Krishnamurti Bhadriraju. The Dravidian Languages

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8.2 Adjectives 401

nouns denoting measure become adjectival by adding a sufﬁx -e

d, e.g. ku

da ‘pot’:

d-e

d¯e

ru ‘a potful of water’, mu

ti ‘a closed ﬁst’: mu

t-e

d iska ‘a handful of sand’

(cf. Telugu: (f)); (h) in endocentric compounds, many nouns function as qualiﬁers of the

following noun heads, e.g. y¯a

panri

‘this

pig’s

ﬂesh

’, seru

gopu

‘tank

bound

’; (i) cardinals (non-masculine) or those with the masculine classiﬁer may be

used as attributes to the following noun heads, e.g. un

m¯a

‘one

word

’, ¯aru

b¯ode-

‘six

young women

’, ri

-er

marisi-r

‘two sons’. (j) The morphology of relative

adjectives derived from tensed stems has been dealt with elsewhere (see sections 7.7.2,

7.8.1).

Compound adjectives are mostly iterative descriptive adjectives, e.g. kogri ‘small’:

kogri kogri p˜ase

‘very small pieces of waist cloth’,

dagru ‘nearby’:

dagru

dagru po

ti-

‘the birds (acc) very nearby’. Descriptive adjectives can be used predicatively by adding

a formative -k- followed by the personal sufﬁxes, e.g. negi ‘good’: 1sg negi-k-a ‘I am a

good person’, 1pl (excl) negi-k-ap ‘we (excl) are good’, 1pl (incl) negi-k-a

t ‘we (incl)

are good’ etc. (see section 6.7).

9. Kui (Winﬁeld 1928: 33–5) has a few basic adjectives, but several subclasses of

derived adjectives like the other members of South Dravidian II. Basic adjectives:

kogi/kogeri ‘small’, negi ‘good’, p

r¯a

di ‘old’, p¯uni ‘new’, e.g. kogeri i

du ‘a small house’.

Winﬁeld giv

es only one or two examples

each of derived adjectives:

(a)

di v¯ıra ‘stony

earth’ (the noun va

di ‘stone’, becomes

an adjective by position), (b)

l¯aven-i

deli ‘youthful

days’ (the ﬁrst word is the genitive of l¯avenju ‘young man’), u

nba

dru ‘drinking water/

water to drink’ (inﬁnitive as an adjectival). For relative participles see sections 7.7.2,

7.8.1. The numerals for ‘one’ and ‘two’ have bound adjectives, e.g. cardinal ron

de ‘one’:

adjectival or-, r¯ın

de ‘two’: adj r¯ı-.

10. Kuvi (Israel 1979: 127–30) adjectives are simple, complex or compound. The

simple adjectives comprise descriptive, demonstrative, interrogative and numeral adjec-

tives. Forty-one basic descriptive adjectives have been identiﬁed by Israel; some of these

are traceable to Proto-Dravidian or Proto-South Dravidian sources, e.g. k

r¯ogi ‘young’

∗

z-uw), pu

uni ‘new’, peni ‘cold’ (< SD II

∗

pin-i ?< PD

∗

pan-i [4035]); demon-

strative: ¯e ‘that’, ¯ı ‘this’, ¯u ‘that (over there)’; interrogative: amini/emini ‘which’, ¯ani/¯eni

‘what’, e.g. amini ilu ‘which house’, emini kokasi ‘which boy’; numeral: r¯o ‘one’, r¯ı

‘two’ etc. Derived adjectives may be derived from other adjectives, nouns or verbs,

e.g. i- ‘this’: i-cayi/i-ceka ‘this much’, e- ‘that’: e-cayi ‘that much’; from nouns: all

oblique–genitive stems are used adjectivally, e.g. ka

da ‘river’, ¯eyu ‘water’: ka

da-ti ¯eyu

‘river-water’, n¯a

tanji ‘my father’. Relative participles derived from verbs have been

treated in sections 7.7.2, 7.8.1. In endocentric constructions many nominals in the nomi-

native occur adjectivally to the following noun heads, e.g. leli

mr¯anu ‘tamarind tree’.

There are several compound adjectives, mainly the reduplicated ones, e.g. ga

du ‘plenty’;

du ga

du ‘plentiful’, ici-ici ‘very small’ etc.

402 Adjectives,

adverbs and

clitics

11. Pengo (Burrow and Bhattacharya 1970: 44–57) has over twenty basic adjectives,

several of which are native, e.g. kariya ‘salty’, k

rogi ‘fresh’, nekri ‘good’, pazi ‘green’,

p¯un ‘new’, p

r¯an ‘old’, vari ‘empty’ etc. When they are used predicatively, they take

a formative -k- followed by personal sufﬁxes, e.g. andel

haru-k-adel

‘that woman

is small

’, n¯a

r¯an-a-k-a

‘my

house

is old

’. Pronominalized adjectives may

also be used as subject NPs, e.g. gaja ‘big’: gaja-k-an

v¯a-t-an

‘the big man

came

’.

