Sussex R., Cubberley P. The Slavic Languages
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Ukrainian. For these reasons they show fewer dialectal features distinct from the
national standard .
10.3.2.1 Phonology
Vowels
Ukrainian /i/ derived from Proto-Slavic /o e e
ˇ
/ occurs in both accented
and unaccented positions in standard Ukrainian, but in N-Ukr it is
found only in accented syllables: CS-Ukr, N-Ukr bı
´
lyj ‘white’ (CS-Rus
be
´
lyj), where standard Ukrainian has /i/ in unaccented syllables as
well: CS-Ukr sta
´
rist
0
‘old age’, N-Ukr (CS-Rus) sta
´
rost
0
.
Even in accented syllables Proto-Slavic /o e e
ˇ
/ may not result in standard
Ukrainian /i/, but in diphthongs with [ i 9]or[u
˘
] as the first element, a feature also
found in SW-Bel (and Slovak):
(13) ‘grave’: CS-Ukr hrib [hr
j
ib] N-Ukr [œru
˘
Ob] (CS-Rus grob)
‘hay’: CS-Ukr sı
´
no [¨s
j
inO] N-Ukr [¨si 9enO] (CS-Rus se
´
no)
Also as in Russian and Belarusian, in SW-Ukr /i/ from Proto-Slavic /i/ can
palatalize the preceding consonant, that is, the distinction between /i/ and /y/ is
retained, unlike standard Ukrainian: CS-Ukr ody
´
n [O¨dçn] ‘one’, N-Ukr [O¨d
j
in]
(CS-Rus odı
´
n [ˆ¨d
j
in] ).
Consonants
N-Ukr /r/ is hard as in Belarusian, and not followed by the /j/ of
standard Ukrainian. Some SE-Ukr dialects have soft /r
0
/, like Russian:
(14) ‘clerk’ [NomSg GenSg]:
N-Ukr py
´
sar py
´
sara CS-Ukr py
´
sar py
´
sarja [-rja]
SE-Ukr py
´
sar
0
py
´
sa[r
j
a] CS-Rus pı
´
sar
0
pı
´
sarja [-r
j
a]
Proto-Slavic ‘/rl/ þ jer’ is represented in SW-Ukr by /er el ir il/, pre-
sumably via a stage of syllabic /r
˚
l
˚
/:
(15) ‘tear’ [Noun]: CS-Ukr sl
0
oza
´
SW-Ukr selza
´
(CS-Rus sleza
´
)
‘bloody’: CS-Ukr kryva
´
vyj SW-Ukr kirva
´
vyj
(CS-Rus krova
´
vyj)
This represents a transition to the syllabic /r
˚
/l
˚
/ of Slovak.
In SW-Ukr there is devoicing of final voiced obstruents, in common
with Russian and Belarusian and unlike standard Ukrainian:
10.3 East Slavic 519
(16) ‘oak’: CS-Ukr dub [dub] SW-Ukr [dup] (CS-Rus dub [dup] )
‘knife’: CS-Ukr nizˇ [n
j
id] SW-Ukr [n
j
iS] (CS-Rus nozˇ [n
c
Ð
])
Some SW-Ukr dialects show alveolo-palatalization of palatalized
dentals, as in Polish: /s
0
z
0
c
0
/ > /s
´
z´ c
´
/(sja [Refl]: CS-Ukr [s
j
a],
SW-Ukr [a], Pol sie˛ [ e
~
]).
10.3.2.2 Morphology
Nouns
a. In N-Ukr
Neuters favor -e over -ja in the characteristic formation following
a doubled soft consonant, which contrasts with the single con-
sonant in SW-Ukr (see below): CS-Ukr zˇyttja
´
‘existence’, N-Ukr
zˇytte
´
(CS-Rus zˇit
0
e
¨
[-t
j
O]).
In the dative singular of masculine o-/u-declension nouns the
inflexion in -u is preferred to the CS-Ukr ending -ovi. SW-Ukr
has here -ovy:
(17) ‘brother’ [DatSg]: CS-Ukr bra
´
tovi N-Ukr bra
´
tu
SW-Ukr bra
´
to
´
vy (CS-Rus bra
´
tu).
b. In SW-Ukr
The dative-locative singular of soft-stem feminine nouns is repre-
sented not by -i but by -y, with a further hardening of the stem-
final consonant: CS-Ukr na zemlı
´
[-¨1
j
i] ‘on the earth’, SW-Ukr
na zemly
´
[-¨1
i].
