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111
THE SEX-SELECTIVITY AMONG POLISH SEASONAL
WORKERS IN GERMANY
Ewa Kepinska
Centre of Migration Research
Institute for Social Studies Warsaw University
Since the beginning of seventies Western European countries have closed
their borders to foreigners (foreign workers) from outside of the Union. Yet
they allow entry of some categories of migrants, such as family members,
refugees and asylum seekers, «partials», and legal temporary workers.
Since the end of eighties, as a result of transition taking place in Central-
Eastern Europe, the restrictive migration policy have been changed to the
policy of open borders. At the same time, the migration for work to the
Western Europe (at least its part) has been facilitated and legalised by
international bilateral agreements.
One of them signed in December 1990, allowed Polish workers to take
up seasonal work up to three month a year in Germany, mainly in
agriculture
1
. It has not been the only category of workers that gain legal
access to the German and other Western European labour markets.
Nevertheless, it is so far the stream of seasonal workers to Germany that
play the most important role in the legal labour outflow from Poland, even
for its huge, incomparable to others, numbers. Moreover, the scale of the
phenomenon has been steadily growing during nineties. For example, in
1992 120 thousand Poles went to Germany as seasonal workers. In 2002,
it was as many as 272 thousand.
Therefore, I focus on a very specific kind of international labour
migration that seems to gain in importance in the recent years
2
. I pay
attention to the role of gender in this kind of migratory flow because both
women and men are Polish labour migrants. This fact has been apparently
too trivial and obvious to become an object for scientific considerations
and therefore has been for many years neglected in both research and
policy formulation. In fact, women account for a sizeable proportion of
1
In the period 19911993, work in construction was also allowed. In the
following years, however, more than 90 per cent of seasonal workers were
taking up jobs in agriculture. In fact, Poland has become the main source of
foreign labour for German agriculture.
2
It seems even more important when numbers of Polish seasonal workers
who recently started working legally in Spain and the Netherlands will be
taken into consideration.
112
Polish labour migrants and it is hard to predict what is going to happen in
the future, bearing in mind that the number of women has been growing in
the recent years, not only in legal but also in irregular labour outflow from
Poland. According to the Labour Force Survey data on emigration for
work purposes, in 2000, on the average, 36,5 thousand Polish women were
staying abroad for more than two months. In 2002, it was as many as 54,4
thousand. Their share in the total population of Polish workers rose as
well, from 36 per cent in 2000 to 39 per cent in 2002
1
.
There are many factors responsible for this growth. The important
role is played by the rising demand for foreign labour in traditional
receiving countries in such sectors of the economy that are considered
typically female, such as domestic work or elder caring. However,
seasonal work is quite different as work in agriculture cannot unreservedly
be considered as a typical female or a typical male work. In fact, neither
the demand side nor the policy regulations specify whether a woman or a
man is the most suitable person for this kind of work.
The aim of this paper is to show that the sex-selectivity of this particular
stream of labour migrants is, at least to some extent, determined by
economic and socio-cultural context existing in a sending country. As
follows, the reasons for engaging in seasonal are different for men and
women because what is going on in Poland is experienced differently by
men and women, especially with regard to their roles in family and society,
and their situation in the local labour market. To address the above issues,
I firstly present the overview of the socio-cultural and economic context
influencing the situation of women in Poland. In the second part, I present
the population of Polish seasonal workers taking up jobs in Germany,
basing on the data from the representative survey that was carried out by
the Centre of Migration Research Warsaw University (CMR) in the first
half of 2002 (N=804).
Women in Poland
Poland, unlike other Western European countries, is a country where
women have been economically active since the World War II. Although
their post-war participation in the labour market was put into effect under
1
However, many variations exist with regard to regions of origin in some
of them the sex ratio of migrants is almost equal as well as destination countries.
For example, in the case of Italy women greatly outnumber men whereas in the
case of Germany they constitute less than 30 per cent of all migrant workers
(CSO various years).
