The Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 3: Medieval Japan

Подождите немного. Документ загружается.

deputy shugo

junior deputy shugo

district deputy

SHUGO DAIMYO

shugo

deputy shugo

district deputy

•district envoy

(a)

shugo

deputy shugo

district deputy

•

district envoy

junior deputy shugo

district deputy

junior district deputy

249

(b)

Figure 5.1 Organization of

shugo

authority in (a) Yamashiro and (b)

Kawachi provinces, ca. 1379

There were several reasons for the sudden prominence of the district

officials:

was

this point that the shugo truly took control

the

provinces; now that the Nambokucho disturbance had been resolved,

the shugo could install permanent administrative officials;

and the

authority to tax, including provincewide taxes and tansen, had shifted

from the court

the bakufu and the shugo. (This last

said

have

occurred

the time

the Koryaku disturbance

1379.)

The sys-

tem and organization

the shugo's authority down

to the

smallest

local unit in the divided province are shown in Figure

5.I.

As time passed,

the

authority

the district deputies increased.

They built strongholds

sites that gave them the best view

the

district and established substantial fortifications

areas strategic

communication.

addition

taking over the local enforcement

the bakufu's decisions pertaining

land,

the

district deputies col-

lected tansen and shugoyaku, and military corvee (gunyaku) as well.

And the district deputies' role was the most crucial in the suppression

of local uprisings

in the

shugo's jurisdictions.

other words,

the

district deputy was the official who directly enforced the shugo's mili-

tary and administrative authority. Although the district deputy domi-

60 Imatani,

Muromachi

bakufu kailai, pp. 225-59.

61 For Yamashiro Province, see Imatani, Shugo

ryogoku,

pp.

18-71;

and for Kawachi Province,

see ibid., pp. 121-39.

Imatani,

Muromachi bakufu

kailai, pp. 225-59.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

250 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT

nated the peasants and had military power far superior to that of promi-

nent local persons, he usually was at odds with these local luminaries.

The

shugo

held the right to appoint the members of his provincial

administration, such as deputy

shugo,

junior deputy

shugo,

and the

district deputies, and except in extraordinary cases, the bakufu did

not intervene. Indeed, in personnel matters, for the bakufu to place

restrictions on the provincial administrative structure was out of the

question.

The district officials of the ancient ritsuryo system had been ap-

pointed from families whose local prominence predated the Taika re-

forms of the seventh century. But this was not the case with the district

deputies of the Muromachi period. Deputy

shugo

and district depu-

ties,

as members of the

shugo's ryogoku

organization, lived perma-

nently in the shugo's official compound, serving the

shugo.

Even

among the shugo's subordinates, they constituted a special group of

insiders

(uchishu).

The ordinary local wealthy peasants were called

kokujin

tozama,

thus distinguishing between the two groups.

There were cases in

which powerful kokujin who were native to a province acquired he-

reditary control of the office of deputy

shugo,

as did the Iba family of

Omi.

But this was an exception; more often

kokujin

were appointed

from outside the province. Examples include the Yusa family of

Kawachi, originally from Dewa; the Ogasawara and Kozai families of

Tamba, from Awa and Sanuki, respectively; and the Yakushiji family

of Settsu, from Musashi. The Hosokawa family, a branch of the

Ashikaga clan that took its name while still living in Mikawa, moved

to central Japan with the Ashikaga and began establishing a base

there in the Nambokucho period, centered at first in Awa and Sanuki

in Shikoku. At this point, the Hosokawa incorporated into the upper

echelons of its retainer band powerful

kokujin

from Shikoku, so that

at the end of the Nambokucho period when the Hosokawa set up the

administrative structure of their Kinai provinces - Settsu, Tamba,

and Izumi - kokujin from Shikoku dominated the ranks of the insid-

ers.

This was a conscious attempt to exclude local interests from the

administration of the

ryogoku,

but as a result, it aggravated the divi-

siveness between the

uchishu

(insiders) and the kokujin among the

skugo's

vassals.

