings from
Spanish (azufre, llaga).
10. kondenadu-tax
.
-si ka-sqa.
condenado- SQ-HS be-SD.3S
‘He turned out to be a damned soul.’
3.2 The Quechuan language family 253
The notion of condenado refers to the souls of unburied deceased people, who roam
about terrorising the living. This is a frequent theme of the Andean oral tradition.
11. l
y
aki=l
y
aki-yu-ku-spa-tax
.
-si hux ratu-ˇca-l
y
aˇciˇcarron-ta
mik
h
u-ra-pu-n.
lament=lament-IT-RF-SS-SQ-HS one moment-DI-DL chicharr´on-AC
eat-U-RS-3S
‘Lamenting continuously, he devoured the roasted pork meat in a
moment.’
The reduplication in l
y
aki=l
y
akiku- indicates an event which is particularly intense
and continuous as compared to the simple form l
y
akiku- ‘to be sad’, ‘to lament’. The
reflexive suffix -ku- is part of the verb form and cannot be omitted. The intensive suffix
-yu- is inserted in the verb form in order to preserve the preferred affix order -y(k)u-ku-.
Adverbial expressions are often followed by the suffix -l
y
a ‘just’, ‘only’. The verbal
suffix -pu- indicates either the presence of a beneficiary, or restitution to an original
state. The sequence -ra-pu-, consisting of the urgency suffix -r(q)u-, here lowered to -ra-
before -pu-, can be used to indicate violent seizure for the subject’s own benefit.
12. kiru mut’i-ta-pas hawas hank’a-ta hina t’ux
.
a-ˇci-spa-rax
.
-si
mik
h
u-ru-l
y
a-n-tax
.
.
tooth mote-AC-AD bean toasted.food-AC like burst-CA-SS-AN-HS
eat-U-DL-3S-SQ
‘And he also ate the tooth corn, making it burst like toasted beans.’
The word hawas ‘beans’ represents an early borrowing of Spanish habas. The old
Spanish aspiration (now lost) is preserved in the borrowed form. Types of food prepara-
tion are often expressed by means of compound-like sequences of substantives in which
the head noun specifies the sort of preparation whereas the modifier indicates the prod-
uct that has been cooked (literally, ‘bean toast’, rather than ‘toasted beans’). The verb
t’ux
.
a-(< *t’uqya-) ‘to burst’, ‘to explode’ refers to the characteristic sound of toasted
beans.
13. n
y
a manka-ta l
y
ax
.
wa-ˇsa-x
.
ti-n-n
y
a-s musk
h
i-ru-n:
already pot-AC lick-PR-DS-3S-CM-HS smell-U-3S
‘When he was already licking the pots, he at once smelled something.’
In Southern Peruvian Quechua II the adverb n
y
a ‘already’ is obligatorily accompanied
by the homophonous independent suffix -n
y
a (here glossed as ‘completive’). Note the
use of the different-subject subordination marker -x
.
ti- in a sentence where only one