113
the banner of gender equality, it was mainly a result of the post-war rapid
industrialisation and therefore a great demand for labour. At the same
time Polish propaganda promoted a model of a new family with both parties
taking up paid work. But it did not really lead to the reinforcing of the
traditional roles women were expected to perform in the family and society,
as they had to combine family duties (unpaid work) with paid work.
Moreover, for majority of women as various sociological studies carried
out at that time indicated work was only a way of earning additional
income and not the place where the career of a person might be fulfilled
(Siemienska 1996). Women worked because they had to.
As a result the womens economic activity registered at the beginning of
the socio-economic transition in Poland was higher than in many other
western countries
1
(Ingham et al 2001; Kowalska 2000). At the same time,
a trend linking the regime change and a return to the traditional division of
roles in the family, demanding womens withdrawal from the labour market
met social acceptance. In 1992, as Polish General Social Survey indicated,
almost 88 per cent of respondents were pro traditional division of roles in
the family, agreeing with the statement that it is better when a woman stays
at home in her natural environment and a man earns a living (Cichomski
et al 2001). Additionally, according to European Values Study, in 1990,
as many as 55 per cent of Poles agreed and only 15 per cent disagreed with
a statement that «if the number of jobs is not sufficient, men have a right
over women to get one» (Halman 2001).
It was said to be a result of the belief that had been existing in Poland
since the end of seventies that «too much equality» given to women after
World War II, namely letting them enter the labour market, was responsible
for the double burden they experienced in every-day life, trying to combine
family chores with a professional career. The only way out of this situation,
the every-day tiredness of Polish women, was to go back to the traditional
division of roles with women out of the labour market (Siemienska 1996).
As Anna Titkow sums up: «...while men generally accept women working
professionally and an equal division of responsibilities between the sexes,
they are rather reluctant, particularly, if they are urban residents, to see
their own wives working on the external labour market» (2001).
1
However, it was relatively low comparing to other former communist
states. In 1989, labour force participation rate for Polish women, aged 1560,
was 68,1 per cent whereas in the case of Bulgaria it was as much as 92,9 per cent,
Czechoslovakia 83,4 per cent, Romania 80,7 per cent, Hungary 78,5 per
cent and 12 EU countries 41,7 per cent (Ingham et al 2001, p. 43, Table 3.1).
114
It proved very quickly, however, that at the beginning of transition, a
well-being of a family strongly correlated with the income of as many
people in the family as possible. As in the post-war period, the economic
necessity was still underlying womens labour participation. What follows,
women could not leave the labour market as their income was still needed in
a family. In fact, it was much more difficult to exist in both private and public
spheres than in the previous period. The easy and almost free access to the
infrastructure that was created for women in the communist times to help
them combine family duties with a professional career (such as kindergartens)
had been mostly removed or drastically limited to those who were able to pay
full price (Giza 2002; Siemienska 1999; Siemienska 1996).
The expected participation in the labour market has also proved to be
much more difficult for women than for men. They had bigger problems in
finding a job and have to look for it much longer than men. Although
unemployment appeared to be an inevitable consequence of the new market
economy, the unemployment rate of women has always been higher than
that of men. Women have been also particularly exposed to long-term
unemployment. Not mentioning problems with coming back to work after
maternity leave (Ingham et al 2001; Kotowska 2000).
Not surprisingly, at the end of nineties, in 1999, 77 per cent of Poles
agreed with the statement that it is better when a man earns a living and a
woman stays at home. It was only 10 per cent less than in 1992, at the
beginning of transition (Cichomski et al 2001). Assuming that international
labour migration for Polish men is their duty should the need arise and for
Polish women is leaving their «natural environment» (without possibilities
to perform their daily chores while abroad) it seems crucial to understand
whether a man or a woman becomes a seasonal worker, and why, in order
to grasp economic and social changes that have been taking place in Poland
in the last decade.
