Sussex R., Cubberley P. The Slavic Languages
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10.2.3.1 Phonology
Vowels Proto-Slavic /e
ˇ
/ gave /e/ except in eastern dialects after hard /c/ (where it
gave /a/): CS-Mac and other dialects with cel ‘whole’ contrast with E-Mac cal.
Friedman (1993: 301) gives the data for the reflexes of Proto-Slavic /y{r
˚
l
˚
o˛ /. This
offers a particularly clear illustration of dialect chains between two neighbour-
ing standards: in (1) and (2) we have added standard Serbian and Bulgarian equi-
valents for contrast. The data are in two blocks: from Serbian to the northern
dialect (1); and from Debar in the west of Macedonia to Seres-Nevrokop and
Bulgarian in the east (2). Of particular interest are remnants of nasality in the south-
west, where /o˛/ may be ‘vowel þ nasal consonant’ (e.g. PSl zo˛ by > zamb, z
e
mb).
As we move southwards from Serbian through the northern transitional dialect
of Macedonian, syllabic /r
˚
/ is maintained, the jers yield schwa and /o˛ / yields /u/:
(1) Serbian NE-Mac CS-Mac
PSl y sa%ns
e
n son ‘dream’
PSl { da
&
nd
e
n den ‘day’
PSl r
˚
kr
&
v krv krv ‘blood’
pr
&
vi prv prv ‘first’
PSl l
˚
vu
&
k vuk volk ‘wolf’
PSl o˛ pu
&
t put pat ‘road’
From west to east the picture is more complex:
(2) W-Mac WC-Mac E-Mac Blg
PSl y son son s
e
ns
e
n ‘dream’
PSl { den den den den ‘day’
PSl r
˚
korv krv k
e
rv kr
e
v ‘blood’
perv prv p
e
rv pr
e
v ‘first’
PSl l
˚
volk/vlk v
e
kv
e
lk v
e
lk ‘wolf’
PSl o˛ pot pat p
e
tp
e
t ‘road’
Stress Word-stress is fixed in the western dialects, on the antepenult in FYR
Macedonia itself (and in CS-Mac) and on the penult in Greece and Albania.
Eastern dialects share non-fixed stress with Bulgarian, and have reduction of
quality in unstressed vowels.
Consonants Western dialects, like CS-Mac, have lost /x/: E-Mac has xleb ‘bread’,
Blg xljab, for CS-Mac and other dialects’ leb.
Western dialects have also lost intervocalic /v/: glava ‘head’ becomes gl
a; eastern
dialects and the standard language retain the /v/.
10.2 South Slavic 509
Prothetic /j/ in the western dialects before Proto-Slavic initial o˛ corresponds to
prothetic /v/ in the east:
(3) PSl o˛zˇ e ‘rope’ W-Mac, CS-Mac jazˇe E-Mac vazˇe (cf. Blg va
ˇ
zˇ e
´
)
Western and standard Macedonian /k
´
g
´
/, mainly from PSl /tj dj/, result in various
biphonemic combinations – /s
ˇ
ts
ˇ
c
ˇ
zˇ dzˇ dzˇ / – in the eastern dialects, which links up with
western Bulgarian dialects (10.2.4).
10.2.3.2 Morphology
Western dialects generally show a more synthetic pattern and similarities to
Serbian, whereas eastern dialects share some of the analytic features of Bulgarian.
In nominal morphology the eastern dialects, like Bulgarian, do not have the deictic
suffixal articles in -on and -ov (5.4.3) of CS-Mac and W-Mac. Pronominal case forms
are also less evident in the eastern dialects: for instance the dative plural of the 1 Person
pronoun is nam in W-Mac and CS-Mac, but na nas in E-Mac, as in Bulgarian.
In verbal morphology the 3 Singular present of verbs ends in -t in W-Mac, and in
-ø in E-Mac and CS-Mac (odi ‘he goes’) (as also in Bulgarian). In W-Mac too, the
aorist and imperfect are obsolete (as in B/C/S).
Table 10.3 summarizes the phonological and morphological features of the
Macedonian dialects.