63 Ibid. 64 Ogawa, Ashikaga ichimon, pp. 332-58.

65 Imatani, Shugo ryogoku, pp. 372-404. 66 Ogawa, Ashikaga ichimon, pp. 332-58.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

SHUGO DAIMYO 251

The

governing office

of the shugo

At the height of the Muromachi period, the shugo were usually re-

quired to reside in Kyoto, and the deputy shugo or junior deputy

shugo normally administered local matters. The locus of provincial

administration was called the shugosho.

In the Kamakura period,

because the shugo's authority had been primarily military, the provin-

cial office (kokuga) governed the province. But as the shugo's power

increased, this responsibility gradually shifted to the shugosho. In

some provinces,

shugosho

were set up on the very site of the former

provincial office or nearby. In such cases, the former provincial of-

fice, now transformed into the shugosho, was called the fuchu.

many areas, like Bungo, Musashi, and Hitachi, the names of the

fuchu remain even today. But often the

shugosho

were built at military

strategic points entirely separate from the old provincial office. For

example, in Izumi Province the old provincial office had been located

directly in the center of the province, but the

shugosho

was situated in

the northernmost part of the province

so as to be near the main

roads leading to Kawachi and Yamato. As time passed and the shugo's

administrative functions expanded, the economic center of the entire

province grew in importance, and then the

shugosho

were frequently

located in post towns and port cities, areas of strategic importance in

communications.

Shugosho were not necessarily limited to one per province. As ex-

plained earlier, in provinces that contained divided districts, there was

a shugosho for each head of each divided district. There were two

shugosho

in provinces with two deputy shugo, such as Yamashiro and

Kawachi (the latter in the Sengoku period), and in provinces under

the half-province shugo system, such as Omi and Kaga.

The ritsuryo system also provided for provincial branch offices.

Likewise, from the latter half of the Nambokucho period, local en-

forcement offices were established as subordinate organs of the dep-

uty shugo. They were staffed by junior deputy shugo and district

officials. In this way, the shugosho was divided, and new branch

offices were established.

' In the provinces of Yamashiro and Tamba,

there was a shugosho branch office in nearly every district. It is not

67 Matsuyama Hiroshi,Nikonchuseitoshinokenkyu(Kyoto: Daigakudoshoten, 1973), pp. 65-93.

68 Ibid. 69 Sato,

Muromachi bakufu shugo

seido,vo\, i,pp. 14-29.

70 Sato, Zoho Kamakura bakufu, pp. 252-3; Matsuyama Hiroshi,

Shugo

jokamachi no kenkyu

(Kyoto: Daigakudo shoten, 1982), pp. 56-76. 71 Imatani, Shugo

ryogoku,

pp. 405-53.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

252 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT

clear if they were referred to at the time as the offices of the district

deputies, but in Izumi the branch offices of both Izumi Otsu and

Izumi Sano were called shugosho in reference to the shugo's main

castle at Sakai. Thus the shugosho seemed to be where the shugo's

important staff was stationed.

The names of the various shugosho of the central Kinai provinces

that we know today are listed as follows, according to province:

Yamashiro: Nishishichijo, Shoryuji, Yodo, Makishima, Saga

Kawachi: Tannami, Furuichi, Wakae, Takaya, Iimori

Izumi: Fuchu, Sakai, Otsu, Sano

Settsu: Hyogo, Ibaragi, Imazato, Hori, Sanda, Koshimizu,

Akutagawa

Tamba: Hidokoro, Yagi, Yakami, Haji

Harima: Kakogawa, Shirahata, Kinoyama, Sakamoto, Hirose,

Iwami (Muro)

This list shows that in this period, the

shugosho

were located in the

powerful provincial cities; indeed, the main port cities of the

Muromachi period such as Sakai, Hyogo, Yodo, and Muro were built

around shugosho.

