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women. In 1920, NCJW joined the Women’s Joint Congressional Com-

mittee and helped pass the Sheppard-Towner Maternity and Infancy Pro-

tection Act of 1921 and the Cable Acts, among other measures. NCJW

supported civil rights legislation, beginning with the antilynching bill in

1938; continuing through the Civil Rights Acts of 1957, 1964, and 1985;

and placing particular emphasis on the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The or-

ganization supports the Equal Rights Amendment, reproductive rights, an

end to domestic violence, and development of safe, affordable, quality

child day care.

See also Abortion; Cable Acts; Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title VII; Domestic

Violence; Equal Rights Amendment; Protective Legislation; Sheppard-Towner

Maternity and Infancy Protection Act of 1921; Voting Rights Act of 1965;

Women’s Joint Congressional Committee

References Rogow, Gone to Another Meeting: The National Council of Jewish

Women, 1893–1993 (1993); www.ncjw.org.

National Council of Negro Women

Founded in 1935 by Mary McLeod Bethune, the National Council of Ne-

gro Women (NCNW) was the first national coalition of black women’s or-

ganizations. The National Association of Colored Women (NACW),

founded in 1896, had brought together women’s clubs and national asso-

ciations of women’s clubs, and the NCNW created an umbrella organiza-

tion that included the NACW, African American women’s college-based

professional sororities, and other professional, religious, and political or-

ganizations. NCNW’s mission is “to advance opportunities and the qual-

ity of life for African American women, their families and communities,”

and it seeks to “extend the collective power and leadership of African

American women.”

When she organized NCNW, Bethune believed that bringing black

women’s organizations together would “harness the great power of nearly

a million women into a force for constructive action.” After serving as

president of the National Association of Colored Women from 1924 to

1928, Bethune was convinced that a national coalition of women’s groups

was needed to gain the full representation of African American women in

national public affairs. By bringing national African American women’s

organizations together, Bethune believed that coordination of the organi-

zations’ efforts would reduce duplication among them and increase their

effectiveness.

Ending segregation and other forms of racism has been an NCNW

priority since its beginning. In the 1940s, the organization exposed dis-

criminatory practices that excluded African Americans from government

training programs and employment opportunities at plants producing

National Council of Negro Women 479

materials for World War II. NCNW worked for the admission of black

women into the women’s divisions of the Army, Navy, and Air Force, and

Bethune recruited many of the first black women to join the Women’s

Army Corps. Through NCNW’s advocacy, African American women

gained positions in the War Manpower Commission, the Women’s and

Children’s Bureaus, the Department of Labor, and other federal agencies.

By the end of Bethune’s tenure as president of NCNW in 1949, the or-

ganization was recognized as the major advocate for black women.

Another African American woman with strong leadership ability,

Dorothy Irene Height, became president in 1957. Height had served

NCNW in several posts and brought a strong understanding of the issues

before the organization, particularly the emerging civil rights movement.

In the 1960s, NCNW worked with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating

Committee on voter registration projects by sending volunteers, money,

and other resources. In 1965, NCNW recruited northern white female

professionals to work in Freedom Schools that offered classes in voting

and other related areas.

Under Height’s leadership, NCNW focused attention on youth, em-

ployment opportunities, housing, health, hunger, civil rights, women’s is-

sues, family issues, and related areas. With a grant from the U.S. Agency for

International Development, NCNW established an international division

to work with women in Africa, the Caribbean, and other areas of the world.

NCNW dedicated the Mary McLeod Bethune Memorial in 1974, the first

monument to an African American or to a woman of any race on public

land in Washington, D.C., and the Mary McLeod Bethune Museum and

National Archives for Black Women’s History was also dedicated in 1974.

In 1986, Height began the Black Family Reunion celebrations, annual

cultural events that focus on the strengths and values of the African Amer-

ican family. The Black Family Reunion Cookbook was published in 1992,

the first of three volumes that document the diversity and heritage of

African American cuisine.