10.2.4 Dialects of Bulgarian
Bulgaria has Slavic borders with Serbia in the west and with FYR Macedonia in the
south-west. Non-Slavic borders are with Romania to the north, and with Greece
and Turkey to the south. There are no clear dialect boundaries with Serbia or FYR
Macedonia, or with Greece.
Bulgarian dialects are conventionally divided by the north–south so-called
‘‘jat
0
-line’’, named after the reflexes of PSl /e
ˇ
/. This line runs south from Nikopol
through Pleven to Etropole and Pazardzˇ ik, and then moves west and then south in
an arc. The west–east divide follows approximately a horizontal line across
Bulgaria through Pazardzˇ ik. The four unequal quadrants are therefore: (1) the
Pirin dialects in the south-west, which are transitional to Macedonian (SW-Blg);
(2) the north-western dialects, transitional to the Torlak dialects of Serbian (NW-
Blg); (3) the north-eastern dialects, including the historically important centre
of Veliko Ta
˘
rnovo, which have contributed much to the contemporary literary
language (2.2.2) (NE-Blg); and (4) the south-eastern dialects, which are the
most conservative, and have transitional phenomena to the Slavic spoken in
north-eastern Greece (SE-Blg). Although the capital, Sofia (Blg So
´
fija), lies in the
510 10. Dialects
central-western part of Bulgaria, these dialects have contributed unevenly to
the modern literary standard language. In this century urbanization and mass
communications have supported the spread of the hybrid Sofia standard. Most
educated speakers show variable elements from their own local dialects mixed with
elements of the standard (Scatton, 1993: 190).
Many of the other features pattern less neatly than the jat
0
-line in terms of
typological classifications of the dialects.
10.2.4.1 Phonology
Vowels
Proto-Slavic jat
0
(e
ˇ
) gives /e/ in western dialects, as in Serbian and
Macedonian, while in eastern dialects it gives /ja/:
(4a) W-Blg mle
´
ko ‘milk’ CS-Blg, E-Blg mlja
´
ko
cf. CS-Mac mleko , Serbian mle
´
ko
In NE-Blg, however, the modern /ja/ reflex of PSl /e
ˇ
/ occurs only
under stress and before a hard consonant, as in CS-Blg:
Table 10.3. Dialects of Macedonian
CS-Mac W-Mac E-Mac
Phonology
Vowels
e
ˇ
e ¼ CS e, a after /c/
y o ¼ CS
e
{ e ¼ CS ¼ CS
o˛ a a (some VN)
e
r
˚
r
˚
¼ CS
e
r
l
˚
ol ¼ CS
e
l
stress fixed: antepenult/penult fixed: penult free
Consonants
/x/ þ
/VvV/ V: VvV VvV
Morphology
Nominal
suffixed deictics þ¼CS
1PlDat ‘we’ nam ¼ CS na nas
oblique of pers N þ¼CS
quantified plural þ
Verbal
3 SgPres -ø -t ¼ CS
10.2 South Slavic 511
(4b) CS-Blg, NE-Blg mlja
´
ko [Noun]
mle
´
c
ˇ
en [Adj] ‘milk’ mleka
´
r ‘milkman’
In SE-Blg PSl /e
ˇ
/ becomes ja in all positions:
(4c) SE-Blg mlja
´
ko [Noun] mlja
´
c
ˇ
en [Adj] ‘milk’ mljaka
´
r ‘milkman’
In the western dialects, as in Serbian and Macedonian, the quality of
unstressed vowels is maintained. But in eastern, and especially north-
eastern, dialects, unstressed vowels show narrowing: unstressed /o/ >
[U]; unstressed /e/ > [
I]; and unstressed /a/ > [
e
]. The last of these is
found, and then not strongly, also in western dialects: CS-Blg c
ˇ
erve
´
no
vı
´
no ‘red wine’, NE-Blg c
ˇ
[
I]rve
´
n[U] vı
´
n[U].