Demonstrative adjectives are ¯ı ‘this’, ¯a, ¯e ‘that’ and interrogative is ina ‘what’, e.g. ¯ı

‘these birds’, ¯a injo ‘in that house’, ¯e kogle ‘that woman’, ina t¯or ‘what name?’ Some

adjectives add -

ti to derive other adjectives (cf. Telugu above) both in their attributive

and predicative use, e.g. haru ‘small’: haru-

ti hazi ‘a small road’, ¯ın¯agu

r gaja-

‘this

river is big

’. This sufﬁx is also

added to adjectives borro

wed from Oriya, e.g.

g¯u

ra-

‘round’. Some adjectivals are based on relative participles, e.g. ke- ‘to be bitter’: ke-ni

karla ‘a bitter gourd’ (-ni- non-past relative adjective sufﬁx). Numeral adjectives are

derived from numeral roots, e.g. ro- ‘one’, ronje ‘one thing’ (cardinal), e.g. ro bopa ‘one

lad’, ri- ‘two’: rin

‘two’ (cardinal), e.g. ri ka

nku ‘two eyes’, the human plural form is

ri-y-ar ‘two people’ (cf. Ko

da ri

er,OTe.ir(u)-wuru < PSD

∗

iru-war). From ‘three’

onwards, Oriya numerals are used and the human classiﬁer ja

n is also borrowed with

them, daha ja

n ‘ten persons’.

Central

Dravidian

12. For Kolami Emeneau (1955b: 31–3) includes demonstrative, numeral and descriptive

adjectives under monomorphemic (basic) type, e.g. ¯a ‘that’, ¯ı ‘this’: ¯ı¯e

d ‘this year’, ok

‘one’: ok si

d ‘one day’, pulle ‘sour’, telmi ‘white’, doo ‘big’. Derived adjectives include

(a) tensed verb stems as relative participles, e.g. tin-a ‘that which is eating’, tind-a ‘that

which ate’, tin-ek-a ‘that which will eat’ etc.; the negative adjective ends in -e, tin-e

‘that which does/did/will not eat’. (b) Those derived from noun stems take -ta, e.g. kis

‘ﬁre’: kis-ta ‘of ﬁre’, mut ‘before’: mut-ta s¯al ‘next year’. Here, -t- is said to belong

to the oblique stem and -a is the genitive sufﬁx. The oblique–genitive is -e following

the plural sufﬁx, e.g. puvu-l ‘ﬂowers’: puvu-l-e¯ar ‘ﬂower garland’. This sufﬁx occurs

also in the case of personal pronouns in the allomorph -ne, ¯an ‘I’: ann-e ‘my’, ¯ın ‘you’:

inn-e ‘your’; -ne occurs frequently with other stems also, e.g. b¯ama- ‘Brahmin’: b¯ama-

ne ‘of Brahmin’,

∗

t¯am ‘they’: tam-ne ‘their own’. Emeneau points out that his data are

inadequate for a ﬁner analysis (1955b:

31).

13. Naiki of Chanda (Bhattacharya 1961: 95), unlike the other members of the sub-

group, uses demonstrative pronouns (with gender–number sufﬁxes) instead of deictic

roots as demonstrative adjectives also, e.g. id n¯ır ‘this water’, ad b¯ayko ‘that woman’,

¯on k¯ıken ‘that boy’, ¯ın p¯orakun ‘to this boy’. The genitive sufﬁx -ta and the adjecti-

valizer -n are used in forming derived adjectives from other adjectives or nouns, e.g.

r¯an-ta ¯ate [forest-of dog] ‘wild dog’, madge-ta sa

t [mango-of tree] ‘mango tree’; kara-n

kokke ‘black saree’. Two other endings -

t and -ek are also used, e.g. amba-

t ‘sour’, tika-

8.2 Adjectives 403

‘pungent’. Descriptive adjectives are used without change both attributively and pred-

icatively, e.g. puni apa

r ‘new house’ (adjectival use), amme

apa

puni

anlen

‘our

house

new

’ (predicative use).

14. Parji (Burrow and Bhattacharya 1953: 32–5) has basic adjectives traceable to

Proto-Dravidian, e.g. pun ‘new’, vil ‘white’, key ‘red’, pay ‘green’, ko

r ‘young’, pul

‘sour’, etc.: pun ole ‘new house’, vil p¯u ‘white ﬂower’, key c¯ora ‘dark red pot’, pay meram

‘green grass’, ko

rp¯ap ‘young baby’, pul c¯ava ‘sour gruel’. When used predicatively

these take personal

suf

ﬁxes, 1sg pun-en ‘I am new’, 1pl pun-om ‘we are new’; also

in full sentences

¯an vil-en ¯ay ‘I am white’. The derive

d nominals may also occur

in non-predicate position as in pun-ed

ve-˜n-ed

‘the new man

has come

’. Some

adjectives occur

with a derivational suf

ﬁx -to, e.g. ber-to ‘big’ (<

∗

per-V-), w

hich the

authors identify with the genitive -to as in polub-to ‘of village’. A number of derived

adjectives end in -a, e.g.