The feminine genitive plural has not -ej but -ij/yj: CS-Ukr noc
ˇe
´
j
‘nights’ [GenPl], SW-Ukr noc
ˇ
y
´
j.
There is an instrumental singular feminine of nouns and adjec-
tives in -ou
˘
or -om: CS-Ukr ruko
´
ju ‘hand’ [InstrSg], SW-Ukr
ruko
´
u
˘
, ruko
´
m.
c. In SE-Ukr
Archaic forms of the dative plural and locative plural of soft-stem
nouns in -im/-ix, mostly found in the Dnepopetrovsk region:
CS-Ukr ko
´
njam ‘horse’ [DatPl], SE-Ukr ko
´
nim.
Adjectives
In N-Ukr, adjectives in the feminine and neuter nominative and
accusative have ‘vowel þ j þ vowel’ as in Russian, rather than the
520 10. Dialects
single vowel termination of standard Ukrainian: CS-Ukr do
´
bra zˇı
´
nka
‘good woman’, N-Ukr do
´
braja zˇı
´
nka (CS-Rus do
´
braja zˇe
´
ns
ˇ
c
ˇ
ina).
Pronouns
A West Slavic feature occurring in SW-Ukr is the existence of clitic
forms of the personal pronouns /m
0
a, t
0
a, s
0
a, my, ty, sy, ju, n
0
u/,
parallel to the regular forms mene
´
, tebe
´
, sebe
´
, menı
´
, tobı
´
, sobı
´
, jijı
´
.
The reflexive particle -sja is able to function as it does in Polish, as a
separable word- and sentence-enclitic, and not just as a verbal suffix as
it does in the standard East Slavic languages: CS-Ukr vin b’je
´
t
0
sja ‘he
beats himself’, SW-Ukr vin b’je
´
sja/vin sja b’je
´
.
Verbs
Many SW-Ukr dialects show infinitives in -c
ˇ
y after the velars /k g x/:
CS-Ukr mohty
´
‘to be able’, SW-Ukr mohc
ˇy
´
,mou
˘
c
ˇy
´
(cf. CS-Bel mahc
ˇy
´
).
SW-Ukr also shows a remnant of the former compound past tense
(5.5.5.6), very much as in Polish, where the auxiliary has been reduced
to a suffix:
(18) ‘I was going’: CS-Ukr xody
´
v [xO¨d
iu
˘
]
SW-Ukr xodı
´
vjem (< xodily jesm{)
(cf. Pol chodziłem)
A SE-Ukr tendency – among the eastern steppe dialects – is to show an
unstressed -e in the 3 Person singular of Class IV verbs: CS-Ukr xo
´
dyt
0
‘he/she goes’, SE-Ukr xo
´
de.
The key features of the individual dialects are shown in table 10.6.
10.3.3 Dialects of Russian
Russian is closer to Belarusian than to any other Slavic language, though it also
shares some features with Ukrainian dialects. Russian covers an enormous dialect
area, from the western boundary of the Russian Federation to the Pacific Ocean.
However, its dialectal base is in European Russia, and contains three main dialect
areas: northern (N-Rus), southern (S-Rus) and a central area (Cen-Rus) extending
in a narrow belt from Pskov through Moscow (Rus Moskva
´
) to the Perm
0
-Saratov
area in the east. Contemporary standard Russian is based on the Moscow dialect,
and broadly speaking has N-Rus consonants and S-Rus vowels. The language of
the Russians in the Asian provinces of the Russian Federation shows some local
10.3 East Slavic 521
lexical interference, and some regional regularities, but cannot be described as
dialects in the same terms as the dialects of European Russia.