The reflexes of the jers (y{) and nasals (o˛ e˛) are also criterial in the
classification of Bulgarian dialects. In the south-eastern dialects both
jers and both nasals become [
e
], often with softening of the consonant
before former front vowels; the north-east also has soft consonants
before current front vowels:
(5) PSl ze˛t{ ‘son-in-law’ > CS-Blg zet
SE-Blg [z
i
e
t
i
] NE-Blg [z
i
et
i
]
In NW-Blg both jers develop into [
e
] (as in SE-Serb/Torlak), while
CS-Blg observes the distinction between /e/ and /
e
/:
(6) CS-Blg den [den] NW-Blg d
e
n SE-Serb d
e
n Serb da
&
n ‘day’
CS-Blg sa˘n NW-Blg s
e
n SE-Serb s
e
n Serb sa%n ‘sleep’
Proto-Slavic syllabic sonorants behave differently in different dialects:
in general the west has syllabic /r
˚
/, like B/C/S and Macedonian, and
syllabic / l
˚
/, like East Macedonian; the east has r
e
/
e
r etc. as in the
standard (pra˘v/pa˘rva ‘first’ Masc/Fem] ).
Consonants
In the eastern dialects consonants may soften before /i/ and /e/, and
even before /
e
/ from former front vowels (see (5)).
Proto-Slavic tj dj kt, which give s
ˇ
t and zˇ d in eastern and stan-
dar d Bulgarian (sves
ˇ
t, mezˇda
´
), give in western Bulgarian a series of
2-phoneme combinations closer to the situation in eastern Macedonian
dialects: /tj kt/ > /c
ˇ
k, s
ˇ
c
ˇ
/, and /dj/ > /dzˇ g, zˇ dzˇ /.
512 10. Dialects
Some changes, like the increasing loss of palatalization of consonants
before front vowels, date from 1945, and show the growing influence
of Sofia norms (Hill, 1986: 30).
10.2.4.2 Morphology
SE-Blg (in the Rhodope mountains, the ‘‘end of the Slavic line’’) are the most
conservative, with numerous remains of the former case-system. They also show
the suffixal deictics, as in Macedonian (but with /s/ instead of /v/ for proximates,
see 5.4.3, 5.5.1). In NE-Blg the 1 Person plural of all verbs has the suffix -me, rather
than the standard Bulgarian -m/-me:CS-Blgxo
´
dim, W-Blg xo
´
dime ‘we go’.
Table 10.4 summarizes the key phonological and morphological features of
the Bulgarian dialects.
Transitional dialects occur in south-west Bulgarian to eastern Macedonian
(with considerable overlap) and in north-west Bulgarian to the Torlak dialects of
Serbian (figure 10.1).
10.3 Dialects of East Slavic
East Slavic constitutes a coherent geographical area with rich continuous dialect
chains in Belarus, Ukraine and European Russia. To the east, over the vast spaces
Table 10.4. Dialects of Bulgarian
West-to-East: CS-Blg (N/S)W-Blg NE-Blg SE-Blg
Phonology
Vowels
PSl e
ˇ
e ¼ CS e, a
y
a
PSl a after Pal a ¼ CS e e
PSl o˛ a/
e
¼ CS
ee
PSl e˛ e ¼ CS ¼ CS
e
PSl { e ¼ CS ¼ CS
e
unstressed V reduction low ¼ CS high low
syllabic liquids R
e
/
e
Rr
˚
/l
˚
¼ CS ¼ CS
Consonants
PSl tj kt s
ˇ
t(c
ˇ
,k
´
,s
ˇ
c
ˇ
) ¼ CS ¼ CS
PSl dj zˇ d (dzˇ ,g
´
,zˇ dzˇ ) ¼ CS ¼ CS
C > C’ before front vowels limited limited þþ
Morphology
Case forms – – – þ
1pSg Pres -a
˘
/-m -m ¼ CS ¼ CS
1pPl Pres -m/-me -me ¼ CS ¼ CS
Note: y¼only before a hard consonant
10.3 East Slavic 513
to the Pacific, Russian has been transported to new environments. While some
local features, especially lexical features, are characteristic of these dialects, the
principal dialect patterns are those of European Russia.
There is a good level of comprehensibility between East Slavic languages
and dialects, particularly in the spoken medium: the phonetic bias of Belarusian
spellingmakesithardertoreadthantolistentoforaRussianorUkrainian.There
are significant transitional dialectal features from Ukrainian and Belarusian to
Slovak and Polish in the west. These links to West Slavic, however, antedate the
closing of the Soviet borders in the early twenties, when the centuries-old continuous
contact between the East and West Slavs was physically interrupted. This separation
was not absolute, however, since many speakers were trapped outside their home-
lands by the territorial treaties of 1917–1918, a situation rectified to some extent after
1945. While speakers of western Belarusian and Ukrainian dialects have a good level
of understanding of eastern Polish and Slovak dialects, speakers of standard East
Slavic languages will not be so readily able to understand these West Slavic dialects.