t-a ‘straight’, tirr-a ‘sweet’, pull-a ‘sour’ etc. They take

personal sufﬁxes when they are nominalized, e.g. ko

rey-a ‘lame’: ko

rey-a-l ‘a lame man’,

re-y-a-

t ‘a lame woman’, but ko

reya v

edid ‘a lame god’. Parji has borrowed many

uninﬂected as well as inﬂected adjectives from the neighbouring Halbi, an Indo-Aryan

language, e.g. na

gal ‘naked’, koyli ‘black’ etc. Parji is shifting to the Indo-Aryan type of

inﬂecting the adjectives to agree with the noun head, e.g. geya-l manja ‘a simple-minded

man’ (-l ismsgsufﬁx),tirra-

t medi ‘sweet mango’ (-

t marks non-masculine singular).

The demonstrative adjectives (1953: 39–42) are ¯a ‘that’: ¯a meri ‘that tree’, ¯ı ‘this’: ¯ı meri

‘this tree’; the interrogati

ve adjective is

¯aro ‘which’ in ¯aro polub ‘which village?’, but

¯ara manja ‘which man?’ The shorter radical numerals are used attributively (1953: 36–

8), although Burrow and Bhattacharya do not treat these under Adjectives, e.g. ok m¯ın

‘one ﬁsh’, ir v¯okal ‘two years’, ¯ır-er ‘two yokes of bullocks’. Also examine fused forms

o-po

t ‘one time’, ir-o

t ‘twice’, mu-po

t ‘three times’, nel-po

t ‘four times’, cem-bo

t ‘ﬁve

times’, a-po

t ‘that time’, i-po

t ‘this time’. The morphology of the relative participles

has been dealt with

elsewhere (sections 7.7.2, 7.8.3, 7.10.3).

15. Ollari (Bhattacharya 1957: 27–9) basic adjectives of native stock include

(a) demonstratives ¯ı ‘this’, ¯a/¯ay ‘that’ and interrogative ¯ey ‘which’ and (b) a few descrip-

tive adjectives, e.g. kareya ‘salty’, pun ‘new’, per/ber ‘big’ etc. The descriptive ones

are also used predicatively, e.g. ¯ı

s¯epakil

niya

t-or

mayar

‘these

boys

are

good

ones

’(niya ‘good’, -

t adjectival formative). Verbal and nominal stems are converted to

adjectives by adding -on

di, e.g. p¯ap n ‘young one’: p¯ap-on

di ‘young, small’.

16. Gadaba adjectives may be simple or derived, but no details are given in the grammar

(Bhaskararao 1980). In the vocabulary we ﬁnd the following adjectives listed: a/ay

‘that’, i/iy ‘this’, ¯ekami ‘as a whole’, ¯o ‘one’, k¯ı

te ‘of below’, koppen ‘full, satisﬁed’

(eran ‘red’, g¯ıral ‘striped’, gu

di ‘blind’, gullan ‘hollow’, cev

ti ‘deaf’, tellan ‘white’,

paccan ‘yellow’, pullan ‘sour’; all these are lws < Te.), golt-e

d ‘two palmfuls joined’,

j¯en-e

d ‘span long’,

debra ‘left’, tayoni ‘a little, a few’, tiron ‘sweet’, niya ‘good’. We

are not sure which of these are basic and which are derived. Apparently those that end

404 Adjectives,

adverbs and

clitics

in -en/-an/-on and -e

d are derived since they look similar to the Telugu sufﬁxes -ani and

-˜e

du (see (6) above).

North Dravidian

17. Ku

rux, according to Hahn (1911: 18–20), has adjectives which can ‘mostly’ be used

as nouns also, e.g. mech¯a ‘high, height’, x

eso ‘blood, red colour’ etc. Verbal adjectives

or relative

participles are formed (a) by

putting an in

ﬁnitive before

the head noun,

e.g. ¯on-n¯a ‘to eat’: ¯on-n¯a¯al¯o ‘eatable things’ and (b) by placing the past or non-past

participle before a qualiﬁed noun, e.g. ¯an-k¯a

kath¯a ‘a spoken word’, kec-k¯a ¯alar ‘dead

people’, ¯ır-¯u ¯alas ‘the man who sees’, p¯ar-¯u pell¯o ‘the girl who sings’. Nouns with

the genitive marker -nt¯a function as adjectivals and qualify the following nouns, e.g.

rpa-nt¯a

n¯egc¯ar

‘home

custom

’, p¯urba-nt¯a

¯alar

‘oriental

(east-of) men

’. Out of

ﬁfty-four descriptive adjectives listed by Hahn (1911: 20), the following are identiﬁed as

native: mech¯a ‘high’, punn¯a ‘new’, pacc¯a ‘old’, xarx¯a ‘bitter’, t¯ın¯ı ‘sweet’, panjk¯a ‘ripe’,

pokk¯o ‘swollen’, porc¯o ‘half-boiled’, sann¯ı ‘small’, tin

d¯ı ‘ﬁrm’. Degrees of comparison

are rendered through postpositions.

