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notes 369
7. Frey, The British Soldier, p. 104.
8. Dann, The Revolution Remembered, p. 103.
9. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 602.
10. Frey, The British Soldier, p. 110.
11. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 236.
12. Scheer and Rankin, Rebels and Redcoats, p. 277.
13. Luvaas, Frederick the Great, p. 147.
14. Dann, The Revolution Remembered, p. 231.
15. Reiss, Medicine, p. 40.
16. Ibid., p. 387.
17. Frey, The British Soldier, p. 49.
18. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 831.
19. Risch, Supplying Washington’s Army, p. 387.
20. Reiss, Medicine, p. 37.
21. Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, p. 204.
22. Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, p. 367.
23. Scheer and Rankin, Rebels and Redcoats, p. 240.
24. Dann, The Revolution Remembered, p. 296.
25. Mary C. Gillett, The Army Medical Department, 1775–1818, p. 18.
26. Ibid.
27. Holmes, Redcoat, p. 251.
28. Bolton, The Private Soldier, p. 178.
29. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy Six, p. 820.
30. Frey, The British Soldier in America, p. 50.
31. Gillett, The Army Medical Department, p. 11.
32. John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original
Manuscript Sources 3:309–10.
33. Reiss, Medicine, p. 104.
34. Risch, Supplying Washington’s Army, p. 379.
35. Ibid., p. 127.
36. R. Arthur Bowles, Logistics and the Failure of the British Army in America, 1775–
1783, p. 8.
9. “trulls and doxies”: women in the armies
1. Don Higginbotham, The War of American Independence, p. 397.
2. Benjamin Thompson, Boston, 4 November 1775; in Commager and Morris, The
Spirit of Seventy-Six, pp. 153–54.
3. John U. Rees, “‘The Proportion of Women which Ought to be Allowed . . .’: An
Overview of Continental Army Female Camp Followers,” Continental Soldier 8, no.
3 (Spring 1995): 51–58. Rees disputes Linda Grant De Pauw’s assertion that at times
notes 370
women may have been 20 percent of the total Continental army strength (Linda
Grant De Pauw, “Women in Combat—The Revolutionary War Experience,”
Armed Forces and Society 7, no. 2 (Winter 1981): 209–26.
4. Rees, “The Proportion of Women,” p. 55.
5. Ray Raphael, A People’s History of the American Revolution, p. 163.
6. John U. Rees, “The Number of Rations Issued to the Women in Camp,” Brigade
Dispatch 28, no. 1 (Spring 1998): 2–10; 28, no. 2 (Summer 1998): 2–12, 13.
7. “Revolutionary Services of Captain John Markland,” Pennsylvania Magazine of
History and Biography 9 (1885): 105. Quoted in John U. Rees, Minerva, Quarterly
Report on Women and the Military 4, no. 2 (Summer 1996).
8. Rees, ‘The Proportion of Women.’ p. 58.
9. Alfred F. Young points out: “Molly, of course, was a diminutive for Mary and
Margaret, but in England it had long been slang for an effeminate man (whence:
‘Don’t mollycoddle the boy’) . . . Several different women were known as ‘Molly
Pitcher.’” (Masquerade: The Life and Times of Deborah Sampson, Continental Soldier,
p. 106.)
10. Martin, Narrative, p. 115.
11. Thomas Anburey, Travels Through the Interior Parts of America (1969 edition), vol.
1, pp. 436–37.
12. Scheer and Rankin, Rebels and Redcoats, p. 37.
13. Although Alfred F. Young points out the homosexual connotation of the word Molly
(see note 9, above), shirt-lifter was British working-class slang for a homosexual,
certainly in use in London to this day.
14. Young, Masquerade, p. 114.
15. Raphael, A People’s History, p. 157.
16. Martin, Narrative, p. 170.
17. Frey, The British Soldier, p. 20.
18. Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, p. 319.
19. Frey, The British Soldier, p. 20.
20. Holmes, Redcoat, p. 364.
10. cuff and salem, dick and jehu: blacks in the war
1. Thomas Fleming, foreword to The American Heritage History of The American
Revolution (2003 edition), p. 4.