10.3.3.1 Phonology
Vowels
The most commonly noted phonological feature of N-Rus is the voca-
lic feature of okan
0
e: unstressed /o/ is distinguished from unstressed /a/,
in contrast to the standard language, which reduces unstressed /o/ to [
e
]
or [ˆ], depending on its position in the word (3.3.2.6). Standard
Belarusian, which shows strong akan
0
e, has [a] (10.3.1.1). Okan
0
e is
also a feature of standard Ukrainian:
(19) moloko
´
‘milk’:
CS-Rus, Cen-Rus [m
e
1ˆ¨kO]
N-Rus (and CS-Ukr) [mO1O¨kO]
S-Rus (and CS-Bel) [ma1a¨kO]
Table 10.6. Dialects of Ukrainian
CS-Ukr N-Ukr SE-Ukr SW-Ukr
Phonology:
PSl o/e/e
ˇ
stressed i diphthongs ¼ CS ¼ CS
PSl o/e/e
ˇ
unstressed i o/e ¼ CS ¼ CS
unstressed /o/ o/u ¼ CS ¼ CS u
/r
0
/rjrr
0
¼ CS
PSl ‘liquid (R) þ jer’RV ¼ CS ¼ CS VR
word-final voice þ¼CS – ¼ CS
Morphology:
Nouns:
NomSgNeut < Cje C
0
C
0
aC
0
C
0
e ¼ CS C
0
e
DatSgMasc -ovi -u -u/-ovi -ovy
Dat/LocSgFem -i ¼ CS ¼ CS -y
InstSgFem -oju ¼ CS ¼ CS -ou
˘
/-om
GenPlFem -ej ¼ CS ¼ CS -ij
Dat/LocPl soft -jam/-jax ¼ CS -im/ix ¼ CS
Adj NomSg Masc/Neut -a/-e -aja/-oje ¼ CS ¼ CS
clitic pronouns – ¼ CS ¼ CS þ
Verbs:
Inf velar stems -ty ¼ CS ¼ CS -c
ˇ
y
Past with Aux – ¼ CS ¼ CS þ
3SgPres IV -yt
0
¼ CS -e -it
0
522 10. Dialects
Parallel to akan
0
e (after hard consonants) in S-Rus is jakan
0
e after
soft consonants. CS-Rus has unstressed /a/ and /e/ coalescing as [ I]
after soft consonants (ikan
0
e); jakan
0
e dialects, however, coalesce
unstressed /a/ and /e/ as [a]:
(20) Rus beda
´
‘misfortune’:
CS-Rus [b
j
I¨da] S-Rus (and CS-Bel) [b
j
a¨da]
Rus pjatı
´
‘five [GenSg]’:
CS-Rus [p
j
I¨t
j
i] S-Rus [p
j
a¨t
j
i] (CS-Bel [p
j
a¨ts
j
i] ).
Some N-Rus dialects (like SW-Bel and N-Ukr) have the diphthongs
[u
˘
O], [i
˘
e] or else high mid [o], [e], from various sources, including the
neo-acute (3.2.4.3) and jat
0
, as well as continuing the Old Russian
distinction of original /o e/ (which became high) from new (low)
/o e/ from the jers (3.2.1):
(21) Rus stol ‘table’:
CS-Rus [stOl
‘
] N-Rus [stu
˘
Ol
‘
], [stol
‘
]
Rus me
´
ra ‘measure’
CS-Rus [¨m
j
er
e
] N-Rus [¨mi
˘
era], [¨m
j
era].
cokan
0
e (lit. ‘saying [ts
]’), brings the standard Russian phonemes /c/
and /c
ˇ
/ together as hard [ts
] or soft [ts
j
], mainly the latter and mainly in
N-Rus.
(22) c
ˇ
u
´
do ‘miracle’:
CS-Rus, Cen-Rus [¨tS
j
ud
e
] N-Rus [¨ts
udO], [¨ts
j
udO]
car
0
‘tsar’:
CS-Rus, Cen-Rus [¨ts
ar
j
] N-Rus [¨ts
j
ar
j
]
In some dialects the result of the fusion is /c
ˇ
0
/.