Women among seasonal workers
According to the representative study carried out by the CMR, Polish
seasonal worker is a male. Women account for 35 per cent of the total
population. However, their share has been growing in the course of nineties,
along with the worsening of Polish economy. They comprise 30 per cent of
those who went to Germany for the first time in the first half of nineties and
40 per cent of those who started in 1998 or later.
As far as other basic socio-demographic characteristics of the total
population of seasonal workers are concerned, women and men do not
seem to be different from each other. They are moderately young: his and
115
her average age, measured by a median, is 31 years, and 77 per cent of
them, both men and women, have their own families. The predominance of
married people in the total population of seasonal workers is quite striking.
However, the share of singles has been growing throughout nineties. Among
those who started taking up seasonal work in Germany in 1998 or later,
they comprise 25 per cent, comparing with less than 10 per cent in previous
years.
Seasonal workers are inhabitants of both villages and cities, although
women more often than men originated from villages (54 per cent in the
case of women and 49 per cent in the case of men). As far as their educational
attainment is concerned, they are neither poorly educated nor very well
educated people. Majority of women completed secondary level and
majority of men vocational level of education, which is consistent with the
overall picture of educational attainment of Poles.
The typical household of seasonal worker, both a man and a woman, is
quite big more than 80 per cent of all workers form a household that is
made up by three and more people, including 30 per cent with five or more
people. On the contrary, one-person households constitute less than two
per cent of the total population. It is quite insignificant comparing to the
Polish average 20 per cent. Moreover, the number of dependant children
(below 18-year-old) is surprisingly not very high on the average, just one
child. In general, according to the New Economics of Labour Migration
sending adult family members to different labour markets (including
international ones) is a strategy undertaken collectively by family or
household in order to diversify their sources of income to overcome a variety
of market failures in times of economic transition (Stark and Bloom 1985).
Households with many adults and few dependant children may be more
likely to participate in migration in part because of the lack of people who
may be sent abroad (Boyd 1989).
What differentiates the situation of men and women is the financial
condition of their households. First indicator, the average monthly income
per capita, is substantially lower in case of females households 380
Polish zloty in the case of female and 460 in the case of male. The second
indicator the average number of adults without income in a household,
controlled by the size of a household is, on the average, higher in the case
of women than men, indicating the worse financial condition of households
where a woman is a seasonal worker.
It seems crucial in the case of seasonal workers as short duration and
special characteristics of this kind of migration do not allow recognising
any other reason for engaging in it apart from earning money. It is enough
116
to imagine that she or he gets up very early in the morning, spends many
hours in the field picking up fruits or vegetables in the company of other
Poles, has no time for any non-working activities such as sightseeing, does
not gain any new qualifications and does not feel an urge to learn or improve
German language as Polish proves to be completely sufficient in most cases.
In fact, the following question should be asked: is seasonal work the only
economic activity of a given person or is it an additional place of work that
provides him or her with additional earnings?
55 per cent of seasonal workers had permanent job or run their own
business prior to the first seasonal migration. The average time of seasonal
work is about eight weeks and to use ones holiday for going to work abroad
is a normal procedure. However, the difference between men and women is
huge only 45 per cent of women and as much as 60 per cent of men were
working. It means that 55 per cent of women were either unemployed (30
per cent) or inactive in economic terms (25 per cent), staying at home and
performing a role of a housewife. In the case of men, only 40 per cent
were not working at the time of taking up first seasonal job (25 per cent
unemployed, 15 per cent economically inactive).
The need for income is the most important reason compelling Poles to take
up seasonal work in Germany. 90 per cent of seasonal workers, both men and
women, decided to go abroad because they wanted to earn more money. But
other reasons given by men and women differ substantially. Women more
often than men cite that they decided to take part in seasonal migration because
they could not find any job in the local labour market. In the whole period, it
is 47 per cent of women comparing to only 33 per cent of men.