2. Sidney Kaplan, The Black Presence in the American Revolution, p. 32.
3. Bolton, The Private Soldier, p. 20.
4. Neimeyer, America Goes to War, p. 72.
5. Rossie, The Politics of Command, p. 165.
6. Sylvia R. Frey, Water from the Rock, p. 78.
7. Bolton, The Private Soldier, p. 20.
8. Neimeyer, America Goes to War, p. 73.
notes 371
9. Benjamin Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution, p. 10.
10. Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, p. 10.
11. Scheer and Rankin, Rebels and Redcoats, p. 88.
12. Quarles, The Negro, p. 54.
13. Neimeyer, America Goes to War, p. 18.
14. Quarles, The Negro, p. 58.
15. Ibid., p. 71.
16. Wright, The Continental Army, p. 125.
17. Dann, The Revolution Remembered, p. 28.
18. Main, The Social Structure, p. 198.
19. Quarles, The Negro, p. 19.
20. Frey, Water from the Rock, p. 142.
21. Frey, The British Soldier, p. 18.
22. Ibid., p. 19.
23. Quarles, The Negro, p. 146.
24. Ibid., p. 148.
25. Frey, Water from the Rock, p. 76.
26. Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, pp. 410–12.
27. Ibid., pp. 523–25.
28. Ibid., pp. 523–24.
29. Ibid., p. 526.
30. Neimeyer, America Goes to War, p. 79.
31. Quarles, The Negro, p. 68.
32. Ibid., p. 108.
11. the “proper subjects of our resentment”: indians
1. Alan Axelrod, Chronicle of the Indian Wars, (1993), p. 113.
2. Ibid., p. 41.
3. It became the “Six Nations” after the assimilation of the Tuscarora in 1722; ibid.
4. Ibid., p. 42.
5. Brumwell, Redcoats, p. 209.
6. John Adams to Horatio Gates, 27 April 1776; quoted in Neimeyer, America Goes to
War, p. 91.
7. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 1000.
8. Gary Nash, “The Forgotten Experience: Indians, Blacks and the American
Revolution,” in Richard D. Brown, Major Problems, p. 281.
9. Colin G. Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, p. 3.
10. Patrick M. Malone, The Skulking Way of War, p. 98.
11. Barbara Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolution, p. 155.
12. Ibid., p. 18.
13. Frey, Water from the Rock, p. 54.
notes 372
14. Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, p. 487. Neimeyer states (America Goes to
War, p. 100) that Joseph Reed, when president of the Pennsylvania legislature,
set a bounty of $2,500 for every Indian scalp—surely an impossibly high figure.
Calloway (The American Revolution, p. 49) says that South Carolina paid $75 for
male Indian scalps while Pennsylvania offered $1,000.
15. Axelrod, Chronicle, p. 121.
16. Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 860. It is interesting that Ward merely describes
these executions as Rogers having “dealt sternly” with the five victims.
17. Scheer and Rankin, Rebels and Redcoats, p. 351.
18. Axelrod, Chronicle, p. 112.
19. Calloway, The American Revolution, p. 97.
20. Ibid., p. 98.
21. Ibid., p. 104.
22. Rossie, The Politics of Command, p. 80.
23. Calloway, The American Revolution, p. 122.
24. Ibid., p. 167.
25. Thomas Jefferson to John Page, 5 August 1776; quoted in Neimeyer, America Goes
to War, p. 162.
26. Nash, “The Forgotten Experience,” in Richard D. Brown, Major Problems, p. 283.
27. Calloway, The American Revolution, p. 281.
28. Graymont, The Iroquois, p. 262.
12. ambush: lexington and concord, 19 april 1775
1. Smith led grenadier companies from the 10th, 4th, 18th, 38th, 47th, 52nd, 59th,
43rd, 23rd, and 5th Foot (about 385 rank and file in all). John Pitcairn led the light
companies of the 10th, 4th, 23rd, 43rd, 59th, 52nd, 47th, 38th, and 5th Foot (about
350 rank and file). See Brendan Morrissey, Boston, 1775, p. 41.
2. Higginbotham, The War of American Independence, p. 61.
3. The British asserted that one of their men, wounded on the far side of North
Bridge, had been scalped. The American version was that a patriot boy, startled by
the sudden movement of the wounded redcoat, took off the top of his head with an
ax. For one side it was an atrocity; for the other, “an unfortunate accident.”
