The Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 3: Medieval Japan
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THE LAST HUNDRED YEARS 229
By the end of the Onin War, most
shugo
had abandoned Kyoto and
returned to their provinces to consolidate their forces. Kyoto itself was
no longer a source of power for them. That was to be found in the
provinces. As the shugo belatedly returned their attention to their
provincial bases, most found that the times had already passed them
by. Their vassals, being close to the real sources of military support
and having for many years served as deputies for their Kyoto-based
and increasingly remote
shugo
overlords, were showing signs of insub-
ordination. Under these conditions, only the provincial daimyo do-
mainal lord could survive. Shugo houses either were forced to adapt to
these conditions or were quickly displaced by stronger provincial lead-
ers.
From this point on, affairs in the capital were conditioned on the
struggle for power in the provinces.
But the capital and its government, the bakufu, retained some of its
importance.
88
Although the last four or five shoguns had no personal
power, the Hosokawa family that monopolized the office of kanrei
managed to give a certain stability to the capital area, at least until the
1530s. During the Onin War, the bugyonin had sided with the
Hosokawa cause, and after the end of the fighting they remained
cooperative with the Hosokawa. The pattern displayed in these years,
in which a figurehead aristocratic house was kept alive by provincial
military leaders as a means of acquiring national influence, was not
new to Japanese history. The story of the last shogun, Yoshiaki, the
emperor Ogimachi, and the rising military hegemon, Oda Nobunaga,
reveals how a "puppet shogun" could prove useful and yet cause trou-
ble for his puppeteer.
89
By the 1560s, the aristocratic houses of Kyoto were faced with more
than the usual crises. The last kanrei, Hosokawa Ujitsuna, had been
ousted by former vassals, the Miyoshi and the Matsunaga. In 1565,
this group had assassinated the shogun, Ashikaga Yoshiteru, and had
substituted Ashikaga Yoshihide as their puppet shogun. Another po-
tential heir to the Ashikaga shogunate, Yoshiaki, at the time abbot of
a
subtemple of the Kofukuji, escaped to the east to find support for his
own cause. Oda Nobunaga seemed a likely candidate on whom to rely.
Although still unproven as a national leader, he had had a string of
notable military successes, especially the defeat in 1560 of
a
great army
led by Imagawa Yoshimoto of Suruga. By 1565, Nobunaga was being
88 Ibid., pp.
142-3.
89 The remainder of what follows relies on Hisashi Fujiki, with George Elison, "The Political
Posture of Oda Nobunaga," in Hall, Nagahara, and Yamamura,
eds.,
Japan Before Tokugawa,
pp.
49-93-
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
230 THE MUROMACHI BAKUFU
courted by both
tenno
and shogunal claimants to offer his military
support on their
behalf.
Nobunaga responded to these offers in 1568,
entering the capital in force "in the interest of" the emperor and "as
champion for" Ashikaga Yoshiaki.
Once Nobunaga was in control of the city, the emperor, Ogimachi,
named Yoshiaki as the shogun and gave orders that both Yoshiaki and
Nobunaga aid in the restoration of the estates lost by the imperial
family. Nobunaga's status was left uncertain, but it appears that
Yoshiaki wished to name him as
kanrei.
Had Nobunaga accepted this
appointment, he would have become a party to a return to the triangu-
lar balance of power that had existed among
tenno,
shogun, and
kanrei
a century or so earlier. But Nobunaga refused to subordinate himself
to the shogun. He rejected the offer and instead attempted to domi-
nate the shogun through sheer force. From what transpired during the
next few years, it is clear that the shogun was not powerless in such a
situation. He could still count on the services of the Ashikaga house
retainers, the civil administrators, and the guardsmen. The bakufu
continued functioning as a legal office, affirming land grants and in-
heritances. Moreover, through his
staff,
the shogun still exercised
considerable behind-the-scenes influence by playing factional politics
among the provincial daimyo.
In early 1573, Yoshiaki sent out letters to nearby daimyo and reli-
gious institutions hostile to Nobunaga, calling for military action
against him. He took refuge in a fortification south of Kyoto and
waited for developments. Nobunaga made short work of the shogun's
move. Yoshiaki was defeated, but not killed, and was allowed to live
out his life in exile. But for all intents and purposes, the Ashikaga
shogun and the Muromachi bakufu had ceased to exist.