This difference is more or less the same in different periods of taking up
the first seasonal job, accounting for 1215 per cent. However, the share of
those who admit that the lack of jobs in Poland was an important factor in
making a migration decision has been growing, from 35 per cent in the
case of those who started in 1992-1995 to 48 per cent in the case of those
who started in 2000 or later. Interestingly, married women more often than
single indicate the lack of employment in Poland as important reason for
their engagement in seasonal migration whereas in the case of men this
relation is completely different singles point at the lack of work in the
local labour market more often than married.
Conclusions
Why Polish women engage in seasonal labour migration to Germany?
Socio-demographic characteristics of migrants do not give any clue as
they are more or less similar for both sexes. It seems that the predominance
117
of men over women in this particular flow of migrants is determined by
economic and socio-cultural context existing in a sending country, at least
to some extent. The belief that has been accompanying many Poles
throughout the nineties that it is a man who should earn a living seems to
apply also to short money-generating trips to Germany.
The typical household with a man as seasonal worker can be
characterised by relatively better financial condition and the bigger number
of people that actually take part in supplying the household with an income,
with seasonal worker himself among them. Those households where a
woman is a seasonal worker are, simply saying, poorer than previous ones.
Women also more often than men migrate because they could not find a job
in Poland. It seems that economic necessity seems to play more significant
role in prompting seasonal migration of women than men. In the history of
labour force participation of women in Poland it is not a novelty.
Migration is, however, a very complex phenomenon, that could not be
explained only by one set of factors. Therefore, to make the whole picture
complete three others, which may influence the sex-selectivity of Polish seasonal
workers to Germany, should be mentioned: (1) the geographical distribution
of major sending areas in Poland with the important role played by less urbanised
and less developed regions where the traditional division of roles in the family
should be expected and the important role played by the region where this
traditionalist attitude is beyond doubts, namely Silesia; (2) the possibility of
taking up seasonal work in construction in the first three years of the operation
of bilateral agreement which is quite rightly considered as a typically male job;
and (3) the importance of migratory networks in combination with the legality
of the flow in sustaining this particular stream of migrants, two factors that
can be sex-selective. This is, however, another story.
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ÏÅÐÅÑÅËÅÍÖÛ ÈÇ ÑÒÐÀÍ ÑÍÃ
Î ÏÐÎÁËÅÌÀÕ ÎÁÓÑÒÐÎÉÑÒÂÀ Â ÐÎÑÑÈÈ
(íà ïðèìåðå ñàìàðñêîé è ïåíçåíñêîé îáëàñòåé)
Êèðèëëîâà E.
Èíñòèòóò íàðîäíîõîçÿéñòâåííîãî ïðîãíîçèðîâàíèÿ ÐÀÍ
(ã. Ìîñêâà, Ðîññèÿ)
Ñõëûíóëà ìàññîâàÿ ìèãðàöèîííàÿ âîëíà èç ñòðàí Ñîäðóæåñòâà
â Ðîññèþ, çàõâàòèâøàÿ â ïðîøåäøåå äåñÿòèëåòèå ïðåèìóùåñòâåí-
íî ðóññêîÿçû÷íîå íàñåëåíèå. Äîñòèãøàÿ ñâîåãî àïîãåÿ â 1998 ã.
1191,9 òûñ. ÷åë., ê íà÷àëó 2002 ã. îíà ñîêðàòèëàñü ïî÷òè âäâîå,
ñîñòàâèâ 643,5 òûñ. ÷åë.
1
Âûíóæäåííûå ìèãðàíòû íà ñåãîäíÿøíèé
äåíü ðàññåëåíû ïî âñåé òåððèòîðèè ÐÔ, îíè îêàçàëèñü â ðàçíûõ
óãîëêàõ Ðîññèè, èç íèõ 41% ñîñðåäîòî÷åíû â Öåíòðàëüíîì è Ïðè-
âîëæñêîì îêðóãàõ.
1
Íàñåëåíèå Ðîññèè 2001. Äåâÿòûé åæåãîäíûé äåìîãðàôè÷åñêèé äîê-
ëàä / Ïîä ðåä. À.Ã.Âèøíåâñêîãî. Ì.: Êíèæíûé äîì «Óíèâåðñèòåò»,
2002. Ñ.158.