Grignard (1924a: 41–3, 183–91) gives ¯ı, h¯u, ¯a as the three demonstrative adjectives,

proximate, intermediate and remote. The intermediate h¯u is traceable to PD

∗

uH, pre-

served in some languages of South Dravidian I, and again in North Dravidian. Several

adjectives are indeclinable, but a few carry gender agreement with the qualiﬁed noun

(masculine/feminine), apparently a feature borrowed from the neighbouring Hindi, e.g.

alg¯a/alg¯ı m/f ‘redundant’ (bor

rowed adjective),

ort/urt¯ı m/f ‘one’ (nati

ve),

otx¯a/utx¯ı

m/f ‘alone’ (native) etc. When used predicatively, adjectives carry gnp markers. When

a numeral is used attributively, it adds -go

t¯a (with several allomorphs), if the following

noun is neuter, or -jhan, if it denotes humans, e.g. m¯und o

t¯a ekh¯o ‘three cows’; in some

cases an inherited classiﬁer -ar (humans) is used, ¯a

m¯und-ar

eksan

ker-ar

? ‘where

are those

three men

gone

?’ Note that m¯und ‘three’ is a native numeral.

18. Malto adjectives (Mahapatra 1979:

110

–40) occur without any change in the

attributive position, but when used predicatively, they add personal sufﬁxes, e.g. b¯e

maleh ‘big man’, b¯e

do ga

‘big cart’, b¯e

do pu

‘big belly’; ¯en b¯e

do-n ‘I am big’,

¯ah b¯e

do-h

‘he is big’ etc. Simple (monomorphemic) adjectives drop a ﬁnal e when used

attributively, e.g. p¯une ‘new’: p¯un da

‘new cloth’. Adjectives are reduplicated for

emphasis, labo ‘good’: lab labo ‘very good’; some do not lose the ﬁnal vowel, e.g. mo

‘fat’: mo

ta mo

ta ‘very fat’. Demonstrative and interrogative adjectives (underlined) are

a subset of simple adjectives, e.g. ¯ı

kolme ‘this pen’, ¯a maleh ‘that man’, ik maleh

‘which

man?’ indr j¯ati ‘what caste?’, ¯ı nond ‘this much’, ¯a nond ‘that much’, ¯en nond

‘how

much?’

Derived adjecti

ves are formed from other adjectives, nouns, verbs or adverbs. The

formative -o is added to nominal or verbal bases to form adjectives, e.g. b¯alke ‘turmeric’:

8.2 Adjectives 405

b¯alk-o ‘yellow’, q¯es-du ‘blood’: q¯es-o ‘red’; alkr- ‘to open’: alkr-o ‘open’, pac- ‘become

old’: pac-o ‘old’; some bases add -ro/-sro to form adjectives, e.g. o

rme ‘ash’: o

rm-ro

‘ash coloured’, am-du ‘water’: am-sro ‘watery’, q¯ay ‘to dry’: q¯ay-ro ‘dried’, kit- ‘to rot’:

kit-ro ‘rotten’.

Under the inﬂuence of Indo-Aryan some adjectives qualifying human nouns are dis-

tinguished for gender, e.g. bobe m: bobi f ‘dumb’, lela m: leli f ‘foolish’. There are

other mechanisms of distinguishing gender, i.e. by adding -t¯awe m: -t¯ani f, e.g. pesa

‘money’: pesa-t¯awe m: pesat¯ani f ‘moneyed’. There are several adjective-forming suf-

ﬁxes added to nominal/adjectival stems (both native and borrowed), e.g. -te in meca ‘up’:

mec-te teb

re ‘upper lip’ (native), -to in male ‘man’: mal-to ‘masculine’ (native), -balo

in kukdu ‘head’: kuk-balo ‘headless’, -l¯ago in tise ‘sour’: tis-l¯ago ‘somewhat sour’ etc.

Many nouns function as attributes to other nouns in endocentric compounds without any

change, e.g. male ‘man’: mal kukdu ‘man’s head’, ba

re ‘banyan tree’: ba

rceya‘shade of

the banyan tree’. Genitive forms of personal pronouns occur attributively to noun heads,

e.g. ¯e ‘I’: e

-mu

rse ‘my husband’, n¯am ‘we (incl)’: nam desi ‘our country’. The relative

participles derived from verb stems have been treated elsewhere. The past participle is

formed by adding -pe to the base, and the habitual by adding -po. Here the element - p

in the past is not genetically accountable, unless the non-past - p has assumed this mean-

ing, e.g. ku

rp(e)

cete

‘baked

ﬁsh

’, cuypo

‘cloth

for weaving

’. The present

participle -u can be connected to PD -um (see section 7.4.2.3), c¯oy-u

‘snake

that

ﬂies

’.