Also included among the

shugosho

were cities that

emerged as castle towns in the Sengoku period, like Yagi and Yakami,

as well as many that became early modern seats of han government,

such as Yodo, Haji (Fukuchiyama), Tannami, Sanda, Kinoyama

(Tatsuno), and Hirose (Yamazaki).

Therefore, the shugosho had an urban function as the nucleus of

provincial administration, but their economic functions were impor-

tant as well. One was the function of the district deputy's administra-

tive office as a centralized base for mobilizing labor for military corvee

(gunyaku) and ordinary corvee (buyaku). Post horses, too, were ini-

tially requisitioned at the district deputy's office and then sent to the

shugosho''s

main castle or to neighboring provinces, as needed. Thus

the number of people and horses that might gather at the district

deputy's office must have been considerable. The

shugosho

also func-

tioned as the central location for grain reserves from various taxes such

as tansen, tanmai, and the commissariat tax. Just as under the ritsuryo

system there had been official storehouses at the provincial and district

offices, so too storehouses containing enormous amounts of goods

72 Ibid.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SHUGO AND KOKUJIN 253

requisitioned from the peasants were located at the

shugosho.

Work-

shops were also established at the

shugosho,

in which craftsmen, mer-

chants, and those involved in small industries lived and worked.

In 1388 and again in 1410, the shugo of Harima Province, the

Akamatsu family, commandeered blacksmith's charcoal from Yano

shoen and ordered that it be sent to the main shugosho castle at

Sakamoto and to the branch castle at Murozu. Thus in this province

there was a foundry or blacksmith's workshop at the

shugosho,

which

enabled the monopoly of military technology by the shugo.

In addi-

tion, the famous Shiraga family, artisans of the Shoshanan Engyoji

near Sakamoto Castle, belonged to a group of craftsmen serving the

shugo.

Likewise, the Nara bansho, the carpenters of the Kofukuji, also

helped the shugo of Kawachi, Hatakeyama Yoshinari, construct his

main

shugosho

headquarters, Takaya Castle. These craftsmen and tech-

nicians were not organized at the beginning of the early modern period

by kokujin but, rather, by shugo, according to their province and dis-

trict,

a practice carried over from the Muromachi period.

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SHUGO AND KOKUJIN

The

concept

of kokujin

The terms zoku and fuzoku appear frequently in provincial gazetteers'

of the Nara period. At that time, both words were pronounced kunihito

and referred to the people indigenous to an area.

This is the origin of

the word kokujin, which in the medieval period generally referred to

local overlords native to an area, or native-born jito gokenin. Today,

specialists of the period divide kokujin into two types, depending on

the nature of their activities: "prominent locals"

(dogo)

and kokujin in

general. The dogo were the powerful local overlords with the largest

administrative control over an area; some scholars separate them en-

tirely from kokujin.

In the Kamakura period, these local overlords, or jito gokenin, en-

joyed a feudal bond of vassalage with the shogun. As samurai directly

affiliated with the bakufu they held a much higher status than did

73 Ibid.

74 Takagi Shosaku, "Bakuhan shoki no kuni bugyo ni tsuite," Rekishigaku kenkyu, no. 431 (May

1975):

15-62-

75 Murai Yasuhiko, "Kokufu bunka no sozo to fukyu," in Iwanami koza Nihon rekishi, vol. 4

(Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1976), pp. 313-48.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

254 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT

commoners. In a legal sense as well, xhcjito

gokenin

received protec-

tion from the bakufu. With the rise of a cash economy, the decline of

the

soryd

system, and the tendency for land to be divided up into

ever-smaller pieces, many of these local overlords disappeared in the

later Kamakura period,

and the boundaries between the classes

became even more hazy. In such an atmosphere, with the division of

offices, anyone who could reach the office of

jito,

be he commoner or

even priest, could enjoy the special rights and privileges of the local

overlord.