4. Michael Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 74.
5. Louis Birnbaum, Red Dawn at Lexington, p. 179.
6. Mark M. Boatner (Encyclopedia of the American Revolution, p. 631) suggests
enigmatically “whether, at this stage of the Revolution, it would have been good from
a political point of view for the Americans to have annihilated these 1,800 British
regulars.” Considering that the militia lacked even basic military leadership during
the retreat, it seems unlikely that anyone was considering, far less communicating,
notes 373
the sophisticated political implications of something the militia must have devoutly
wished.
7. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 82.
8. Richard M. Ketchum, Decisive Day: The Battle for Bunker Hill, p. 18.
13. “a complication of horror . . . ”: bunker’s hill, 17 june 1775
1. Gage’s colleague Admiral Samuel Graves had advocated a radical scorched-earth
strategy: burn Roxbury and Charlestown, which Gage rejected as “too rash and
sanguinary.”
2. Ketchum, Decisive Day, p. 75.
3. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 125. Prescott was not the only
one confused by the names. Charles Stedman’s map of 1794, published in his History
of the Origins of the American War, reverses the names of the hills, and one modern
American historian comes up with the astounding claim that Breed’s Hill was in
fact Bunker’s Hill but was later renamed.
4. Ibid., p. 123.
5. Ketchum, accepting the Clinton version, describes Gates “heedlessly refusing to
stir from his lethargy or interrupt his rest, to investigate, to prepare . . . to act.”
(Decisive Day, p. 115).
6. Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, p. 46.
7. Ketchum (Decisive Day) asserts that British troops carrying 125 pounds of kit
somehow “leaped out [of the landing boats] and jogged up the hill” (p. 138). Those
who have carried 125 pounds would be deeply skeptical, as they would be of the
claim that these troops carried “about the same weight as . . . a good-sized deer.”
(p. 154).
8. There seems to be some confusion about the time Stark was summoned to go to
Prescott’s aid. Ketchum states in Decisive Day (p. 130) that Putnam persuaded Ward
to order 200 of Stark’s force to the peninsula in the “early morning” soon after the
Lively opened fire at dawn. At 10:30 am Ward ordered the rest of Stark’s regiment
together with Reed’s to Breed’s Hill. However, Stark claimed (p. 254) he got his
orders at 2:00 pm. Considering that the first British attack against Stark’s position
occurred at around 3:00 pm, it seems unlikely that Stark could have marched his
men from Medford, got to the beach, and built his wall all in one hour.
9. Rawdon to his uncle, the earl of Huntingdon, 20 June 1775; in Commager and
Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 130.
10. Ketchum, Decisive Day, p. 191.
11. Ibid., p. 169.
12. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 135.
13. Ibid., p. 136.
notes 374
14. a vaunting ambition:
quebec, 31 december 1775
1. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 127.
2. Dr. Isaac Senter, 18 November 1775; in Rhodehamel, The American Revolution, p. 100.
3. George M. Wrong, Canada and the American Revolution (1935), p. 302. Montgomery
had captured at least two 24-pounders at St. Johns but deployed nothing larger
than 12-pounders at Quebec—no better than peashooters against the western walls
of the city.
4. Rhodehamel, The Revolutionary War, p. 103.
5. Wrong, Canada, p. 287.
6. Rhodehamel, The Revolutionary War, p. 106.
7. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 189.
8. Macksey, The War for America, p. 79, makes the expiration of enlistments the key
factor, but it does not figure in firsthand accounts. Three captains apparently balked
at joining the assault, but their men were keen to go. (Perhaps Montgomery’s offer
of plunder helped motivate them.)
9. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 137.
10. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 208.
11. Ibid., p. 207.
12. Brendan Morrissey, Quebec, 1775, p. 63.
13. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 208.
14. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 133.
15. W. J. Wood, Battles of the Revolutionary War, 1775–1781, p. 52.
16. Don Higginbotham, Daniel Morgan: Revolutionary Rifleman, p. 49.
17. Ibid., p. 46.
18. Morrissey, Quebec, 1775, p. 61.
15. “we expect bloody work”: brooklyn, 22–29 august 1776
1. Barnet Schecter, The Battle for New York, p. 98.
2. Ibid., p. 84.
3. Ibid., p. 100.
4. John J. Gallagher, The Battle of Brooklyn, 1776, p. 92.
5. Ibid., p. 82.
6. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 165.
7. Schecter, The Battle for New York, p. 135.
8. Ibid., p. 134.
9. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 440.