The Dorothy I. Height Leadership Institute held its first programs in

1997. The institute provides three kinds of leadership training—for affil-

iate organizations’ members, community volunteers, and college students.

The fourth component of the institute is the African American Women’s

Critical Issues Research and Development, a think-tank approach to de-

veloping positions on current issues and the subsequent dissemination of

the information to members and affiliates.

NCNW’s membership includes thirty-seven affiliated national or-

ganizations, 250 community groups in forty-two states, and 45,000 indi-

viduals. The national affiliates include sororities, professional associa-

tions, and civic and social clubs.

480 National Council of Negro Women

See also Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority; Baker, Ella Josephine; Bethune, Mary

Jane McLeod; Civil Rights Movement, Women in the; Height, Dorothy Irene;

National Association of Colored Women; Tubman, Harriet

References Fitzgerald, The National Council of Negro Women (1985); Hine, Black

Women in America (1993); www.ncnw.com.

National Federation of Afro-American Women

Formed in 1895, the National Federation of Afro-American Women

(NFAAW) was organized “to teach an ignorant and suspicious world that

our [black women’s] aims are identical with those of all good aspiring

women.” African American leader Josephine Ruffin wrote those words as

part of her call to create a group to counter a journalist’s assertion that

black women were “prostitutes, thieves, and liars.” Ruffin called on African

American women to work together to teach the world the truth. Twenty

clubs founded the NFAAW, a number that grew to thirty-six clubs from

twelve states. NFAAW merged with the Colored Women’s League in 1896

to form the National Association of Colored Women.

See also Colored Women’s League; National Association of Colored Women

References Hine and Thompson, A Shining Thread of Hope: The History of Black

Women in America (1998).

National Federation of Republican Women

Founded in 1938, the National Federation of Republican Women

(NFRW) is the largest women’s partisan organization in the United States,

with more than 115,000 members in 2,100 local groups based in every

state, the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands.

NFRW members work to elect Republicans to every level of public office

through educational programs, fund-raising efforts, and volunteer work.

Republican women had begun forming local groups in the 1870s to

support the party’s efforts, particularly in election years. Often, these

groups organized on an ad hoc basis and dissolved after the election. Hun-

dreds of clubs existed by the late 1930s; Indiana, for example, had more

than 100 Republican women’s organizations. Some of the groups caused

Republican Party leaders concern because they tried to establish party pol-

icy, endorsed candidates in the primary elections, or worked for Demo-

cratic candidates. In addition, by the 1930s the Democratic Party had de-

veloped a national network of women volunteers and held firm majorities

in Congress; a majority of the nation’s governors were Democrats; and

Democratic President Franklin D. Roosevelt was in the White House.

Party leaders decided that they could impose discipline on the

groups, coordinate their programs, and utilize the volunteer resources by

National Federation of Republican Women 481

bringing them together under an umbrella. In 1938, Republican National

Committee (RNC) assistant chairperson and director of women’s activi-

ties Marion E. Martin called a meeting to unite the groups into a national

organization. Eleven states joined as charter members, representing

eighty-five clubs and 95,000 members. Martin became executive director

of NFRW and developed political education programs, organized affili-

ates, and provided leadership. By 1940, NFRW had 350,000 members.

At the 1967 NFRW biennial convention, a controversy developed over

the election of the group’s leadership. Generally, the organization’s vice

president is elected president for the next two-year term. Phyllis Schlafly

had held the vice presidency for the 1965–1967 term, but some NFRW and

Republican Party leaders believed that she was too conservative for the

good of the party and influenced the nominating committee to endorse

NFRW board member Gladys O’Donnell and leave Schlafly off the ballot.

Amid charges of unfair voting procedures, O’Donnell won the presidency.

Outraged, Schlafly called for the creation of a conservative women’s orga-

nization and launched the Phyllis Schlafly Report, a monthly newsletter.

NFRW seeks to advance the power of women through political access

and participation and to develop leaders for the future. NFRW’s current

programs include recruiting women candidates for local and state office,

lobbying, training women in campaign management, and organizing

leadership development seminars.