Starting in the Nambokucho period, vassals

(gokenin)

in the direct

service of the bakufu were incorporated into the shogunal army,

and

the term jito gokenin gradually became obsolete. Instead, powerful

local figures came to be called

kokujin

kunishu

(in Yamato Province,

kokumin),

and they differed greatly from the jito of the Kamakura

period. There also was a great qualitative difference between these

local changes in the central and the peripheral areas. In eastern Japan

and in Kyushu, the

shorn

system was eventually dissolved, and the

kokujin who emerged as local overlords were in a relatively favorable

position. Some kokujin families later even became

sengoku

daimyo,

including the Date of Mutsu and the Mori of Aki. In central Japan,

however, the shoen system was reorganized and strengthened, and

because the bakufu tried to protect the

shoen

after reorganizing them

through the Oan

hanzei

decree, becoming a powerful

kokujin

overlord

was difficult. Kokujin were forced to coexist and to some extent com-

promise with the

shoen

overlord, by means of such measures as ex-

changing contracts in which the

kokujin

became the

shoen

manager or

stipendiary.

The formation of kokujin

leagues

From the end of the fourteenth century to the beginning of the fif-

teenth, the office of

shugo

gradually became hereditary, and the

shugo

domainal system began to develop in earnest. The main problem fac-

ing the

shugo

or their subordinate officials who turned their attention

to managing the domain was how to handle the

kokujin

who dominated

the local area. Among the kokujin were powerful local figures whose

ancestors had set down roots during the Kamakura period after being

76 Sato Shin'ichi, "Kamakura bakufu seiji no senseika ni tsuite," in Takeuchi Rizo, ed., Nihon

hokensei

seiritsu

no kenkyu (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1955). pp. 125-34.

77 Fukuda Toyohiko, "Muromachi bakufu hokoshu no kenkyu - sono jin'in kosei to chiikiteki

bumpu," Hokkaido musashi joshi tanki daigaku kiyo, no. 3 (March 1971): 1-52.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SHUGO AND KOKUJIN 255

granted land confirmations as vassals of Minamoto Yoritomo. And like

the Heian-period provincial governors, the shugo, by growing depen-

dent on the kokujin to manage the domain, suffered the repercussions

of this policy in the coming decades.

In the latter half of the Nambokucho period, the kokujin of various

areas banded together in alliances (kokujin ikki) in order to resist the

shugo appointed by the bakufu.

Characterized by lateral ties, these

kokujin alliances even attempted to block physically the entry of

shugo

into the province. The usual image of ikki is that of peasant leagues

(do-ikki) allied for some local cause. But here ikki refers to warrior

leagues that frequently battled shugo in military confrontations. The

ikki were so effective that it was not unusual for

shugo

appointed by the

bakufu to be forced to abandon control of their domain. A typical

example of this is the case of Shinano Province.

In this province in 1387, the forces of the Ninomiya family, resident

manager for the shugo Shiba Yoshimasa, were defeated by the local

kokujin families Ogasawara and Murakami. From that point on, this

area was dominated by an independent kokujin class. At the end of

I399> Ogasawara Nagahide (another Ogasawara family which had

been shugo of Awa in the Kamakura period) was appointed shugo in

place of the Shiba family. He raised a vassal band and in the following

year entered the province. The kokujin league led by the Murakami

family was bound by a covenant, and so they decided to fight the

shugo.

They achieved a great victory against the shugo's forces in a

decisive engagement known as the battle of Oto, which resulted in the

shugo

Nagahide's being forced to retreat to Kyoto.

In 1402 the bakufu adopted a conciliatory policy toward the kokujin

by not posting any shugo to Shinano and instead designating it as a

direct bakufu province (goryogoku), thereby confirming the kokujin's

holdings. Thus the kokujin in effect were given preferential treatment,

and the matter was resolved without further incident. Kokujin leagues

that militarily opposed the shugo were not always opposed to the

bakufu. Rather, they usually formed in order to oust the shugo and

then sought direct ties with the bakufu. Indeed, this is what was

behind the bakufu's making Shinano its own domain and entrusting it

to the kokujin as a bakufu land.