10. It is one of those delicious bits of historical trivia that Grant, at the end of his career,
became the governor of Stirling Castle in Scotland.
notes 375
11. This is a little perplexing. Given that Grant was bombarding Stirling, and the
Hessians at Flatbush were using cannon, how would they have heard Howe’s
signal guns two miles away?
12. Gallagher, The Battle of Brooklyn, p. 119.
13. Ibid., p. 120.
14. Paul David Nelson, William Alexander, Lord Stirling, p. 88.
15. Schecter, The Battle for New York, p. 83.
16. Gallagher, The Battle of Brooklyn, p. 130. Schecter says Stirling led 250 Marylanders,
a number that is difficult to reconcile with the casualty figures.
17. Pearson, The Revolutionary War, p. 176.
18. Ibid., p. 177.
19. Gallagher, The Battle of Brooklyn, p. 138.
20. Henry Onderdonk, Revolutionary Incidents in Suffolk and Kings Counties (1884), p.
165 (1970 reprint). Cited in Gallagher, The Battle of Brooklyn, p. 139.
21. Ibid., p. 77.
22. Ibid., p. 147.
23. Schecter, The Battle for New York, p. 167.
24. Peckham’s The Toll of Independence has 200 American KIA and 897 captured and
wounded, more or less in line with other estimates, but puts British and Hessian
casualties (KIA and WIA) at 932, far higher than any other authority.
25. Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 236.
26. Ibid., p. 236.
27. Schecter, The Battle for New York, p. 170.
28. Ibid., p. 181.
29. Ibid., p. 185.
30. Martin, Narrative, p. 37.
31. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 467.
32. “There is little evidence . . . that Mary Murray’s actions were either deliberately
or actually delayed General Howe even in the unlikely case they were intended
to. Like Howe, she was almost certainly unaware of Putnam’s column and its
whereabouts. Furthermore, Howe’s decision to halt the army at Inclenberg until
all of his troops had landed was written into Clinton’s orders before the invasion.”
Schecter, The Battle for New York, p. 190.
33. Ibid., p. 201.
34. Ibid., p. 281.
35. Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 270.
36. Ibid., p. 269.
37. Richard M. Ketchum, The Winter Soldiers, p. 112.
notes 376
16. fire and ice: trenton i, 25–26 december 1776;
trenton ii, 30 december 1776; and princeton, 3 january 1777
1. Ewald’s Diary, quoted in David Hackett Fischer, Washington’s Crossing, p. 125.
2. Ibid., p. 125.
3. Ketchum, Winter Soldiers, p. 198.
4. Fischer, Washington’s Crossing, p. 135.
5. Justice Thomas Jones, quoted in Scheer and Rankin, Rebels and Redcoats, p. 222.
6. Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, p. 355.
7. Fischer, Washington’s Crossing, p. 182.
8. Christopher Hibbert, Redcoats and Rebels, p. 148.
9. Fischer, Washington’s Crossing, p. 189.
10. Schecter, The Battle for New York, p. 266.
11. As Fischer points out in Washington’s Crossing, the Durham boats (huge flat-bottomed
transports originally used for hauling ore and iron to and from the Durham Iron
Works in Pennsylvania) and ferries used by Washington’s army had no seats. The
men stood, even though Emmanuel Leutze’s 1851 painting Washington Crossing the
Delaware has been ridiculed by many historians for showing Washington standing
at the helm.
12. Ibid., p. 219.
13. Ibid., p. 239.
14. Ibid., p. 240.
15. Ibid., p. 259.
16. “Since nothing in his letters or orders reveals any clear-cut plan of action, it is
almost impossible to say what the general had in mind to do” (Ketchum, Winter
Soldiers, p. 281).
17. Occasionally one can glimpse the conventions of the medieval host, even the tribal
band, in these eighteenth-century battles. Washington arrayed his men “at arms’
length apart, so as to make a numerous and formidable appearance.” Cornwallis,
likewise, used display to intimidate, forming long lines of battalions in full view but
out of range. Shouting to intimidate is ancient (and modern). At a critical moment,
the Americans “raised a shout, and such a shout,” a patriot soldier wrote, “I never
since heard; by what signal or command I know not . . . they shouted as one man”
(Fischer, Washington’s Crossing, p. 306).