In numeral phrases Malto uses classiﬁers extensively. Under ‘three’ the order is clas-

siﬁer + number + noun; above ‘three’, number + classiﬁer + noun. These must have

entered Malto from Tibeto-Burman through the route of Bengali etc. (see Emeneau

1956, Bhattacharya 1975), e.g. jen (with live referents): t¯ıni jen maler ‘three-classiﬁer-

men’,

ra (for long, large objects): t¯ıni

ra m¯asdu ‘three-classiﬁer-bamboos’, ka

(long, small objects): t¯ıni ka

ti cabi ‘three-classiﬁer-keys’, panda (long, ﬂexible objects):

t¯ıni panda p¯awdu ‘three-classiﬁer-roads’, pa

ra (long fruit, like bananas), pa

ta (ﬂat,

broad objects, like clouds etc.), kan

da (ﬂat, broad cotton objects, like pants etc.), kukdu

(round, heavy objects, like the head etc.).

For further details see Mahapatra (1979:

121–40).

19. Brahui adjectives, according to Bray (1909: 61–9), are monosyllabic or disyl-

labic, but most of them seem to have been borrowed from Balochi. The few identiﬁable

Dravidian adjectives occur with an ending -un/-kun, e.g. bal-un ‘strong’, p¯us-kun ‘new’,

mut-kun ‘old’, b¯ar-un ‘dry’, b¯as-un ‘hot’, x¯ıs-un ‘red’, ma-un ‘black’ etc. -¯en is a Balochi

sufﬁx as in kub-¯en ‘heavy’ (Elfenbein 1998: 398); it is sometimes added to inherited ad-

jectival stems also, e.g. xar-¯en ‘bitter’, han-¯en ‘sweet’. An adjective may be used without

further sufﬁxation as a predicate, e.g. d¯a

z¯aifa



¯ak

ush-kun

‘these

women

are

slender

’. Adjectives must take a deﬁnite or indeﬁnite marker, when used attributively;

406 Adjectives,

adverbs and

clitics

the indeﬁnite marker is

¯o, e.g. asi

cha

t-¯o

m¯ar-as

‘a

lazy

lad

’. The deﬁnite marker

is -¯a/-ang¯a added to a monosyllabic adjective, e.g. z¯eb-¯a

masi

‘the pretty

girl

’,

kub-ang¯a

pax¯ır

‘the hump-backed

beggar

’. The sufﬁx -tir is added to the adjective

to form the comparative degree, e.g. shar ‘good’: shar-tir ‘better’. This is a ‘modern

adaptation from without’ (perhaps Balochi) (Bray 1909: 68), but the positive form itself

is used in the ablative case to express degrees of comparison, like the other Dravidian

languages.

8.3 Adverbs

Caldwell (1956: 553–4) says, ‘properly speaking, the Dravidian languages have no ad-

verbs at all; every word that is used as an adverb in the Dravidian languages is either a

verbal theme, or the inﬁnitive or the gerund of the verb; and illustrations of the manner in

which those words acquire an adverbial force will be found in the ordinary grammars of

each of the Dravidian dialects’. He does recognize iterative adverbs, as in ‘ma

da-ma

(v)endru i

di vi

rundadu, Tam. it thundered terribly, literally, the thunderbolt fell, saying

da-ma

da’ (554;

r =

z).

There are few, if an

y, monomorphemic forms which

function only as adverbs. Adv

erbs

are mainl

y a derived class of words dra

wn from different parts of speech:

(a) unin

ﬂected or

inﬂected nominals denoting time and place and those inﬂected with postpositions/cases,

denoting location, cause, purpose etc., e.g. Te. a-ppu

du ‘then’, i-kka

da ‘here’, aydu

tal-a-ku ‘at ﬁve o’ clock’, r¯epu ‘tomorrow’, andu-k¯osam ‘for that purpose’ etc.;

(b) non-ﬁnite verbs, like the durative and perfective participles, the inﬁnitive of purpose

(also their reduplicated ones), conditional and concessive forms (which head subordinate

clauses), which refer to manner, e.g. Te. c¯usi c¯usi ‘having seen for a long time’, tini tini

‘having eaten for a long time’, Te. c¯u

da c¯u

da (in poetry) ‘as one keeps observing’ etc.;

of the verb

∗

¯a ‘to be’ (¯ak-a in Tamil, -g¯a in Telugu), Ta. v¯ekam-¯aka,Te.w¯egam-g¯a

[speed-so as to be] ‘speedily’; Ta. putuc-¯aka ,Te.kotta(di)-g¯a ‘being (a) new (thing)’;

and (d) by adding the manner particle to deictic bases, e.g. Te. a-l¯a ‘in that manner’, i -l¯a

‘in this manner’, e-l¯a ‘how, in which manner?’

Many Dravidian languages use onomatopoetic words without any sufﬁxation as man-

ner adverbials.

