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notes 379
19. Ibid.
20. Ketchum, Saratoga, p. 203.
21. Christopher Ward makes the dramatic point that the casualties at Hubbardton
in relation to the men engaged made it “as bloody as Waterloo” (The War of the
Revolution, p. 414). The Americans had about 1,200 men engaged and lost 350 (29
percent), including those captured. At Waterloo the French had 65,000 engaged
and lost 25,000 (38 percent). Percentages can be revealing, but also misleading
when one looks at the absolute numbers involved.
22. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 567. Most histories describe him
as a simpleton and therefore particularly acceptable to the Indians who recognized
some kind of spiritual gift. Although this version smacks of condescension, being a
simpleton and owning significant amounts of property are not necessarily mutually
exclusive.
23. Scheer and Rankin, Rebels and Redcoats, p. 271.
24. Lunt, John Burgoyne, p. 207.
25. Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, p. 314.
26. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 570.
27. Many histories state that the main reason for the Bennington expedition was to
find horses for the Brunswick dragoons, usually depicted as cartoonish buffoons
forced to traipse along in massive ten-league cavalry boots, trailing huge cavalry
sabers—like something straight out of The Nutcracker. In fact they were trained to
operate as effective dismounted troops and could certainly not have negotiated the
journey from Canada encumbered in their full cavalry uniform: “The infamous
12-pound boots and 10-pound swords (in reality neither weighed much more than
four) . . . were carried in the regimental baggage wagons, and they wore either
gaiters or the striped overalls adopted by most of the German contingent” (Brendan
Morrissey, Saratoga, 1777 p. 53).
28. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 575.
29. Morrissey, Saratoga, p. 53 fn 5.
30. Scheer and Rankin, Rebels and Redcoats, p. 264.
31. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 266.
32. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 577.
33. Boatner goes so far to say that “his selection and fortification of the Saratoga
battlefield made possible the American victory” (Encyclopedia, p. 590).
34. If the only object of Burgoyne’s mission was to join Howe to add to Howe’s troop
strength, Burgoyne could have gone by sea and landed at New York or Rhode
Island or Philadelphia. The whole point was to demolish American opposition
on the way to a juncture. George III understood early in 1777 that a British army
needed to be on the ground between Canada and the patriots: “The idea of carrying
the army by sea to Sir William Howe would certainly require the leaving a much
larger part of it in Canada [a larger force would have to be left in Canada as a
defense, thus reducing Burgoyne’s force], as in that case the rebel army would
notes 380
divide that province from the immense one under Sir W. Howe. I greatly dislike
that idea” (Lunt, John Burgoyne, p. 124).
35. Lunt, John Burgoyne, p. 217.
36. Ketchum, Saratoga, p. 354.
37. Ibid., p. 362.
38. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 584.
39. Lunt, John Burgoyne, p. 225.
40. Ibid., p. 227.
41. Ibid.
42. Lunt, John Burgoyne, p. 227.
43. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 276.
44. Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, p. 320.
45. Lunt, John Burgoyne, p. 228.
46. Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, p. 326–27.
47. Ketchum, Saratoga, p. 399.
48. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 599.
49. Ketchum, Saratoga, p. 417.
50. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 587.
19. the laurels of victory, the willows of defeat: camden,
16 august 1780
1. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 337.
2. Ibid., p. 67.
3. Ibid., p. 69.
4. Holding fire until the last minute was risky, given the chance of misfires. At the
battle of Belgrade (1717) two imperial battalions waited until the Turks were only
thirty yards from them before firing. The volley was ineffective, and the imperialists
were overwhelmed.
5. This sort of behavior was characteristic of warfare in the South. In July 1780
Colonel Morgan Bryan’s Tory cavalry unit of sixty or so was wiped out by William
Richardson Davie at Hanging Rock. (“Banastre Tarleton could have done no
better. The feat of Davie . . . was a textbook model of a partisan operation”
[Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 133].) On 28 December 1780
William Washington’s dragoons caught a 250-strong Georgia Tory unit under
Colonel Francis Walters at Hammond’s Store and killed and wounded 150 of
them (60 percent).
6. Sergeant Major Seymour of the Delaware Regiment, quoted in Buchanan, The
Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 161.
7. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 163, citing Thomas Pinckney, a
Gates aide.
8. Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, p. 582.
notes 381
9. Ibid., p. 583. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 163, says the guns
“were placed at various points along the line.”
10. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 163.
11. Boatner, Encyclopedia, p. 169.
12. Otho Williams, quoted in Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, p. 583.
13. Dann, The Revolution Remembered, p. 195.
14. Boatner, Encyclopedia, p. 169, gives the estimate of 188 killed; Peckham, The Toll of
Independence, p. 74, says the number was 250.
20. the hunters hunted: kings mountain, 7 october 1780; and
cowpens, 17 january 1781
1. Like an eighteenth-century John Wayne in The Green Berets.
2. Wood, Battles of the Revolutionary War, p. 196.
3. Buchanan, The Road to Guildford Courthouse, p. 230.
4. Ibid., p. 231.
5. Ibid., p. 232.
6. Boatner puts the patriot force at 1,790; Ward at 1,400; Buchanan at 900–1,000.
7. Henry Lumpkin, From Savannah to Yorktown, p. 120.
8. Lawrence E. Babits, A Devil of a Whipping: The Battle of Cowpens, p. 176.
9. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 328.
10. Ibid., p. 328.
11. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 1158.