Within a week after disposing of Yoshiaki, Nobunaga managed to
have the emperor change the era name to Tensho as a sign of legitima-
tion for a new political order. Nobunaga's tenka differed fundamen-
tally from that of the Ashikaga shoguns. Yoshimitsu's or Yoshimasa's
tenka
had envisioned a fusion of
kuge
and
buke
rule conducted through
the provincial administration of the shogun's
shugo
vassals.
But by the
time of Yoshiaki, the Ashikaga mandate to rule had been reduced to
the narrowest of private interests, the shogun's simple desire to stay
alive. Against this, Nobunaga was able to pose
a
broader conception of
tenka,
one that included
a
place for not only the
kuge
and
buke
but also
the common people. It was this larger
tenka
that Yoshiaki proved unfit
to govern.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
CHAPTER 5
MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT:
SHUGO AND KOKUJIN
INTRODUCTION
In contrast with that of the Kamakura bakufu, the authority of the
Muromachi bakufu expanded rapidly following its establishment in
1336,
and the Ashikaga shogun became almost an absolute monarch.
1
In the provinces, shugo (military governors) were installed in sixty-six
administrative units, or provinces. In Kyushu and in the area from
the Kanto eastward, shogunal authority was delegated to regional
bakufu headquarters with administrative control over large areas,
called the Kanto kubo and the Kyushu tandai. An intermediate area
encompassing the Kinai, or central provinces, was under direct sho-
gunal rule. The authority of the shugo, in addition to their three
major duties inherited from the Kamakura period - punishing mur-
derers, putting down rebellions, and providing men for guard duty -
was enhanced by the addition of jurisdiction over land-related matters.
Besides holding nearly all military and administrative authority over
the provinces, the
shugo
organized local overlords, called kokujin, into
retainer bands. This process, called vassalization, progressed as the
shugo
gradually suppressed kokujin resistance. In an attempt to contain
the increasing power of the shugo, the bakufu used control measures
such as appointing members of the shugo's collateral family to the
shogun's army to serve as captains of the shogun's bodyguard, but
from the time of the Onin War (1467-77), the shugo's increasing sepa-
ration and independence from the bakufu became undeniable, and the
decentralization of local authority proceeded apace. Most of the
sengoku
daimyo, great sixteenth-century local warriors who controlled
their own territories, could trace their lineages back to the Muromachi
shugo
or to their retainers, the deputy
shugo
(shugodai).
1 Sato Shin'ichi, "Shugo ryogokusei no tenkai," in Shin Nihonshi taikei (Tokyo: Asakura shot en,
1954),
p. 107.
231
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232 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT
REGIONAL ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICIALS: KUBO AND
TAN DAI
During the Nambokucho disturbance (1336-92), the bakufu's re-
gional administrative headquarters - the Kanto
kubo
and the Kyushu
tandai-were established and had jurisdiction over the
shugo,
chiefly
out of military necessity. The Kanto
kubo
most likely originated dur-
ing the Kanno disturbance (1350-2), when Shogun Ashikaga Takauji
left Kyoto to go to the Kanto, leaving his son Yoshiakira in his place.
In so doing, Takauji divided the country territorially between east and
west, thus creating a kind of dual government. Later, Takauji re-
turned to Kyoto, but he stationed his fourth son, Ashikaga Motouji,
the younger brother of Yoshiakira, in his place in Kamakura as the
first Kanto kubo.
Paralleling the bakufu in Kyoto, a
shitsuji
or chief steward (called
the Kamakura
shitsuji
and, later, the Kamakura
kanrei)
was installed as
an adviser to the kubo, to whom the latter delegated all governing
duties. When a serious rift developed between the two, the Kanto
region was gradually brought to a state of disruption and war. The
main line of the Uesugi clan, Yamauchi no Uesugi, came to inherit the
office of Kanto
shitsuji,
which included a concurrent appointment as
the
shugo
of Echigo, Kozuke, and Sagami provinces. Another official
under the
shitsuji
was in charge of litigation and day-to-day governing.
The office of the kubo was thus a smaller replica of the bakufu in
Kyoto. The eight provinces under the jurisdiction of the Kanto kubo
included Sagami, Musashi, Shimosa, Kazusa, Awa, Hitachi,
Shimotsuke, and Kozuke, but at times the provinces of
Shinano,
Kai,
Mutsu, and Dewa were also within the purview of the Kanto kubo.
2
Among Japanese specialists, the Kanto governing authority of the
Muromachi period is called the Kamakura-/w because its administra-
tive offices were established at Kamakura in Sagami Province.