482 National Federation of Republican Women

The National

Federation of

Republican Women

sponsored a get-out-

the-vote rally (left to

right): Representative

Sue Myrick (R-NC);

Senator Sheila Frahm

(R-KS); Representa-

tive Enid Greene

(R-UT); Republican

National Committee

chair Haley Barbour

(at the podium);

Senator Kay Bailey

Hutchison (R-TX);

Marilyn Thayer,

president of the feder-

ation; and Represen-

tative Constance

Morella (R-MD),

1996 (Associated

Press AP)

See also Eagle Forum; Martin, Marion E.; National League of Republican

Colored Women; Republican Party, Women in the; Schlafly, Phyllis Stewart

References Rymph, “Marion Martin and the Problem of Republican Feminism”

(1996); Williams, comp., The History of the Founding and Development of the

National Federation of Republican Women (1963); www.nfrw.org.

National Gender Balance Project USA

Founded in 1988, the National Gender Balance Project USA (NGBP)

works to increase the number of women serving on state boards and com-

missions by passing legislation requiring governors to appoint women to

the positions. In 1988, Iowa became the first state in the nation to require

gender balance on all state boards and commissions, committees, and

councils. Iowa feminist Kappie Spencer founded NGBP to encourage

replication of Iowa’s law in other states. By bringing the concept to the at-

tention of other feminist groups, NGBP has enlisted the support of sev-

eral groups, including the American Association of University Women,

the Women’s Agenda Conference, the National Association of Commis-

sions for Women, and the National Women’s Political Caucus. Several

states have adopted variations of Iowa’s law, with Florida expanding it to

include ethnic representation. NGBP argues that attaining gender balance

better utilizes women’s talents and provides a broader perspective for de-

veloping policy. In addition, serving on policymaking bodies provides a

route to elective office for women and men.

See also American Association of University Women; National Association of

Commissions for Women; National Women’s Political Caucus

National League of Republican Colored Women

The National League of Republican Colored Women (NLRCW) devel-

oped from the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) in 1924,

when Republican national committeewomen Mamie Williams of Georgia

and Mary Booze of Mississippi united black women’s Republican clubs.

Among the group’s officers was treasurer Mary Church Terrell, the first

president of NACW. With the slogan “We are in politics to stay and we

shall be a stay in politics,” the group worked to gain African American

women’s support for the Republican ticket in the 1924 elections.

In 1928, NLRCW president Nannie Burroughs of Washington, D.C.,

was appointed to the Republican National Committee’s Speakers Bureau

and was a popular and sought-after speaker. The group celebrated Re-

publican presidential candidate Herbert Hoover’s success, and several

NLRCW members went to Washington for his inauguration. When they

arrived, however, Burroughs was asked to retrieve inauguration tickets

National League of Republican Colored Women 483

accidentally sent to the African American women who had worked in the

campaign. In addition, the inaugural ball was segregated.

Over the next four years, an accumulation of racial offenses and the

Hoover administration’s inaction on civil rights prompted many African

American women to leave the Republican Party and give their allegiance

to the Democratic Party. By 1932, the NLRCW had dissolved.

See also National Federation of Republican Women; Republican Party, Women

in the; Terrell, Mary Eliza Church

References Higginbotham, “In Politics to Stay: Black Women Leaders and Party

Politics in the 1920s” (1990).

National Organization for Women

Founded in 1966, the National Organization for Women (NOW) has

250,000 members and 450 chapters, making it the largest organization of

feminist activists in the United States. NOW was founded out of frustra-

tion with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s (EEOC) re-

sistance to enforcing the prohibitions against sex discrimination in Title

VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Feminist leaders Betty Friedan, Pauli

Murray, EEOC commissioner Aileen Hernandez, Catherine East, and oth-

ers concluded that a civil rights organization for women was needed to

advocate for women’s concerns. Their idea was to create a group for

women comparable to the National Association for the Advancement of

Colored People. Twenty-eight women each contributed $5, and NOW was

born. The founders stated NOW’s purpose as follows: “To take action to

bring women into full participation in the mainstream of American soci-

ety now, assuming all the privileges and responsibilities thereof in truly

equal partnership with men.” NOW’s first action was sending a telegram

to the EEOC, urging the commissioners to end sex-segregated help-

wanted newspaper ads. Challenging the EEOC was a primary focus of

NOW’s efforts for several years.