Perhaps these can be called the basic forms of adverbs, since

they can-

not be used as any other part of speech without additional markers, e.g. Te. nuwwu

daga

m¯a

tl-¯a

du-t¯a-wu

[you advbl speak-non-past-2sg] ‘you

speak

too fast

’. In

this sentence ga

daga

da is used as a manner adverbial, but only in reduplicated form;

the constituent root

∗

da cannot be used instead. An adverb can be verbalized by the

addition of -l-¯a

du in ga

daga

da-l-¯a

du ‘to shiver (in fear)’. -¯a

du is a verb meaning ‘to act’,

and the preceding -l has to be interpreted as the plural sufﬁx -lu, although ga

daga

da-lu

does not occur as a noun elsewhere. The plural could be analogical on the basis of such

8.3 Adverbs 407

expressions as m¯a

ta-lu ‘words’ + ¯a

du → m¯a

t-l-¯a

du ‘to speak’, debba-lu ‘beatings’ +

¯a

du → debba-l-¯a

du ‘to ﬁght’ etc.

8.3.1 Adverbs in modern languages

Adverbs of time, place, quantity and manner are mostly derived from demonstrative or

interrogative bases, which are, therefore, classed as complex or derived adverbs. Ex-

cept for manner adverbs, most of these complex forms are morphologically nominal.

Several of them are reconstructable for Proto-Dravidian or some subgroups. Among

the descendant languages, there is overlap in assigning different meaning to con-

trasting forms, e.g. PD

∗

ap-p¯o

z ‘that time, then’ (Tamil, Malay¯a

lam, Telugu, Gondi,

Kolami, Naiki and Parji), PSD

∗

a-mpV- ‘there’ (Tamil, Tu

lu, Ko

da–Kui–Kuvi–Pengo–

Man

da), PD

∗

a-n(V)k-/-t- ∼ -tt- ‘that place/time/much/many/manner’ (different lan-

guages), PD

∗

a-l(l)- ‘that place’, PD

∗

a-tt

- ‘that place, manner’ (Telugu, Gondi, Ko

da,

Brahui), PD

∗

a-nV ‘there, then’ (Tamil, Gondi, Malto). Derivatives from the other bases

∗

iH- ‘this’,

∗

uH ‘yonder’,

∗

yaH- ‘what’, more or less, generally follow the above

pattern. However, because of such overlap both in form and in meaning, some items

derived from one

demonstrative root may not ha

ve parallels with those of the

other

demonstrative root. A good instance is PD

∗

i-ntu ‘today, now’ (Tamil, Malay¯a

lam, Kota,

Toda, Ko

dagu, Kanna

da and Tu

lu of South Dravidian I, Kolami, Naiki, Parji, Ollari

and Gadaba of Central Dravidian, Ku

rux, Malto and Brahui of North Dravidian), but

∗

a-ntu ‘that day, then’ has cognates only in Old Tamil,

Kota, Toda and Kanna

da of South

Dravidian I, but not in others. This would give us the impression that the former was a

basic adverb in those languages, which do not have other matching deictic forms.

It is possible to reconstruct some time and place words, outside these paradigms,

e.g. PSD

∗

˜n¯antu ‘today’ (South Dravidian I and II) [2920], n¯eram ‘time, sun’ (South

Dravidian I, Brahui) [3774],

∗

nitu-nay ‘yesterday’ (South Dravidian I and II and Brahui)

[3758], elli ‘tomorrow’ (Tu

lu, Telugu, Brahui), PSD

∗

tay ‘end, place’ in Te. a-kka

‘that place’ etc. These forms are nominal and not

examples of basic adverbs. We are left

with expressives (onomatopoetic expressions and reduplicatives) as the only examples

of exclusive adverbs. Emeneau and Hart (1993) have given many instances of these

with cognates to make out a case for initial voiced stops at a reconstructed stage for

some of these, e.g. reduplicative dabadaba ‘running fast’ [3069] (with cognates in

South Dravidian I and South Dravidian II, mostly with a word-initial voiced stop, not

allowed in Proto-Dravidian), also

onomatopoetic

dabukku-na ‘haste, falling sound etc.’.

Syntactically these are treated as nominal complements of the verb ‘to say’, i.e. OTa. e

nru

(> Modern Tamil -nu), Te. an-i etc. Therefore, the status of expressives as basic adverbs

in Dravidian is doubtful, although some languages like Telugu can use them without the

inﬂected verb ‘say’. We, therefore, conclude that adverbs are not an independent part of

speech in Dravidian.

408 Adjectives,

adverbs and

clitics

Since the morphology and syntax of adverbs are covered in different chapters, only

a brief account of adverbs, basic and derived, from major languages is given below,

excluding adverbial nouns denoting time and place derived from demonstrative and

interrogative bases.

8.3.1.1 South Dravidian I

In Classical Tamil (Rajam 1992: 897–907), val ‘fast’ in val

eyti ‘having reached fast’was

considered the only basic adverb. The inﬁnitives ¯ak-a (<¯aku ‘be’ + a) and e

n-a (<en-

‘say’ + a) are added to nominal or adjectival stems to derive adverbs: i

nitu ‘sweetness’ +

¯aka → i

nit-¯aka ‘sweetly’, mel ‘gentle’ + ena → mell-ena ‘gently’. Iterative expressions

like melmel-a- ‘softly’, ki

nki

n-i ‘jingling’ are used adverbially; traditional grammarians

had not treated them as a separate class of words, but called them ira

tai-k-ki

lavi ‘double

words’ (Rajam 1992: 927–32).