/g/: occlusive or fricative. In its consonant system S-Rus clearly shows
features transitional to Ukrainian, and distinct from both Cen-Rus
and N-Rus, as well as from CS-Rus. Most prominent is the fricative
pronunciation of /g/ ( [˜] ), also found in standard Belarusian;
Ukrainian, Czech and Slovak /h/ parallels this feature. In S-Rus /g/
is phonetically either [œ], like Ukrainian, or [˜], like Belarusian:
(23) Rus gora
´
‘mountain’ [NomSg]:
CS-Rus [g
´
ˆ¨ra] N-Rus [g
´
O¨ra] S-Rus [˜a¨ra]
cf.Bel hara
´
Ukr hora
´
Cz, Sorb hora Pol go
´
ra B/C/S go
`
ra
10.3 East Slavic 523
In all three areas, progressive assimilation, otherwise uncommon in
Slavic, is found in the softening of /k/ and /g/ after soft consonants:
(24) Rus tro
´
jka ‘troika’: CS-Rus [¨trOjk
e
] Rus-dial [¨trOjk
j
a]
Rus O
´
l
0
ga ‘Olga’: CS-Rus [¨Ol
j
g
e
] Rus-dial [¨Ol
j
g
j
a]
The marginal status of /f/ in Slavic (3.2.2.4) is seen in the replacement
of /f/ in S-Rus by [x] or [xv]. This occurs in areas where /v/ is a
sonorant, so that /f/ is not its phonological partner: CS-Rus funt
[funt] ‘pound’, S-Rus [xvunt];
Final /v/ and /l/, as in Ukrainian and Belarusian, are pronounced [u
˘
]:
CS-Rus byl [bçl
‘
] ‘he was’, S-Rus (and Bel) byu
˘
[b
iu
˘
](Ukrbuv [buu
˘
]).On
the pronunciation of final /v/ and /l/ elsewhere in Slavic, see 3.2.2.4–5.
Contraction of ‘vowel þ j þ vowel’ sequences occurs in N-Rus, with
results varying between double vowels in hiatus (cf. also Macedonian),
long vowels (cf. also Czech, B/C/S) and single vowels (cf. also
Ukrainian and Macedonian adjectives, and Bulgarian):
(25) Rus zna
´
et ‘he knows’:
CS-Rus [¨znajIt] N-Rus [¨znaat], [znaøt], [znat] (Cz zna
´
, B/C/S zna
ˆ
)
Rus sta
´
raja ‘old’ [FemSgNom]:
CS-Rus: [¨star
e
j
e
] N-Rus [¨stara], [¨staraa]
(Cz stara
´
, Ukr stara
´
, Blg stara
´
, Mac sta
´
ra)
10.3.3.2 Morphology and morphophonology
An outstanding feature of N-Rus is a post-posed definite article,
parallel to that of Bulgarian and Macedonian (5.5.1, 8.1.1):
(26) CS-Rus knı
´
ga ‘(a/the) book’ ta knı
´
ga ‘that book’
N-Rus knı
´
ga ‘(a) book’ knı
´
gata ‘the book’
Simplification of gender: southern dialects show some break-down in
the nominal gender system, with the neuter gender transferring words
to the masculine or the feminine. This tendency has also been noted by
Schupbach (1984) for varieties of standard Russian:
(27) CS-Rus sa
´
lo [Neut] ‘fat, lard’ be
´
logo sa
´
la [GenSg]
S-Rus sa
´
la [Fem] be
´
loj sa
´
ly [GenSg] ‘of white lard’
The basic cause of this change is probably phonological, namely the
lost distinction between unstressed /a/ and /o/, which gives identically
sounding feminine and neuter nominative singular forms.
524 10. Dialects
In S-Rus there are many instances of the locative singular of masculine
and neuter nouns in /-u/. This tendency, restricted to some masculine
monosyllables in Russian, is more common in Ukrainian and
Belarusian, and is very common in West Slavic, and to some extent
in Slovenian and B/C/S (5.5.1):
(28) CS-Rus, S-Rus po
´
le [NomSg] ‘field’
CS-Rus vpo
´
le [LocSg] ‘in the field’ S-Rus vpo
´
lju
In N-Rus, the instrumental plural of adjectives, and also nouns, may
acquire the dative plural ending: CS-Rus sno
´
vymi doma
´
mi ‘with new
houses’, N-Rus sno
´
vym doma
´
m;
The 1–2 Person personal pronouns, and the reflexive pronoun, form
their accusative in /-e/, rather than CS-Rus /-ja/:
(29) ‘me’: CS-Rus menja
´
[m
j
I¨n
j
a] S-Rus mene
´
[m
j
a¨n
j
e]
(similarly: Rus tebja
´
‘you’ [Sg], sebja
´
‘self’)
In its verbal morphophonology S-Rus shows some clear parallels with
standard Ukrainian. There is the softening of final /t/ to /t
0
/ in the
3 Person plural non-past (cf. Belarusian’s softened affricate): CS-Rus
idu
´
t ‘they go’, S-Rus (and Ukr) idu
´
t
0
(Bel idu
´
c
0
);
Stressed /e/ is preserved in some verb forms, which regularly mutate to
e
¨
[
i
O] before original hard consonants in standard Russian:
(30) CS-Rus vede
¨
t [v
j
I¨d
j
Ot] ‘he/she leads’ S-Rus [v
j
a¨d
j
et
j
]
(Ukr vede
´
[-¨de] Bel vjadze
´
[-¨dz
j
e])
In this case the retention of soft /t
0
/ in the system would have
contributed to the retention of /e/ in S-Rus, while Ukrainian and
Belarusian had more restricted contexts for the change of /e/ > /o/
(see 3.2.1.5).