119
Ïðîâåäåííûé íàìè ñîöèîëîãè÷åñêèé îïðîñ âûíóæäåííûõ ïåðåñå-
ëåíöåâ è ðóêîâîäèòåëåé îáùåñòâåííûõ ïåðåñåëåí÷åñêèõ îðãàíèçàöèé
â óêàçàííûõ îêðóãàõ ïîçâîëèë èçó÷èòü ñòåïåíü àäàïòàöèè ìèãðàíòîâ
â Ðîññèè, âûÿâèòü íàáîëåâøèå ïðîáëåìû, ñ êîòîðûìè ñòàëêèâàþòñÿ
ìèãðàíòû, à òàêæå ïóòè ðåøåíèÿ ýòèõ ïðîáëåì. Îïðàøèâàëèñü ïåðå-
ñåëåíöû, ïðèåõàâøèå â ðàçíûå ãîäû â Ðîññèþ èç ñòðàí ÑÍÃ, âûíóæ-
äåííûå â ðåçóëüòàòå ýòíîêîíôëèêòîâ áåæàòü èç ñâîèõ ðåñïóáëèê. À
óãëóáëåííûå èíòåðâüþ ñ ìèãðàíòàìè ïîçâîëèëè âçãëÿíóòü íà ïðîáëå-
ìû ãëàçàìè ñàìèõ î÷åâèäöåâ. Ïðîõîäèò âðåìÿ, ìèãðàíòû ïîñòåïåííî
àäàïòèðóþòñÿ ê íîâîé äëÿ íèõ æèçíè. Íî ïðîöåññ àäàïòàöèè ó áîëü-
øèíñòâà ïåðåñåëåíöåâ âåcüìà ìåäëåííûé è áîëåçíåííûé.
Íàìè èçó÷àëèñü ïðîáëåìû îáóñòðîéñòâà ïåðåñåëåíöåâ èç ñòðàí
ÑÍÃ íà íîâîì ìåñòå æèòåëüñòâà â Ðîññèè, óñëîâèÿ æèçíè ïåðåñåëåí-
öåâ. Êàê èõ âñòðåòèëà Ðîññèÿ? Êòî ïîìîã ëþäÿì íàëàäèòü áûò, óñòðî-
èòüñÿ íà ðàáîòó? Ëþäè ðàññêàçûâàëè îá óñëîâèÿõ âûåçäà, îáóñòðîé-
ñòâà íà íîâîì ìåñòå æèòåëüñòâà, ïðîáëåìàõ, ñ êîòîðûìè ñòîëêíóëèñü.
Ïðîõîäèò âðåìÿ, ìèãðàíòû ïîñòåïåííî àäàïòèðóþòñÿ ê íîâîé äëÿ íèõ
æèçíè. Íî ïðîöåññ àäàïòàöèè ó áîëüøèíñòâà ïåðåñåëåíöåâ âåcüìà
ìåäëåííûé è áîëåçíåííûé.
Îáóñòðîéñòâî âêëþ÷àåò â ñåáÿ øèðîêèé ñïåêòð ïðîáëåì, îñíîâíûìè
èç êîòîðûõ ÿâëÿþòñÿ ðåãèñòðàöèÿ, æèëüå, ãðàæäàíñòâî è òðóäîóñòðîé-
ñòâî. Èçó÷åíèå ïîëîæåíèÿ ïåðåñåëåíöåâ îáíàæèëî ìíîãî ïðîáëåì, êîòî-
ðûå äîëæíû íåïðåìåííî è äàâíî áûòü ðåøåíû, íî äî ñèõ ïîð ëèáî ñîâñåì
íå ðåøàþòñÿ, ëèáî ðåøàþòñÿ âåñüìà ìåäëåííî è áîëåçíåííî. Ïîëîæåíèå
õîòÿ è ïîñòåïåííî óëó÷øàåòñÿ, íî êðàéíå ìåäëåííî. Ñëèøêîì ìíîãî ïðå-
ïîíîâ îêàçûâàåòñÿ ïåðåä âûíóæäåííûìè ïåðåñåëåíöàìè. È âîçâîäÿò èõ
âñå, íà÷èíàÿ ñ ðóêîâîäñòâà, ïðèíèìàþùåãî ýòèõ ëþäåé, òðóäîóñòðàèâà-
þùåãî èõ, è êîí÷àÿ ìåñòíûì íàñåëåíèåì, â îêðóæåíèå êîòîðîãî ïîïàäà-
þò èçìó÷åííûå ëþäè.