Simple adverbs in Modern Tamil (Lehmann 1989: 135–46) are said to include i

nn-

um ‘still’, mi

t-um ‘again’, mella ‘slowly’, i

ni-m¯el (now-above) ‘hereafter’ etc. The au-

thor says that these are primarily used as adverbs and are ‘not decomposable’, a ques-

tionable claim. A number of postpositions are also said to function as adverbials,

k¯ı

z-¯e ‘down’, pi

nn-¯e ‘behind’, munn-¯e ‘in front’ etc. These are nominals with

the clitic

-¯e. The derived adverbs include the nominals of time and place derived from demon-

strative and interrogative bases, e.g. i- p-pa

ti ‘this way’, a- p-pa

ti ‘that way’, e-p-pa

‘which way’. A productive mechanism of forming adverbs is by adding -¯aka (< ¯ak-a)

or ¯ay to nouns or adjectives, e.g. oru m¯atam

oru nimi

sam-¯ak-a

p¯oy-ir-ru

‘one month

passed

like a minute

’. Comparison of adverbs is rendered by using the postposition

ta ‘than’ with the phrase representing the standard of comparison, e.g. (Asher 1985:

194) colloquial Tamil:

onne vi

ta ava v¯ekam-¯ap¯ecu-v-¯a

[

you-acc than she speed-advl speak-fut-3f-sg

]

‘she speaks faster than you’

Modern Malay¯a

lam adds -¯ayi (perfective participle of ¯a- ‘become’) to nouns and

adjectives to form adverbs, e.g. avan

vi´sadam-¯ayi

para˜n˜nu

‘he

spoke

in detail

’

(lit. clarity-becoming). In addition to time and place nominals derived from deictic and

interrogative roots, many other words or postpositions denoting location such as m¯ele

‘up’, t¯a

ze ‘down’ and time words like n¯a

le ‘tomorrow’ etc. are used as modiﬁers of

verbs. Besides, there is a small class of manner adverbials like melle ‘softly’, u

rakke

‘loudly’, which function as adverbs (Asher and Kumari 1997: 109–16).

For Classical Kanna

da (Ramachandra Rao 1972: 172–81), nearly twenty items have

been cited as basic adverbs, some of which have cognates in Old Telugu as adverbs, e.g.

karam ‘excessively’, e.g. karam

oppidan

‘he adorned

very much

’. Among derived

8.3 Adverbs 409

adverbs, many adjectives add

ane/-age to form adverbs, mell-ane

pattu

disi

‘having

loosened

the hold

slowly

’. A large number of expressive adverbs with reduplicated

roots were used in classical texts for both abstract and concrete ideas, some of which are

onomatopoetic, e.g. malamala

marug-i ‘having grieved very much’, pana pana paniye

‘trickling down drop by drop

’; some non-iterative, expressive adverbs also occur, e.g.

bh¯omk-ane

d-an ‘he saw suddenly’.

Like the other major languages,

Modern Kanna

da has a productive morpholo

gical

mechanism of forming adverbs by adding ¯ag-i ‘having been’ to certain nouns and

adjectives, native as well as borrowed, e.g. j¯or-¯agi ‘loudly’, spa

tav-¯agi ‘clearly’, hosat-

¯agi ‘newly’. There is a class of manner adverbs which are onomatopoetic, dhaga dhaga

(-ne) ‘(bur

dha

ga dhaga

’, ci

ta-ne ‘shrill-l

’, tha

ta-ne ‘suddenl

’. Man

y postpositions

denote ‘place’ and form heads of adverbial phrases, e.g. m¯ele ‘above’; pakka ‘side’,

lage ‘below’ etc. (Sridhar 1990: 254–6, 280–1).

8.3.1.2 South Dravidian II

In Old and Modern Telugu, the time and place words derived from demonstrative and

interrogative bases are morphologically nominal, but syntactically adverbial, as is true of

the other Dravidian languages: a-ppu

du ‘then’, i-ppu

du ‘now’, e-ppu

du ‘when’, a-kk

‘there’, i-kka

da ‘here’, e-kka

da ‘where?’, etc. Under basic adverbs, there are some items

that do

not seem to be derived from

other parts of speech, e.g. OT

negi-(n) ‘splendidl

’,

arthi-(n) ‘with pleasure’ (-n is locative–instrumental sufﬁx), ka

du-(n) ‘much’, ma

(> Mdn Te. mari) ‘again’, OTe. inka/˜ıka

(> Mdn Te. inka/iha) ‘now, hereafter’, niru

‘last year’, taruw¯ata(n) (considered the locative of

∗

taruw¯ayi, which does not occur)

‘next’, pimma

ta ‘after’ (see Mahadeva Sastri 1969: 255–6, Ranganathacharyulu 1987:

184–7, Montgomery 1963: 13–14). At least some of these cannot be descriptively derived

from other word classes.