12. Banastre Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781 in the Southern
Provinces of North America (1786), p. 221. Quoted in Edwin C. Bearss, Battle of
Cowpens, p. 29.
13. Babits, A Devil of a Whipping, p. 76.
14. Ibid., p. 42.
15. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 321, takes the British deployment
from Tarleton’s history.
16. Ibid., p. 186.
17. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 322.
18. Babits, A Devil of a Whipping, p. 95.
19. Ibid., p. 113.
20. For example, Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 761; and Boatner, Encyclopedia,
p. 297.
21. Babits, A Devil of a Whipping, p. 152.
notes 382
21. “long, obstinate, and bloody”: guilford courthouse,
15 march 1781
1. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 306.
2. Ibid., p. 340.
3. Ibid., p. 342.
4. Ibid., p. 357.
5. Ibid., p. 369.
6. Ward, Lumpkin, and Boatner (Boatner is indispensable and indefatigable, but
usually follows Ward in these sorts of details) have it the other way round, but
John Hairr in Guilford Courthouse cites Henry Lee: “They were formed in a
deep wood; the right flank of Lawson resting on the great [New Garden] road”
(p. 76).
7. Boatner, following Ward, insists emphatically that it was the 5th Maryland (Lumpkin
also goes along). But he is emphatically wrong. Lawrence E. Babits has put the matter
to rest in “The ‘Fifth’ Maryland at Guilford Courthouse: An Exercise in Historical
Accuracy” (February 1988) at http://www.battleofcamden.org/fifthmr.pdf.
8. Hairr, Guilford Courthouse, p. 102.
9. Welch is not a misspelling, although many historians have an irresistible urge
to “correct” it to the more logical Welsh. The regiment was raised in Ludlow,
Shropshire, on 16 March 1689 and has been in continuous service ever since. Before
going to America it had served in most of the major battles of the eighteenth
century: Blenheim, Malplaquet, Dettigen, and Minden. http://www.rwfnet.co.uk.
10. I am indebted to Angus Konstam’s Guilford Courthouse, 1781 for the British
dispositions.
11. Ibid., p. 63.
12. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 375.
13. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 1164.
14. Ibid., p. 377.
15. Hairr, Guilford Courthouse, p. 106.
16. Konstam, Guilford Courthouse, p. 69.
17. Ibid., p. 81.
18. Ibid., pp. 83–84.
19. Hairr, Guilford Courthouse, p. 125.
20. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, pp. 381–82.
22. “handsomely in a pudding bag”: the chesapeake capes, 5–13
september 1781; and yorktown 28 september–19 october 1781
1. Macksey, The War for America, p. 418.
2. There are a variety of dates in various sources. For example, Boatner (Encyclopedia,
notes 383
p. 1237) says, “I have accepted Freeman’s statement [Douglas Southall Freeman,
George Washington, 7 vols, 1948–57] that De Grasse arrived on 26 Aug., only a day
ahead of Hood. Other authorities have a later date.” The phrase “only a day ahead
of Hood” is puzzling. I have used the dates in Jack Coggins, Ships and Seamen of the
American Revolution, p. 199; Morrissey, Yorktown, p. 53; and W. J. Wood, Battles of
the Revolutionary War, p. 267.
3. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 382.
4. The great historian of American naval warfare, Alfred T. Mahan, succinctly
described the weather-gage as “the wind [that] allowed [a ship] to steer for her
opponent, and did not let the latter head straight for her.”
5. Thirty-two-pounders, either long for more accuracy and range, or short to save
weight: the long 32-pounder with its nine-and-a-half-foot barrel weighed in at
about 5,500 pounds; the short at eight feet, 4,900 pounds.
6. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 383.
7. Coggins, Ships and Seamen, p. 153.
8. Ibid., p. 157.
9. Adam Nicolson, Seize the Fire: Heroism, Duty, and the Battle of Trafalgar, p. 211.
10. Wood, Battles of the Revolutionary War, p. 284.
11. Ibid.
12. Schear and Rankin, Rebels and Redcoats, p. 493.
13. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 1201.
14. Ibid., p. 1202.
15. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 387.
16. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 1218.
17. Martin and Lender, A Respectable Army, p. 162.
18. Douglas Southall Freeman, Washington (1968 abridged ed.), p. 457.
19. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 1225.
20. Morrissey, Yorktown, p. 34.
21. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 388.
22. Higginbotham, The War of American Independence, p. 382.
23. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 389.
24. Ketchum says that it was 400 Deux-Ponts “plus the Gâtinais regiment” (p. 230).
Yorktown, The Gâtinais had two battalions totaling 1,000 men, and it seems
improbable that the whole regiment was committed; it is more likely that combined
elements from the two regiments made up the 400 men in the assault group.
However, Private Johann Döhla of the Ansbach-Bayreuth regiment records,
“Supposedly three thousand men, French and American, took part in this storming
operation.” (Bruce E. Burgoyne, A Hessian Diary of the American Revolution,
p. 170.)
25. Ketchum, Yorktown, p. 232.
26. Ibid., p. 397.
27. Burgoyne, A Hessian Diary, p. 168.
notes 384
28. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 398.
29. Burgoyne, A Hessian Diary, p. 172.
30. Primarily in the memoirs of Count Mathieu Dumas. Thacher, who was there, says
that O’Hara went first to Washington. Döhla does not mention Rochambeau.
31. Ketchum, Yorktown, p. 253.
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