In late October 1966, an organizing conference elected Friedan pres-

ident, Karen Clarenbach chair of the board, and Hernandez executive vice

president. In 1967, task forces on women in poverty, legal and political

rights, equal opportunity in employment, the image of women in mass

media, and other groups gathered information and stated NOW’s posi-

tion on the issues. NOW’s first priorities included federal aid for child care

centers and full income tax deductions for child care services. In addition

that year, support for the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) and the repeal

of all abortion laws became and continue to be the group’s most publi-

cized, most ardently supported, and most controversial issues.

Support for the ERA had a divisive effect on NOW. Several of its

leaders and followers came from organized labor, particularly the United

484 National Organization for Women

Auto Workers (UAW). In 1967, UAW opposed the ERA, and although the

UAW members active in NOW supported the amendment, they felt that

they had to withdraw from NOW when the organization endorsed it. Two

years later, after the UAW decided to support the ERA, women UAW

members rejoined NOW and resumed their active participation.

NOW’s support for the repeal of abortion laws also caused division.

Some feminists who supported the Equal Rights Amendment believed

that adding abortion to the organization’s agenda made it unnecessarily

controversial and held the potential for alienating feminists who did not

want abortion decriminalized. In 1968, one of NOW’s founding members

left and organized the Women’s Equity Action League. Despite the con-

troversy, NOW continued its work for reproductive rights by organizing

clinic defense, lobbying Congress for the Freedom of Access to Clinic En-

trances Act, and winning a major lawsuit against Operation Rescue under

the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) statute.

Attracting and effectively using press attention were among the lead-

ership’s greatest strengths. Members picketed men-only restaurants,

demonstrated on Mother’s Day for “Rights, Not Roses,” and protested laws

against abortion. NOW initiated and largely organized the Women’s Strike

for Equality on 26 August 1970, an event that included demonstrations in

more than ninety major cities in forty-two states and involved more than

100,000 women nationwide. In another demonstration supporting child

care tax deductions, a baby carriage brigade included signs asking: “Are

children as important as martinis?” referring to the tax deductions allowed

for business entertaining. Other examples of NOW-sponsored marches

include the 1978 march for the Equal Rights Amendment, which drew

more than 100,000 people to Washington, D.C., and the March for

Women’s Lives in 1992, which drew 750,000 abortion rights supporters to

Washington, D.C., the largest protest ever in the nation’s capital.

Through the NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund (LDEF),

founded in 1970, NOW also gained publicity for the lawsuits it filed. For

example, in 1970 NOW filed a sex discrimination complaint under Exec-

utive Order 11375 against 1,300 corporations that had failed to file affir-

mative action plans for hiring women. Beginning in 1971, NOW protested

the discriminatory practices of AT&T in hiring, promotions, fringe bene-

fits, and executive appointments. In the agreement reached between the

Department of Labor, EEOC, and AT&T, the corporation agreed to a

lump-sum payment of $15 million to 15,000 workers, wage adjustments,

and new hiring practices, including giving more women craft jobs and

broadened management opportunities. In the 1990s, NOW LDEF won

major settlements in sex discrimination lawsuits against the Mitsubishi

Corporation and Smith-Barney.

National Organization for Women 485

In addition to its controversial stands on abortion and equal rights,

NOW added a third issue: lesbianism as a concern of feminism. Initially,

Friedan had rejected including lesbian issues in NOW’s agenda and had re-

ferred to lesbians as the “lavender menace.” At its 1971 convention, however,

NOW passed a resolution stating that lesbianism was a concern of feminism.