3
The
branch of the Ashikaga family that served as the Kanto kubo main-
tained an independent stance toward Kyoto, and beginning with the
reign of the third shogun, Yoshimitsu, the Kanto's military activities
were regarded with a wary eye by the authorities in Kyoto,
At the end of 1399, when the powerful western shugo Ouchi
Yoshihiro attacked the bakufu and started the Oei disturbance,
2 On the Kanto kubo system, see Watanabe Yosuke, Kanto chushin Ashikaga jidai no kenkyu
(Tokyo: Yuzankaku, 1926); Ito Kiyoshi, "Muromachi no kokka to Togoku," Rekishigaku
kenkyu, special issue (October 1979): 63-72.
3 Ito Kiyoshi, "Kamakura bakufu oboegaki," Rekishi, no. 42 (April 1972): 17-34.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
REGIONAL ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICIALS 233
Ashikaga Yoshimitsu resolved to subjugate the Kanto. The next sho-
gun, Ashikaga Yoshimochi, attempted to check the rebellious Kanto
kubo both openly and by coercive methods. On the one hand he paci-
fied the appeased shitsuji, Uesugi Norizane, and at the same time
threw his support to powerful shugo and some of the kokujin who
dominated areas of the Kanto, calling them the "stipended band of
Kyoto." Accordingly, the kokujin and shugo of the various areas of the
Kanto split into two factions: those who allied with the bakufu in
Kyoto and thus attempted to widen their own sphere of control, and
those who pledged loyalty to the Kanto kubo and broke with Kyoto.
Antagonism between the shogun Ashikaga Yoshinori and the Kanto
kubo Ashikaga Mochiuji reached a peak in 1428. Finally, in the Eikyo
disturbance of 1438, Mochiuji was defeated and killed by bakufu
troops. Two years later, nearly all of Mochiuji's descendants were
killed in the Yuki disturbance, and the Kanto was left without a kubo.
In this conflict, the Kanto shitsuji Uesugi Norizane, taking a position
similar to that of the bakufu, tried to dissuade Mochiuji from rebel-
ling, but he was unsuccessful, and finally he left his master and went
into seclusion.
After the Kakitsu disturbance of 1441, Shogun Yoshimasa ap-
pointed the last remaining descendant of Mochiuji, Ashikaga Shigeuji,
to the position of Kanto kubo and dispatched him to Kamakura. Since
the Eikyo disturbance, Shigeuji had harbored a deep resentment
against Norizane and his son Uesugi Noritada, who subsequently be-
came the shitsuji. In 1454, Shigeuji attacked and killed Noritada in
Kamakura, and the Kanto was plunged into chaos. The next year,
Shigeuji was removed from his post as kubo and was driven out of
Kamakura by bakufu troops.
By now a rebel, Shigeuji set up his resistance headquarters at Koga
in Shimosa Province. Known as the Koga kubo, he attracted many
local military leaders as his retainers.
4
In the conflict that soon broke
out, the town of Kamakura was destroyed, and the Kanto entered the
period of civil wars, the Sengoku period, one step ahead of the rest of
the country. In this way, exactly the opposite of the bakufu's intent in
delegating the Kanto's governing authority to the Kanto kubo was
accomplished: It succeeded only in hastening that area's estrangement
from the bakufu.
The bakufu did not appoint shugo to the northern provinces of
4 Sato Hironobu, "Sengokuki ni okeru Togoku kokkaron no ichi shiten - Koga kubo
Ashikagashi to Go-H6joshi o chushin to shite," Rekishigaku kenkyu, special issue (October
1979):
72-75-
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
234 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT
Mutsu and Dewa, where in the Nambokucho period Kitabatake Akiie
had gathered a military following and the forces of
the
Southern Court
held sway. First, Ishido Yoshifusa was appointed tandai, and then
Shiba Iekane was appointed shogunal deputy
(kanrei)
of the northern
region.
5
From then on, Shiba's descendants, the Ozaki family, were
the de facto
shugo
there. At one point in the early
fifteenth
century, the
region came under the jurisdiction of the Kanto kubo, and later the
kubo's family set up a residence in the southern part of Mutsu, which
became known as the Sasagawa Palace. In the early sixteenth century,
the
sengoku
daimyo Date was appointed by the bakufu to the office of
tandai of the northern region, but in fact he held no power, and his
office was important in name only.