18. Ibid., p. 303.
19. Ketchum, Winter Soldiers, p. 285.
20. Fischer, Washington’s Crossing, p. 300.
21. Ibid., p. 305.
22. Ibid., p. 335.
23. Ibid., p. 341.
notes 377
17. the philadelphia campaign: brandywine, 11 september 1777;
germantown, 4 october 1777;
and monmouth courthouse, 28 june 1778.
1. The notion that Washington could have nipped up north, quickly thrashed
Burgoyne, and then come south to deal with Howe does not take into account
the political pressure on Washington not to cede Philadelphia without a fight, as
he would have done if he had gone north. Although it has the convincing logic of
a railway timetable, the theory does not take account of the tactical and logistical
problems that would almost certainly have derailed it.
2. “Since Trenton had renewed his [Howe’s] conviction that the Continental army
must be destroyed before the rebellion would break” (Macksey, The War for
America, p. 125).
3. Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 329.
4. Ibid., p. 329.
5. Ibid., p. 350.
6. Ibid., p. 331.
7. David G. Martin, The Philadelphia Campaign, p. 37.
8. Higginbotham, The War of American Independence, p. 183.
9. Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 332.
10. Other explanations abound, but none seem completely convincing. For example,
Howe told Lord Carlisle, a year after the event, that he went to the Chesapeake
after learning that the American’s main arms depot had been moved from
Philadelphia to northern Virginia, but did not mention it at the time. Yet another
theory suggests that Howe wanted to prevent Washington from going west of
the Susquehanna, beyond reach yet threatening the British rear. Perhaps; but
if Howe was concerned that Washington might strike north against Burgoyne
or Clinton in New York, would it not have been a relief to see him exiled and
bottled up in Virginia?
11. Wood, Battles of the Revolutionary War, p. 96.
12. Martin, The Philadelphia Campaign, p. 61
13. Ibid., p. 63.
14. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 614.
15. Scheer and Rankin, Rebels and Redcoats, p. 238.
16. Ibid., p. 239.
17. Wood, Battles of the Revolutionary War, p. 112.
18. Cited in Boatner, Encyclopedia, p. 109.
19. Scheer and Rankin, Rebels and Redcoats, p. 239.
20. Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 356.
21. Boatner, Encyclopedia, p. 829.
22. Peckham, The Toll of Independence, p. 41, suggests 200 patriots killed and 100
wounded. Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 469, points out that a letter
notes 378
purportedly written by a Hessian soldier boasting of bayoneting patriots “like so
many pigs . . . until the blood ran out of the touch-hole of my musket,” and putting
the American killed at “three hundred” was a forgery, as there were no German
troops at Paoli.
23. Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 469, fn 21.
24. Martin, Narrative, p. 102.
25. Ibid., p. 104.
26. Ibid., p. 369.
27. Ibid.
28. Boatner, Encyclopedia, p. 430.
29. Ibid., p. 717.
30. Harlow Giles Unger, Lafayette, p. 78.
31. Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 578.
32. Ibid., p. 577.
33. Boatner, Encyclopedia, p. 721; Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 579.
34. Unger, Lafayette, p. 79.
18. the saratoga campaign: freeman’s farm, 19 september 1777;
and bemis heights, 7 october 1777
1. James Lunt, John Burgoyne of Saratoga, p. 69.
2. Ketchum, Saratoga, p. 79.
3. Others—Gage, Howe, and Lord Dartmouth—had also proposed the idea, but the
detail was Burgoyne’s.
4. Ketchum, Saratoga, p. 84.
5. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 542.
6. Ketchum, Saratoga, p. 81.
7. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 543.
8. Ward, The War of the Revolution, p. 544.
9. Ketchum, Saratoga, p. 134.
10. Lunt, John Burgoyne, p. 173.
11. Ibid., p. 74.
12. Edward B. de Fonblanque, Political and Military Episodes in the Latter Half of the
Eighteenth Century, derived from the Life and Correspondence of the Right Honorable
John Burgoyne (1876). Cited in Lunt, John Burgoyne, p. 153.
13. Ibid., p. 150.
14. Ketchum, Saratoga, p. 158.
15. Ibid., p. 171.
16. Thacher, Military Journal, p. 85.
17. Commager and Morris, The Spirit of Seventy-Six, p. 557.
18. Lunt, John Burgoyne, p. 179.