Èçó÷åíèå ñèòóàöèè «äîëãîæèòåëåé» è òåõ, êòî íàõîäèòñÿ â Ðîññèè
ìåíåå ïÿòè ëåò, ïîêàçàëî, ÷òî ó ïåðâûõ îíà ëó÷øå, íî âñå ðàâíî îáðà-
ùàåò íà ñåáÿ âíèìàíèå âûñîêèé ïðîöåíò íåðåøåííûõ ïðîáëåì. Â íà-
øåì îáñëåäîâàíèè çíà÷èòåëüíîå êîëè÷åñòâî òðåòüÿ ÷àñòü òàê íàçû-
âàåìûõ «äîëãîæèòåëåé», êîòîðûå ïðèåõàëè â Ðîññèþ â íà÷àëå 90-õ
ãîäîâ, äî ñèõ ïîð íå ñìîãëè ðåøèòü ïðîáëåì íè ñ ïðîïèñêîé, íè ñ
ãðàæäàíñòâîì, íè ñ æèëüåì, íè ñ òðóäîóñòðîéñòâîì, ó ïîëîâèíû íåðå-
øåííîé îñòàëàñü îäíà, ðåæå äâå ïðîáëåìû. Òàê, ñðåäè òåõ, êòî íàõî-
äèòñÿ â Ðîññèè áîëåå 5 ëåò, íå ðåøèëè ïðîáëåìû ñ ïðîïèñêîé 37%
(ñðåäè òåõ, êòî ìåíåå 5 ëåò 63%), ñ æèëüåì 41 è 66% ñîîòâåòñòâåí-
íî, ñ òðóäîóñòðîéñòâîì 56 è 49% ñîîòâåòñòâåííî. Ìíîãèå æäóò ïî
120
57 ëåò æèëüå, æèâóò áåç ðåãèñòðàöèè, áåç ãðàæäàíñòâà, áåç ìåäèöèí-
ñêîãî ñòðàõîâîãî ïîëèñà.
Õàðàêòåðíî, ÷òî ñðåäè òåõ, ó êîãî ïðîáëåìû íå ðåøåíû, áîëüøàÿ
÷àñòü ñïåöèàëèñòû, êàæäûé òðåòèé ñ âûñøèì îáðàçîâàíèåì, çíà÷è-
òåëüíàÿ äîëÿ ñîöèàëüíî íåçàùèùåííûõ êàòåãîðèé ïåíñèîíåðîâ. Àäàï-
òàöèÿ ê íîâûì óñëîâèÿì â Ðîññèè ïðîõîäèò î÷åíü ìåäëåííî è äëÿ ìíî-
ãèõ òÿæåëî è áîëåçíåííî.