10.3.1 Dialects of Belarusian
Seen in the context of East Slavic, Belarusian is closest to Ukrainian, and slightly
less close to Russian (reflecting their history, see 2.3). There are clear transitional
features to Ukrainian dialects in the south, and to Russian dialects in the east.
Features linking Belarusian to West Slavic are less prominent. Standard Belarusian
shares akan
0
e with standard Russian and with south Russian dialects, but shares
more of its phonology and morphology with Ukrainian.
Belarusian has two main dialects, in the south-west (SW-Bel) and the north-east
(NE-Bel). SW-Bel, which includes the capital Minsk, is the basis for modern literary
Belarusian. This dialect shares some phonetic and morphological features with
northern Ukrainian dialects, although lexically it shows significant influence from
Polish, resulting from centuries of contact with dominant Polish cultural models
(2.4.1). NE-Bel is closer to Russian. Some Soviet dialectologists, following
Avanesov’s (1964) research based on the 1963 dialect atlas of Belarusian
(Dyjalektalahic
ˇ
ny atlas belaruskaj movy), also identified a central band of dialects
between the South-West and North-East and located around Minsk, and this has
now become the standard approach (Mayo, 1993: 942). However, this is a transi-
tional area rather than a separate dialect, since it exhibits various mixes of phenom-
ena from the two main dialect areas rather than a set of special features of its own.
Belarusian dialects appear to be less threatened than the standard Belarusian
language, which was being eroded by the dominant presence of Russian in public
life (Wexler, 1974) until the collapse of the USSR. There is now a good chance that
514 10. Dialects
their continuation will be helped by the new national support for standard
Belarusian from the capital in Minsk. However, the recent economic ‘‘pact’’ (2003)
between Belarus and Russia, as well as the personal inclination of President
Lukas
ˇ
enka to encourage the use of Russian, may work in the opposite direction.
10.3.1.1 Phonology
Pretonic unstressed vowels If a stressed syllable contains the vowel /a/, the first
pretonic syllable’s vowel is weakened in different ways. In NE-Bel pretonic /o e a/
merge into /a/ before a stressed syllable whose vowel is not /a/. When the stressed
syllable does contain /a/, pretonic /o e a/ after hard consonants become [
i]
or [ˆ], while pretonic /e/ after a palatalized consonant, as in Russian, becomes [I].
This is called ‘‘weak’’ or ‘‘dissimilative akan
0
e/jakan
0
e’’, since the phonetic realizations
of the unstressed vowel are distinct from the vowel of the stressed syllable (3.3.2.6).
Non-dissimilative akan
0
e is found in CS-Bel and SW-Bel. In this type the realiza-
tions of an unstressed vowel fall together as /a/ (or [I], [
i], [ˆ] ) whatever the stressed
syllable’s vowel. In standard Belarusian – in contrast to Russian – the quality of /a/
is always [a], including after soft consonants (‘‘strong akan
0
e/jakan
0
e’’). In Russian
the results are [
e
/ˆ] after hard and [I] after soft, the latter called ikan
0
e (3.3.2.6).
Ekan
0
e, or the failure to reduce unstressed /e/ to [I], is the main feature specific to
the central dialects (though one does not find the expected equivalent okan
0
e after
hard consonants). Both of these are features of north Russian (10.3.3).
Stressed vowels In a way which recalls both standard and dialectal Slovak as well
as Ukrainian dialects and Sorbian, in SW-Bel stressed /o/ and /u/ become either
diphthongs or raised versions of the vowel, in the direction of the first element of
the diphthong:
(7) CS-Bel xleb ‘bread’ SW-Bel xlieb, xl[e]b
CS-Bel zˇ o
´
nka ‘wife’ SW-Bel zˇ u o
´
nka, zˇ [o]nka
This feature is also found in N-Ukr dialects (10.3.2) and N-Rus dialects (10.3.3),
as well as in Slovak (10.4.1) and Sorbian (10.4.4) to the west. CS-Bel and NE-Bel
preserve the monophthongs.