The peasant class in the central Kinai provinces were particularly

78 Fukuda Toyohiko, "Kokujin ikki no ichi sokumen," Shigaku zasshi 76 (January 1967): 62-

80.

79 Inagaki Yasuhiko, "Do-ikki o megutte,"

Rekishigaku

kenkyu, no. 305 (October 1965): 25-33;

Fukuda, "Kokujin ikki," pp. 62-80.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

256 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT

successful in gaining independence.

Shoen

proprietors

also

held consid-

erable power there. Consequently, it was not easy for the kokujin,

caught in the middle, to become independent. For these reasons,

kokujin leagues had difficulty forming in the Kinai, and instead the

shugo's management of divided provinces developed on the basis of

compromise and balance with the

shoen

proprietors. However, during

and after the Onin War, particularly in the Kinai provinces of the

Hosokawa, kokujin uprisings occurred one after another, and the au-

thority of the

shugo

was gravely threatened.

In 1473 a kokujin league was organized in Izumi Province. It proved

so powerful locally that it was able to impose a commissariat tax even

on consolidated shoen. Unfortunately, the shugo's reaction to this

league is not known. But in 1479, powerful

kokujin

of Suita, Ibaragi,

Ikeda, and Itami in Settsu Province allied in a large league in opposi-

tion to the

shugo,

the Hosokawa, who had demanded the return of

shoen

taken over by kokujin in the Onin War. The kokujin, however,

refused, and they resented being excluded from the local administra-

tion of the deputy

shugo

and the district deputies.

Put simply, this was a conflict between the deputy

shugo

class and

the kokujin. Because the kokujin requested help from Hatakeyama

Yoshinari, who had rebelled and led an army against the bakufu, the

shugo Hosokawa reacted by raising a huge army that crushed the

uprising. In 1482 he destroyed the home base of the Suita and Ibaragi

families, almost entirely annihilating both.

Thus in contrast with the

Daimonji league of Shinano, in the Settsu uprising, the Hosokawa's

military strength was tremendous, and they suppressed the uprising

with extreme cruelty.

In 1485 the famous uprising took place in southern Yamashiro Prov-

ince,

seeking to drive the

shugo

Hatakeyama from the province. News

of the success of this provincial league spread to Nishigaoka in

Yamashiro, a district of the Hosokawa that included the two districts

of Otokuni and Kadono. In this area, prominent local families joined

to reject the shogun's authority and establish an independent govern-

ment. Because their league had not attacked his family, Hosokawa

Masamoto, the most powerful person in the bakufu, gave it his tacit

approval in the beginning. But a large provincial uprising of 1489 in

his own province of Tamba changed his response. This time, those in

revolt were tozama kokujin who had been excluded from the

Hosokawa's local administrative system and were considered outsiders

80 Imatani,

Muromachi

bakufu kaitai, pp. 302-13.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SHUGO AND KOKUJIN 257

lacking important connections. Because this was clearly an anti-shugo

offensive, Masamoto suppressed it.

A storm of provincial uprisings then spread through the

Hosokawa's Kinai provinces of Izumi, Settsu, Yamashiro, and Tamba.

Kokujin and shugo took part in accordance with their own interests,

and it became a desperate struggle, a matter of devouring or being

devoured. During the fighting the deputy shugo, Uehara Motohide,

issued a document to the locals stating that "each district deputy shall

be consulted and shall be included in the forces suppressing the upris-

ing." The district deputies thus made up the core of the suppressing

force. Large numbers of troops from Kyoto also joined the fray. But

the rebels resisted, and their strongholds were not easily toppled. For

three years this standoff continued, until in 1493 all the powerful

kokujin of Shuchi and Ogino provinces were defeated, and the great

uprising finally ended.