6
Kyushu in the Nambokucho period was an even greater stronghold
of the southern forces than was the northern region. Here, in the
Kamakura period, the Chinzei
tandai,
the bakufu's Kyushu headquar-
ters,
had been located. Isshiki Toyu, a member of the Ashikaga clan,
was appointed to the Muromachi successor of the Kyushu post, now
called the Chinzei
kanrei.
7
Unable to attain control of it as an outpost
of the bakufu and the forces of the Northern Court, Isshiki was forced
to move his administrative offices north to Dazaifu and Hakata; by the
middle of the fourteenth century, the Isshiki family's control of
Kyushu had collapsed. There, the bakufu, in the person of the
kanrei
Hosokawa Yoriyuki, appointed Imagawa Sadayo (also known as
Imagawa Ryoshun) as the
shugo
of Totomi, that is, the Kyushu tandai,
and he was dispatched to Hakata in 1369.
By 1371, Sadayo had obtained the support of
daimyo
friendly to the
bakufu, like the Matsuura band, the Shimazu and the Ouchi. Eventu-
ally he was able to crush the military leaders of the southern forces,
like the Kikuchi, and succeeded in unifying Kyushu under the
bakufu's control. Continuing the practice of the Kamakura bakufu,
Sadayo established the office of the
tandai
in the Hakata, for Chikuzen
Province, and was concurrently appointed
shugo
of the three provinces
of
Aki,
Bingo, and Hyuga. But when Hosokawa Yoriyuki was killed in
the Kuryaku disturbance of 1379, Imagawa's position also became
precarious. Before long the post of
tandai
passed to Ouchi Yoshihiro.
And after Ouchi's downfall in the Oei disturbance of 1399, the
5 Endo Iwao, "Oshu kanrei oboegaki," Rekishi, no. 38 (March 1969): 24-66; Ogawa Makoto,
Ashikaga ichimon shugo
flatten
shi no kenkyu, (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1980), pp. 525-
618.
6 Fujiki Hisashi, Sengoku shakaishiron (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1974), pp. 342-59.
7 Kawazoe Shoji, "Chinzei kanrei ko," Nihon rekishi, nos. 205 and 206 (June-July 1965): 2-14
and 29-53, respectively.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
SHUGO DAIMYO 235
Shibukawa, a collateral line of the Ashikaga, inherited the office of
tandai. Beginning in the early fifteenth century, the powerful
shugo
of
northern Kyushu - the Ouchi, Shoni, and Otomo - struggled for hege-
mony over northern Kyushu. The tandai office held by the Shibukawa
family ceased to function and became only a nominal position. At the
same time, Kyushu entered the Onin War and was engulfed in strife for
the next thirty years. Like the Kanto, Kyushu entered the Sengoku era
early.
8
The Muromachi bakufu's regional governing mechanisms, called
the kubo and the tandai - which were established in the Kanto, the
northern provinces, and Kyushu - entered the Onin War early and
were stripped of their power before they could reach their full develop-
ment. This was an important turning point toward decentralization in
the peripheral areas and toward a general state of war.
SHUGO DAIMYO
Placement of shugo
The Muromachi shugo were the institutional heirs of the Kamakura
shugo system.
9
Even the short-lived Kemmu government of Emperor
Godaigo, an attempt at resurrecting the ancient ritsuryo state, pursued
a policy of jointly appointing to each province a shugo and a governor,
the ancient ritsuryo post of kokushi. The Mongol invasions of the late
Kamakura period were an important turning point in the expansion of
the shugo's powers. Even Emperor Godaigo's political power cannot
be ignored as a factor in the system's entrenchment. In some regions,
the Muromachi bakufu, founded in 1336, continued its fight against
the forces of the Southern Court, just as before. But in areas where the
fighting had ended, the bakufu was able to install powerful military
leaders of the Ashikaga clan as shugo. To areas where the southern
forces remained relatively strong, however, especially in the provinces
around Kyoto, the bakufu dispatched "provincial generals" (kuni
daisho),
military commanders quite unlike the shugo, who were basi-
cally administrative officials. Some provinces had no
shugo
at all; only
kuni daisho.
10
8 Kawazoe Shoji, "Kyushu tandai no suimetsu katei," Kyushu bunkashi kenkyujo kiyo, no. 23
(March 1978): 81-130.
9 Sato Shin'ichi, Zoho Kamakura bakufu shugo seido no kenkyu (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku
shuppankai, 1971), pp. 243-53.