10.3.3.3 Syntax
The use of the nominative for the direct object after an infinitive,
expressing purpose, is a feature of some north-eastern dialects:
(31) ‘we must buy a boat’:
CS-Rus na
´
do lo
´
dku [Acc] kupı
´
t
0
N-Rus ...lo
´
dka [Nom] ...
A more general northern feature is the impersonal passive, using the
neuter form of the passive participle and the logical object in the
nominative:
10.3 East Slavic 525
(32) ‘a soldier is buried here’:
CS-Rus zde
´
s
0
poxoro
´
nen solda
´
t
here buried [Masc] soldier [Nom]
N-Rus odı
´
n solda
´
t poxoro
´
neno zde
´
s
0
one [NomMasc] soldier [Nom] buried [Neut] here
A western feature appearing in all three groups, though mainly the
northern, is the use of the past gerund as a main verb:
(33) ‘he has gone out’: CS-Rus o
´
nvy
´
s
ˇ
el N(W)-Rus o
´
nvy
´
s
ˇ
eds
ˇ
i
The key phonological and morphological features of the individual dialects are
shown in table 10.7.
10.4 Dialects of West Slavic
West Slavic covers a coherent geographical area which borders on East Slavic
(Belarusian and Ukrainian) in the east, on Baltic in the north-east, on German in
the west and south and on Hungarian in the south-east. The westernmost area of
West Slavic, Lusatia, where Sorbian is spoken, contains a majority population of
Germans, which places Sorbian in some jeopardy, in both its standard and dialectal
Table 10.7. Dialects of Russian
CS-Rus N-Rus Cen-Rus S-Rus
Phonology
akan
0
e non-dissim okan
0
e ¼ CS strong
jakan
0
e ikan
0
e ekan
0
e ¼ CS strong
[u9
c
][i9e] [o] [e] – þ¼CS ¼ CS
VjV > V(V) – þ¼CS ¼ CS
/c c
ˇ
/ both one only ¼ CS ¼ CS
/g/ occlusive ¼ CS ¼ CS fricative
final /v/ v ¼ CS ¼ CS u
˘
/f/ f ¼ CS ¼ CS x/xv
final /l/ l [l
‘
] ¼ CS ¼ CS u
˘
Morphology
Def. article – þ¼CS ¼ CS
Fem ¼ Neut – ¼ CS ¼ CS þ
Loc ¼ DatSg – ¼ CS ¼ CS þ
Instr ¼ DatPl – þ¼CS ¼ CS
3PlPres -t ¼ CS ¼ CS -t
0
526 10. Dialects
forms. West Slavic contains all the Slavic languages which have died out over the
last two hundred years.
High levels of inter-comprehension are achieved between Czech and Slovak,
with Slovaks understanding Czech more readily than the Czechs Slovak, for
cultural and historical reasons. Comprehension between Sorbian and Polish,
Sorbian and Czech or Slovak, and Polish and Czech or Slovak, is less reliable.
And Kashubian (10.4.2.3) is not so readily understood by other speakers of Polish.
The West Slavic dialect area has not always been continuously Slavic, with former
German settlements between Poland and former Czechoslovakia, and between
Lusatia and Poland over many centuries, and Lusatia and Czechoslovakia, lessen-
ing the graded continuity of transitional dialects.