Hosokawa Masamoto, shocked and terrified

by the force of the kokujin uprising, turned his energies to punishing

the participants in the Yamashiro uprising. In the ninth month of

1493,

he succeeded in eliminating the kokujin still resisting in

Inayazuma Castle in Yamashiro Province, thereby at last achieving

despotic control over all his Kinai provinces.

In short, all the anti-shugo provincial uprisings of the Kinai area

during and after the Onin War were crushed, and subsequently, un-

aided kokujin had great difficulty resisting the

shugo.

They then looked

for a new means of opposition, the Ikko league.

The shugo domainal

system

and the kokujin

overlord system

The major contribution of the shugo domainal system was to define a

political order in which the shugo daimyo, mainly in the Nambo-

kucho and Muromachi periods, were the driving force in the feudal

overlord system.

By making vassals of the kokujin, the

shugo

daimyo

led the shoen system to its demise, and helped establish regional

feudal authority. These conclusions, as laid out by Nagahara Keiji,

have greatly influenced later scholars. Although some may disagree

with them, they did form a conceptual framework for the shugo

domainal system.

Opposing Nagahara, Kurokawa Naonori in 1961 offered the con-

81 Ibid. 82 Ibid.

83 See especially Nagahara Keiji and Sugiyama Hiroshi, "Shugo ryogokusei no tenkai," Shakai

keizaishigaku 17 (March 1951): 103-34.

258 MUROMACHI LOCAL GOVERNMENT

cept of

"kokujin

overlord."

Kurokawa first points out that the

shugo

used two methods to encroach on the

shoen:

The first was to obtain

funds from outside the

shorn

system, through such taxes as the

tansen

and corvee. The other method was to interfere in the

shoen

system

itself and to gain control of the mechanism for collecting the yearly

dues.

Next, Kurokawa analyzes the activities of the

kokujin

class and

postulates that authority over the provincial office's lands played a

major role in the

shugo's

vassalization of the

kokujin.

He asserts that

the

shugo

daimyo who could only externally control

shoen

or provincial

lands were defeated by the kokujin, who were essential to those sys-

tems of land control. Thus Kurokawa concludes that it was the

kokujin

overlord system, not the shugo domainal system, that formed the

power structure of the late medieval period.

Kurokawa's seminal essay, which takes issue with the Nagahara

thesis,

was for a time, the most widely accepted theory among schol-

ars.

But with more research and analysis of the

shugo's

control of many

different regions, it became apparent that some points of Kurokawa's

thesis were not valid. For example, his contention that the shugo

daimyo were subjugated by the kokujin does not apply to most of the

Kinai provinces, the most advanced region of

the

country. Rather, the

opposite tendency was common.

Another problem in Kurokawa's thesis is that he neglects the mili-

tary relationship of control between the

shugo

and the kokujin. This

relationship was characterized by a lack of cohesiveness or a looseness

in the feudal relationship in the domain, and it had been pointed out

by many scholars even before Kurokawa.

When newly appointed

shugo

received from the shogun the decree of appointment, they would

make a ritual tour of their new province. In this tour of each shoen,

they would be given a list of names of the local warriors on each

shoen

and in each subdistrict. In this way, the

shugo

could choose their

vassals, and because no documents of appointment were issued - as

had been the case in the Kamakura period - it was a very expeditious

process. Thus it is possible to agree that the vassal relationship was

loose and the feudal system was weak. But on the other hand, collec-

tively a much larger number of warriors could be brought instantly

under the

shugo's

control, as compared with the process of

vassalage

the Kamakura period.

An example of

this

loose feudal relationship can be found in the case

84 Kurokawa Naonori, "Shugo ryogokusei to shoen taisei - kokujin ryoshusei no kakuritsu

katei," Nihonshi kenkyu, no. 57 (November 1961): 1—19.

85 Sato, Nambokucho no dor

an.

pp. 364-8.