Vowels after labials After labials the phoneme /y/ is pronounced as [u], rather
than the [
i] of standard Russian and Belarusian:
(8) ‘ox’: CS-Bel, Rus, Ukr byk [b
ik] SW-Bel [buk]
‘was’ [MascSg]: Rus byl [b
il
‘
] CS-Bel byu
˘
[b
iu
˘
] SW-Bel [buu
˘
]
(cf. Ukr buv [buu
˘
], but here by analogy with the future stem)
10.3 East Slavic 515
Prothetic consonants Standard Belarusian and NE-Bel regularly show prothetic
/v/ before initial /o/ and sometimes also before initial /u/. CS-Bel shows common
prothetic /v/ before initial stressed /o/ and /u/ (3.2.1.4). NE-Bel shows an exten-
sion of prothetic /v/ to other words: CS-Bel o
´
sen
0
‘autumn’, NE-Belv o
´
sen
0
(Ukr
o
´
sin
0
, Rus o
´
sen
0
). SW-Bel has prothetic [˜] before initial /i/ /a/ /o/ /u/: [˜]o
´
sen
0
‘autumn’.
Cokan
0
e Some NE-Bel dialects, like some N-Rus dialects (10.3.3), have /c/ where
standard Belarusian and Russian have /c
ˇ
/ (known as cokan
0
e): CS-Bel: c
ˇ
ort ‘devil’,
NE-Bel: [tsOrt] (Rus c
ˇ
e
¨
rt).
Status of soft consonants As in standard Belarusian and N-Ukr dialects, soft /r
0
/
hardens in SW-Bel, but the NE-Bel dialects around Vicebsk and Mahile
¨
u
˘
preserve
soft /r
0
/, as in standard and dialectal Russian (10.3.3). Some NE-Bel dialects also
show soft /c
ˇ
0
/, as in standard Russian and in contrast to standard Belarusian, where
/c
ˇ
/ is hard, and Ukrainian, where /c
ˇ
/ may be either hard or soft.
10.3.1.2 Morphology
Nouns Various inflexional phenomena deviate from the Belarusian standard, often
showing evidence of other dialects and standard Slavic languages.
Certain masculine nouns have a nominative plural in stressed -e
in SW-Bel: CS-Bel ho
´
rad ‘town’, [NomPl] harady
´
, SW-Bel [NomPl]
harade
`
, cf. Rus go
´
rod, goroda
´
.
Feminine nouns in SW-Bel show the old full instrumental singular in -oju:
(9) pc
ˇala
´
‘bee’
[InstrSg]: CS-Bel, NE-Bel pc
ˇ
alo
´
j/pc
ˇ
alo
´
ju SW-Bel pc
ˇ
alo
´
ju.
Neuters in SW-Bel show a nominative plural in -a, like Russian and
Ukrainian but unlike standard Belarusian:
(10) vo
´
blaka ‘cloud’: [NomPl]: CS-Bel vo
´
blaki NE-Bel vo
´
blaka.
Neuters and feminines in SW-Bel also show an old dual with ‘2’:
CS-Bel dzve halavy
´
‘two heads’, SW-Bel dzve halave
´
.
Masculine nouns in SW-Bel show a dative plural in -o
´
m and locative
plural in -o
´
x, which recall standard Slovak (5.5.1) as well as Eastern
Slovak dialects (10.4.4):
(11) ho
´
rad ‘town’: [DatPl]: CS-Bel harada
´
m SW-Bel harado
´
m.
516 10. Dialects
In NE-Bel feminines (as in CS-Rus) do not show the standard’s 2nd
Palatalization of Velars in the locative singular:
(12) naha
´
‘foot’: [LocSg]: CS-Bel naze
´
NE-Bel nahe
´
.
Adjectives
SW-Bel is like standard and SW-Ukrainian in contracting ‘vowel þ
j þ vowel’ to a single vowel: CS-Bel daraha
´
ja [NomSgFem] ‘dear’,
SW-Bel daraha
´
.