10.4.1 Dialects of Sorbian
Sorbian is surrounded by, and interspersed with, German. Although its eastern and
southern borders touch Poland and the Czech Republic, respectively, the Ore
Mountains form a natural barrier, and one cannot speak of transitional dialects
in the same sense as we can between, say, Czech and Slovak or Serbian and
Croatian. The most important dialect groups are internal to Sorbian. Some scho-
lars, like S
ˇ
ewc (1968), divide Sorbian into two dialect groups, based on Upper and
Lower Sorbian. Stone (1993a), however, following the work of the Sorbischer
Sprachatlas (1965–1996), has two groups of dialects with a transitional zone
between Upper and Lower Sorbian.
The question of whether Lower Sorbian is a language, a co-variant of Sorbian
together and on a par with Upper Sorbian, like the situation of Croatian and Serbian
in Serbo-Croatian, or a dialect of Sorbian where Upper Sorbian is the major variant,
is resolved differently depending on the criteria used. There is, however, consensus
that Lower Sorbian is not merely a dialect of Upper Sorbian. It is formally differ-
entiated from Upper Sorbian to a degree which would support some argument for
language-hood, rather like Kashubian vis-a
`
-vis Polish. It has standardized forms,
and adequate historicity. But it is lacking in vitality and prestige.
Since we treat Upper and Lower Sorbian in this book as co-variants of a single
language with two standard forms (2.4.2), and not as dialects, the main dialectal
interest lies in variation within each of these two standards, and the transitional dialect
area between them. In other words, we do not regard the distinction between Upper
and Lower Sorbian as a matter of dialectology, and we have devoted separate atten-
tion to both variants in the appropriate chapters on the formal properties of Slavic.
The small number of speakers of Sorbian, however, and the distance between the
written and spoken standards, have not helped the maintenance of the dialects, nor
10.4 West Slavic 527
has the level of German influence in grammar and lexis. Nonetheless, Sorbian
shares with Slovenian the distinction of having the most varied and tightly packed
dialect map on a dialects/population basis. Variation is highest in the transitional
areas (Trans-Sb), and lowest in Lower Sorbian (LSb-Dial). The Upper Sorbian
group (USb-Dial) is intermediate. A great deal of attention is paid in the Sorbischer
Sprachatlas to determining the isoglosses between Upper and Lower Sorbian. The
transitional dialects run horizontally across the Sorbian speech area between
Spremberg in the north and Hoyeswerda in the south, with western and eastern
sub-groups (W-Trans-Sb, E-Trans-Sb), and it is in this area that many of the
isoglosses fall. On balance, the transitional dialects are closer to Lower Sorbian,
and especially E-Trans-Sb.
10.4.1.1 Phonology
The vowel systems are the same throughout the area. In the consonant system, on
the major feature of the quality of /g-h/, W-Trans-Sb has /h/ like Upper Sorbian,
while E-Trans-Sb has /g/ like Lower Sorbian. Original /c
ˇ
/ has become /c/ in
E-Trans-Sb and Lower Sorbian. But the reflexes of soft /t
0
d
0
/are/c
´
dz´ /inall
Trans-Sb, as in Upper Sorbian, and /s
´
z´ / only in Lower Sorbian (‘to work’: USorb,
Trans-Sb dz
´
e
ˇ
łac
´
, LSorb z
´
e
ˇ
łas
´
).
10.4.1.2 Morphology
Upper Sorbian and W-Trans-Sb have the ending -aj in the nominative dual mascu-
line against -a in Lower Sorbian and E-Trans-Sb. The secondary gender category
of Masculine Personal exists only in Upper Sorbian, not in Lower Sorbian or
Trans-Sb. And in the verbal system, too, the aorist and imperfect have been lost
in Lower Sorbian and all Trans-Sb, but are retained in Upper Sorbian.
There are some lexical isoglosses matching Upper Sorbian with Trans-Sb,
and others matching Upper Sorbian with W-Trans-Sb and Lower Sorbian with
E-Trans-Sb. These are shown in the summary table 10.8.
10.4.2 Dialects of Polish
Poland has borders with Germany to the we st, Lithuania and Belarus to the east,
the Slovak Republic to the south-east and the Czech Republic to the south-west.
The dialect area of contemporary Poland is more coherently Polish than it has
been for centuries, even though it is not historically the same Poland that existed
before 1945. There are large areas of t erritory in the west and south-west, and
in the far north-east, which were formerly inhabited by Germans (referred to
in dialect maps as ‘‘new mixed dialects’’). After the end of the Second World War
528 10. Dialects