10 Sato Shin'ichi, Muromachi bakufu
shugo seido
no kenkyu
—
Nambokuchoki
shokoku shugo
enkaku
kosho hen, rev. ed., vol. 1 (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1967), pp. 31-32.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
236 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT
As in the past, in the crucial five provinces of the Kyoto area and
particularly in the militarily most strategic province of Yamato, no
shugo
was appointed. Instead, those powers were held by one of the
powerful head temples of the Hosso sect of Buddhism, the Kofukuji.
11
With the historically strong support of the powerful Fujiwara family,
the Kofukuji became the dominant force in Yamato Province and
owned extensive estates from which it derived great revenue. To pro-
tect its interests, the temple maintained an army of warrior-monks
(sohei).
Until the
sengoku
daimyo Matsunaga Hisahide conquered it in
1560,
Yamato Province generally was able to resist military control.
This is not to say that the bakufu's authority did not extend to the
province at all: In military crises,
shugo
of the neighboring provinces
of Iga, Kochi, and later Yamashiro temporarily executed the duties of
shugo
there.
Yamato was not the only province lacking
shugo:
In the province of
Hida, the bakufu acknowledged the presence of the aristocratic
Anekoji family in the capacity of provincial governor, and the
Kyogoku family as
shugo.
Likewise, the Kitabatake family, descen-
dants of the aristocrat Kitabatake Chikafusa, controlled the southern
half of Ise Province through the office of provincial governor.
12
After
the Onin War, only they exercised
shugo
authority there and were even
formally appointed
shugo
by the bakufu.
In the Muromachi period, the governors of Ise, Hida, and Tosa
(who after the Onin War was Ichijo Norifusa, a member of
one
of the
aristocratic regent houses), were known as the "three provincial gover-
nors"
(sankokushi).
The lack of
a shugo
in Yamato and the existence of
the three aristocratic provincial governors were unusual and not typi-
cal of the Muromachi
shugo
system.
As the province where the bakufu itself
was
located, Yamashiro was
of primary importance. In the Kamakura period, no
shugo
had been
appointed to this province which was directly administered through
the bakufu's Kyoto branch, the Rokuhara tandai-
11
This situation
continued under the Muromachi bakufu until the end of the
Nambokucho period. From the establishment of the bakufu until the
end of the Kanno disturbance in 1352, the
shugo's
administrative func-
tions were carried out by bakufu vassals in Yamashiro Province, acting
11 Nagashima Fukutaro, "Yamato shugoshiki ko," Rekishi chiri 68 (October 1936): 61-66;
Nagashima Fukutaro, Nara
bunka
nodenryu (Tokyo: Meguro shoten, 1951), pp. 33, 85.
12 Okamura Morihiko, Hida
shiko,
medieval vol. (Tokyo: Okamura Morihiko, 1979), pp. 56-
74;
Onishi Genichi, Kitabatakeshi
no kenkyu
(Mie: Mieken kyodo shiryo kankokai, 1962), pp.
1-100; Nishiyama Masaru, "Sengoku daimyo Kitabatakeshi no kenryoku kozo," Shirin 62
(March 1979): 51-86. 13 Sato, Zoho Kamakura bakufu, p. 1.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
SHUGO DAIMYO 237
as inspection and enforcement officials. In the late fourteenth century,
the Board of Retainers the (samurai-dokoro) exercised the shugo's au-
thority there.
14
The bakufu, however, was keenly aware of the military
importance of Yamashiro and so in 1385 divided it into two administra-
tive sections: Rakuchu, which included the city of Kyoto, and the
district (gunbu), which was agricultural. Rakuchu was administered by
the samurai-dokoro, and an office of Yamashiro shugo was created for
the district as part of a general assignment of
shugo.
Yamana Ujikiyo,
the shugo of Izumi and Tamba, was appointed to the new office.
15
From then on, the board carried out police functions in most of the
capital. After Ujikiyo was defeated in the Meitoku disturbance of
1391,
it became customary for the closest vassals of Shogun Yoshimitsu,
including Yuki Mitsufuji and Ko no Moronao, to fill the office of
Yamashiro shugo. But after Yoshimitsu's death, the samurai-dokoro
again took over the administration of Yamashiro.
16
In the movement of
personnel that accompanied the suppression of the provincial governor
Kitabatake Mitsumasa's rebellion in 1412, the kanrei Hatakeyama
Mitsuie was appointed
shugo
of Yamashiro. From then on, Yamashiro
for the most part could be considered the domain of the Hatakeyama
family, who made the local kokujin and wealthy peasants their vassals.