After congressional approval of the Equal Rights Amendment in

1972, NOW committed much of its resources to its ratification. The early

successes of the amendment in 1972—twenty-two states ratified that

year—lulled some leaders into believing that the amendment would eas-

ily be ratified by the necessary thirty-eight states. After Phyllis Schlafly or-

ganized Stop ERA in 1973 and defeated ratification attempts in several

states, it became clear that a more organized and better-funded effort

would be required for ratification. In 1978, NOW announced a boycott of

unratified states, an effort that other organizations joined. NOW helped

extend the ratification deadline and intensified its efforts, but the amend-

ment failed in 1982.

Although the ERA consumed many of the organization’s resources for

several years and remains one of the organization’s platforms, it continued

to support and develop other issues related to obtaining women’s equality.

NOW works to end sexual harassment and sexual and physical violence

against women, elect feminists to public office, end racism, protect abor-

tion rights and reproductive freedom, and secure civil rights for lesbians.

See also Abortion; Affirmative Action; Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title VII; Equal

Employment Opportunity Commission; Equal Rights Amendment; Feminist

Movement; Friedan, Betty Naomi Goldstein; Hernandez, Aileen Clarke;

Murray, Pauli; National Association for the Advancement of Colored People,

Women in the; NOW v. Scheidler; Suffrage; Women’s Equity Action League

References Carabillo, Meuli, and Csida, Feminist Chronicles 1953–1993 (1993);

Freeman, The Politics of Women’s Liberation (1975); www.now.org.

National Organization of Black Elected Legislative Women

Founded in 1985, the National Organization of Black Elected Legislative

Women (NOBEL) trains African American women to prepare them for

elective and appointive office. Founded by former state legislator Diane

Watson, NOBEL works to increase the number of African American

women serving at every level of government by sponsoring forums and

other educational programs. NOBEL focuses on public policy issues, pro-

motes black women’s participation in the development of public policy,

and develops policy proposals.

NOBEL has lobbied for programs to help black youth, pressed for the

rights of political refugees in South Africa, and sponsored a symposium

on the black community and diseases affecting women.

486 National Organization of Black Elected Legislative Women

See also National Political Congress of Black Women; National Women’s

Political Caucus

References Hine, ed., Black Women in America (1993).

National Political Congress of Black Women

Founded in 1984, the National Political Congress of Black Women

(NPCBW) provides a political forum for African American women.

Shirley Chisholm, the first black woman to run for president of the United

States and a former member of Congress, founded the organization to en-

courage African American women to become active in elective politics.

Educating women about all levels of the political process and bringing

black women into political leadership are the goals of the organization.

NPCBW has identified and recommended African American women for

National Political Congress of Black Women 487

C. Delores Tucker,

chair of the National

Political Congress of

Black Women, spoke

out against gangsta

rap at the National

Press Club in

Washington, D.C.,

1995 (Associated

Press AP)

appointment to high-level policy positions within President Bill Clinton’s

administration, contributing to the greater number of African American

women serving in his administration than in any previous administration.

NPCBW has worked for affirmative action, access to nontraditional

jobs, economic development, housing and urban development, and other

issues. Through its hearings on housing market discrimination against

African Americans, it has prompted legislative action. NPCBW continues

to work on job discrimination, health care, drug abuse, single parenting,

education, and the availability of child day care.

See also Chisholm, Shirley Anita St. Hill

References www.npcbw.org.

National Right to Life Committee

Founded in 1973 by the Roman Catholic Church, the National Right to

Life Committee (NRLC) later became a nonsectarian group. The largest

prolife organization in the United States, NRLC was organized after the

1973 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Roe v. Wade legalized abortions.

NRLC coordinates lobbying efforts at the state and federal levels, involves

its membership in letter-writing campaigns and other forms of citizen ad-

vocacy to enact restrictions on abortions and to end legal abortions, and

employs professional lobbyists.

NRLC has supported a human life amendment to declare the per-

sonhood of the fetus from the moment of conception. Although NRLC

and other prolife groups have not succeeded in passing the amendment,

they have helped to pass restrictive laws in most states, including measures

that required parental notification before a minor could obtain an abor-

tion and mandatory waiting periods.