Ìíîãî ïàðàäîêñîâ âîçíèêàåò â æèçíè ìèãðàíòîâ â Ðîññèè. Ëþäè,
íàõîäÿùèåñÿ â Ðîññèè óæå áîëåå 8 ëåò, ôàêòè÷åñêè íå ÿâëÿþòñÿ åå ïîë-
íîïðàâíûìè ãðàæäàíàìè. Åñòü äàæå òàêèå, êòî èìååò ðîññèéñêîå ãðàæ-
äàíñòâî è æèëüå, íî äî ñèõ ïîð íå èìååò ïîñòîÿííîé ïðîïèñêè, îíè âû-
íóæäåíû êàæäûå ïîëãîäà ïðîäëåâàòü âðåìåííóþ ïðîïèñêó. Äåëî äîõî-
äèò äî àáñóðäà, êîãäà ëþäè ïîêóïàþò êîìíàòó â êîììóíàëüíîé
êâàðòèðå, íî èõ òàì íå ïðîïèñûâàþò ïîñòîÿííî. Åñòåñòâåííî, ÷åëîâåê,
ïðîæèâàþùèé áåç ïîñòîÿííîé ïðîïèñêè, íå èìåþùèé ãðàæäàíñòâà,
æèëüÿ, îùóùàåò ñåáÿ ÷åëîâåêîì âòîðîãî ñîðòà. Âîò äâà ïðèìåðà.
Ñàìàðà
Âàëåíòèíà Àëåêñàíäðîâíà, 67 ëåò, âûñøåå îáðàçîâàíèå, ïåíñèî-
íåðêà, âäîâà
 ýòîì ãîäó ìû êóïèëè êîìíàòó â êîììóíàëüíîé ïÿòèêîìíàòíîé
êâàðòèðå. Íî êîãäà ìû ïîïûòàëèñü çàðåãèñòðèðîâàòüñÿ ïî ìåñòó
æèòåëüñòâà, ÷èíîâíèêè âîñïðåïÿòñòâîâàëè, õîòÿ ÿ ïåðåä ýòèì êîí-
ñóëüòèðîâàëàñü â ãîðîäñêîé ñëóæáå, è íîòàðèàëüíàÿ êîíòîðà çàâå-
ðèëà, ÷òî ïðè ïîêóïêå æèëüÿ ÿ èìåþ ïðàâî íà âèä íà æèòåëüñòâî.
Ïîñëå ýòîãî ìåíÿ íàïðàâëÿëè â ðàçíûå èíñòàíöèè, îò îäíîãî ÷èíîâíè-
êà ê äðóãîìó. Ýòî ñàìîå íàñòîÿùåå èçäåâàòåëüñòâî íàä íàìè, ðóñ-
ñêèìè, â ñîáñòâåííîé ñòðàíå, è ÿ ÷åì äàëüøå, òåì áîëüøå îùóùàþ
ñåáÿ íå÷åëîâåêîì, áè÷îì, ÁÎÌÆîì, ëèøåíà âñåõ ïðàâ.
Ìîñêîâñêàÿ îáëàñòü
Îëåã Âëàäèìèðîâè÷, 30 ëåò, íåçàêîí÷åííîå âûñøåå îáðàçîâàíèå,
æåíàò, äâîå äåòåé
Çäåñü î÷åíü ìíîãî ïðîáëåì: ñ ïîëó÷åíèåì ãðàæäàíñòâà, ñ æèëüåì.
×óâñòâóåì ñåáÿ êàê âðåìåííî îñóæäåííûå, ïîñòîÿííî ïðèõîäèòñÿ
îáðàùàòüñÿ â ïàñïîðòíî-âèçîâóþ ñëóæáó äëÿ òîãî, ÷òîáû ïðîäëå-
âàòü ðåãèñòðàöèþ ÷åðåç êàæäûå 3 ìåñÿöà. Ñêëàäûâàåòñÿ òàêîå âïå-
÷àòëåíèå, ÷òî íàì ïðèäåòñÿ âñþ îñòàâøóþñÿ æèçíü ÷óâñòâîâàòü
ñåáÿ óùåìëåííûìè.
Ìèãðàíòû, ïåðåñåëèâøèåñÿ â Ðîññèþ, îêàçàëèñü öåëèêîì ïîä îïå-
êîé ãîñóäàðñòâà, íî íà äåëå ýòà îïåêà ïîä÷àñ èçëèøíÿ, à ïîðîé îíà èì