The process of translation 93
and habit for Peirce were both, you will remember, a readiness to act; the only
difference between them is that habit is directed by experience.
Experience begins with general knowledge of the world (Chapter 5), experience
of how various people talk and act (Chapter 6), experience of professions (Chapter
7), experience of the vast complexity of languages (Chapter 8), experience of social
networks (Chapter 9), and experience of the differences among cultures, norms,
values, assumptions (Chapter 10). This knowledge or experience will often need
to be actively sought, constructed, consolidated, especially but not exclusively at
the beginning of the translator's career; with the passing of years the translator's
subliminal repertoire of world experience will expand and operate without her or
his conscious knowledge.
On the cutting edge of contact with an actual text or job or situation, the
translator has an intuition or image of her or his ability to solve whatever problems
come up, to leap abductivelj over obstacles to new solutions. Gradually the "problems"
or "difficulties" will begin to recur, and to fall into patterns. This is induction. As the
translator begins to notice and articulate, or read about, or take classes on, these
patterns and regularities, deduction begins, and with it the theorizing of translation.
At the simplest level, deduction involves a repertoire of blanket solutions to a
certain class of problems — one of the most primitive and yet, for many translators,
desirable forms of translation theory. Each translator's deductive principles are
typically built up through numerous trips around the circle (abductions and
inductions gradually building to deductions, deductions becoming progressively
habitualized); each translator will eventually develop a more or less coherent theory
of translation, even if s/he isn't quite able to articulate it. (It will probably be mostly
subliminal; in fact, whatever inconsistencies in the theory are likely to be conflicts
between the subliminal parts, which were developed through practical experience,
and the articulate parts, which were most likely learned as precepts.) Because this
sort of effective theory arises out of one's own practice, another person's deductive
solutions to specific problems, as offered in a theory course or book, for example,
will typically be harder to remember, integrate, and implement in practice. At
higher levels this deductive work will produce regularities concerning whole registers,
text-types, and cultures; thus various linguistic forms of text analysis (Chapter 8),
social processes (Chapter 9), and systematic analyses of culture (Chapter 10).
This is the "perfected" model of the translation process, the process as we would
all like it to operate all the time. Unfortunately, it doesn't. There are numerous
hitches in the process, from bad memory and inadequate dictionaries all the way
up through untranslatable words and phrases (realia, puns, etc.) to the virtually
unsolvable problems of translating across enormous power differentials, between,
say, English and various Third World languages. The diagram allows us to imagine
these "hitches" kinesthetically: you stop the car, throw it into reverse, back up to
avoid an obstacle or to take another road. This might be traced as a counterclockwise
movement back around the circle.