On the other hand, NE-Bel retains /j/ in masculine adjective inflexions:
CS-Bel do
´
bry ‘good’ [NomSgMasc], NE-Bel (Rus, Ukr) do
´
bryj.
Numerals
In SW-Bel – as in Slovak – the neuter form of the numeral ‘2’ is dzve,
which is usually only feminine in East Slavic: CS-Bel dva sjaly
´
‘2 villages’, SW-Bel dzve sjaly
´
.
Verbs
NE-Bel shows a transition to Russian in the consonantal ending for
the 3 Person singular non-past in both main conjugations: CS-Bel
c
ˇyta
´
e ‘he reads’, NE-Bel c
ˇyta
´
ec
0
(CS-Rus c
ˇita
´
et).
In contrast, in SW-Bel the -c
0
ending is lost in the i-conjugation (when
stem-stressed), so making it like the e-conjugation: CS-Bel mo
´
lic
0
‘he
prays’, SW-Bel mo
´
li.
Ukrainian-type features of SW-Bel include a 1 Person plural imperative
in -ma rather than -m:SW-Belkı
´
n
0
ma ‘let us throw’, CS-Bel kine
´
m
(CS-Ukr ky
´
n
0
mo).
The 3 Person present of the verb byc
0
‘be’ is SW-Bel esc
0
rather than e
¨
sc
0
.
SW-Bel has the option of an analytic form of the future, parallel to the
more regular synthetic form: CS-Bel bu
´
du c
ˇyta
´
ty ‘I shall read’, SW-Bel
also c
ˇ
yta
´
c
0
mu.
NE-Bel never has final -i in the infinitive: CS-Bel kla
´
sci ‘put’, NE-Bel
klasc
0
(CS-Rus klast
0
).
Setting aside features where the dialects all agree with the standard language, the
key features of the individual dialects are summarized in table 10.5.
10.3.2 Dialects of Ukrainian
Ukrainian is closest to Belarusian, though it shares some important transitional
features with southern Russian dialects as well. The basis of modern literary
10.3 East Slavic 517
Ukrainian is the central and south-eastern dialects, with historical lexical contribu-
tions from the Polish-influenced western dialects. The principal transition features
are to Belarusian in the north-west, to Russian in the north-east and east, and to
Polish in the west, with less extensive transitions to Slovak.
Classifications of Ukrainian dialects differ in the number and location of
dialects. In general terms, there are: (a) a northern dialect (N-Ukr) to the north
of a line running from Luc
0
k (NW) through the capital Kiev (Ukr Ky
´
jiv) to Sumy
(NE), showing some transitional features to Russian, particularly in the border
regions; (b) the south-western dialects (SW-Ukr), west of a line running from
Xvastiv to Balta, which form a transition to Polish. These dialects have contrib-
uted a significant proportion of the modern Ukrainian lexis, through Polonisms
or internationalisms borrowed through Polish. In other respects, however, the
south-western dialects have not been so influential on the modern standard,
which is based on the south-eastern, less Polish-like, dialects; (c) the south-eastern
dialects (SE-Ukr ), which lie to the east of the Xvastiv–Balta line, and have
provided much of the phonological and morphological basis of modern standard
Table 10.5. Dialects of Belarusian
CS Bel NE-Bel SW-Bel
Phonology
akan
0
e strong dissimilative ¼ CS
stressed /o/ /u/ monophthongs ¼ CS diphthongs/high V
prothetic consonants v- ¼ CS ˜-
consonant þ jC
0
C
0
¼ CS C
0
cokan
0
e – some ¼ CS
soft /r
0
/ – some þ
Morphology
Noun morphology:
Fem InstrSg -oj/-ej ¼ CS -oju/-aju
Neut NomPl -y -a/ja -a
Masc Dat/LocPl -am/-ax ¼ CS -
0
om/-
0
ox
Masc NomPl -y -a- -e
Adjective desinence Short (-y, -a) Long (-yj, -aja) ¼ CS
Verb morphology:
3SgNon-past I–III -ø -c
0
¼ CS
3SgNon-past IV -c
0
¼ CS -ø
Inf -sci -s
0
c
0
¼ CS
1PlImper -em -ma ¼ CS
518 10. Dialects