In Omi Province as well, where, after Yamato and Yamashiro, the
power of the shoen proprietors was greatest, a special system was put
into effect whereby the shugo's authority was limited and did not
extend to the lands of the Enryakuji, the great Buddhist monastery on
Mount Hiei. In those areas the shugo's duties were carried out by the
Enryakuji's own military organization, the "emissaries of Mount Hiei"
(jsanmon
shisetsu),
who were even so designated by the bakufu.
17
Dividing the
office
of shugo
The shugo of the Muromachi bakufu differed from those of the
Kamakura period in that their scope of authority was greatly in-
creased. Another change in the office of
shugo
that began in this period
was the practice of dividing it between two people. As the Kemmu
shikimoku, the legal code of the Muromachi bakufu, explained, "The
14 Haga Norihiko, "Muromachi bakufu samurai dokoro tonin, tsuketafi: Yamashiro shugo bunin
enkaku kosho ko," Toyo Daigaku Kiyo, Faculty of Letters vol., no. 16 (July 1962): 77-98.
15 Gomi Fumihiko, "Shicho no kosei to bakufu: juni-juyon seiki no rakuchu shihai,"
Rekithigaku kenkyu, no. 392 (January 1973): 1-19.
16 Haga, "Muromachi bakufu samurai dokoro," pp. 91-92.
17 Shimosaka Mamoru, "Sanmon shisetsu seido no seiritsu to tenkai: Muromachi bakufu no
sanmon seisaku o megutte," Shirin 58 (January 1975): 67-114.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
238 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT
post of
shugo
is an office from ancient times," indicating that the
bakufu regarded the
shugo
as successors of the provincial governors of
the
ritsuryo
system.
l8
The Muromachi
shugo
came to be regarded as the
administrators of each province's political affairs. The office of
shugo
was first divided into district-level units so that several
shugo
could be
concurrently installed in a single province.
19
They were known as
"half-province shugo" (hankoku shugo) or "divided-district shugo"
(bungun shugo)
and are thought to be the forerunners of the similar
divisions of domains instituted by the Tokugawa bakufu. The initial
reason for this division of office was apparently military, and during
the Nambokucho disturbance, military administrative officials like
shugo
were installed as needed. It is not clear exactly when the office of
shugo for the district level was first divided, but because the two
districts of Amata and Ikaruga were taken from the
shugo
of Tamba,
Niki Yoriaki, in 1342 and given to the shugo of Tango, Uesugi
Tomisada,
20
this system may have been instituted immediately after
the Muromachi bakufu was established.
In the latter part of
the
Nambokucho period, with the rise of power-
ful
shugo,
the bakufu used this system to check the increasing power
of
specific
shugo.
In 1383, the bakufu restored Hosokawa Yorimoto (s::.i
of
Yoriyuki),
who was defeated in the Koryaku disturbance of
1379,
as
the
shugo
of Settsu Province.
21
But the
kanrei
Shiba Yoshimasa, fearing
the rising power of the Hosokawa, then subdivided and allotted nearly
half of the province to neighboring
shugo.
11
Specifically, of Sectsu
Province's thirteen districts, the districts of Nose, Kawabe, and Arima
near Harima Province, as well as Nishinari District, were assigned to
the Akamatsu family; Sumiyoshi District near Izumi Province was
assigned to the Yamana family; and Higashinari District near Kochi
Province was assigned to the Hatakeyama family. As a result, the
Hosokawa family was unable to govern all of Settsu as their own
domain or to use the office of
shugo
to cultivate their own military
following in order to recover their lost districts. Through political
negotiations following the Onin War, the Hosokawa regained ihese
districts, except for Arima District. Instead, the Arima family, a collat-
eral branch of the Akamatsu, maintained exclusive control of that
18 Sato, Muromachi bakufu
shugo
seido, p. 46.
19 Imatani Akira, Muromachi
bakufu
kailai katei no
kenkyu
(Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1985), pp.
225-59.
20 Imatani Akira, Shugo
ryogoku
shihai kiko no kenkyu (Tokyo: Hosei daigaku shuppankyoku,
1986),
pp. 307-45.
21 Sato, Muromachi bakufu
shugo
seido,
vol. I, pp. 30-52; Ogawa, Ashikaga
ichimon,
pp. 285-9.
22 Sato, Muromachi bakufu
shugo
seido, vol. I, pp. 30-52; Imatani, Shugo
ryogoku,
pp. 246-94.
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