The most productive mechanism is by adding -g¯a (suppletive inﬁnitive of aw- ‘to

be’) to nouns and adjectives, calla-g¯a ‘coolly’, tondara-g¯a ‘quickly’, pedda-g¯a ‘loudly’.

Expressive adverbs occur extensively in both Old and Modern Telugu: OTe. all-alla-

na ‘slowly’, wa

da wa

danku-cu ‘shivering from cold’, Mdn Te. gabagaba na

duc-

‘walk fast

’, wela wela p¯o- ‘grow pale’ etc. Besides these, there are one-word expressive

adverbs ending in -na like gabh ¯alu-na ‘suddenly’, cappu-na ‘immediately’,

thappu-na

‘making the noise

thap’ etc. In Modern Telugu, the manner adverbs a-l¯a ‘that man-

ner’, i-l¯a ‘this manner’, e-l¯a ‘which manner’ have fused elements with deictic roots

which make them behave like basic adverbs (-l¯a occurs always bound). The following

DEDR 410(c) cites this as derived from proximal

∗

iH (my reconstruction) with cognates from

Tamil, Malay¯a

lam, Kota, Toda, Kanna

da, Ko

dagu of South Dravidian I, Gondi, Kui of South

Dravidian II and Kolami of Central Dravidian. Note that most of the languages have no corre-

sponding forms derived from distal

∗

aH.

410 Adjectives,

adverbs and

clitics

forms can be cited under compound adverbs, ippu

d-ippu

d-¯e ‘onlynow’(ippu

du ‘now’,

-¯e emphatic clitic ‘only’), ¯e

t-¯e

t-¯a ‘year after year’, ¯ur-¯ur-¯a ‘in every village’ (-¯a locative

sufﬁx from older -an), metta-metta-g¯a ‘very smoothly’ (Krishnamurti and Gwynn 1985:

269–79).

da (Krishnamurti 1969a: 314–19) has several basic adverbs representing time and

manner, e.g. ¯el ‘now’, ¯advat ‘after’, ma

ri ‘then, again’, velaru ‘all day long’; a

a ‘sepa-

rately’, edgara ‘absolutely’, eski ‘speedily’, gadem ‘suddenly’ etc. Complex adverbs

include adjectives and nouns that carry the markers -a

a/-

a and -e

da, e.g. era-

‘reddishly’, gopa-

a ‘largely’ (-

a < Te. -ng¯a), negi adj ‘nice’: neg-e

da ‘nicely’. Some

reduplicated expressivesfunction as manner adverbs, like gudu-gudu ‘with great energy’,

ra ba

ra ‘sound of downpour’,

dubku

dabku ‘noise of rain drops on dried leaves’. Some

expressives with adverbial -na occur, e.g. galgal-na ‘jingling’, li

t-na ‘suddenly’ etc.

Certain sufﬁxes or particles are added to nouns, adjectives and verbs to form adverbs,

e.g. -laka ‘at the rate of’: uRku laka ‘one each’, m¯uRku laka ‘three each’, -lake

da ‘like,

as if’ in m¯ı-lake

da ‘like you’, -ban ‘place’, n¯ı-ban ‘at your place’, vizeri-ban ‘near all

people’, embe-ban ‘at which place?’ etc.

Pengo (Burrow and Bhattacharya 1970: 57–9) manner adverbs from demonstrative

bases are i-le

‘in this manner’, a-le

/e-le

‘in that manner’; the interrogative one is

in-es ‘how?’ There are time and place adverbs as in the other languages of Dravidian.

Onomatopoetic expressions like buga-buga ‘sound of a peacock’, nona-nona ‘sound of

a bee’ are used adverbially followed by the verb in- ‘say’.

Kuvi (Israel 1979: 212–15) has adverbs classiﬁed as simple, complex and compound.

Some twenty items are given as basic adverbs, which are mostly borrowed items denoting

manner: d¯ıre ‘slowly’ (< Oll. dh¯ıre),

rapa ‘completely’ etc. Manner adverbs derived from

the demonstrative bases are i-le(ki) ‘in this way’, e-le(ki) ‘in that way’, ¯u-leki ‘in that way

(far)’. Complex adverbs are derived by adding -

e to nominal and adjectival stems, e.g.

sato ‘truth’: sat-e

e ‘truly’, peni ‘cold’: peni-

e ‘coldly’, nehi ‘good’: nehi-

e ‘nicely’

etc. One set of compound verbs are iterative and onomatopoetic, e.g. pica pica ‘one by

one’, lidi lidi ‘softly’ etc. Even non-expressive adverbials are reduplicated to express

‘intensity of meaning’, begi ‘quickly’: begi begi ‘very fast’ etc.

8.3.1.3 Central Dravidian

Adverbs, as a separate part of speech, are not found in Kolami (Emeneau 1955b). For

Naik

ri under simple (monomorphemic) adverbs are given certain doubtful items de-

noting time, place, quantity and manner (Thomasiah 1986: 147–50), e.g. in

di ‘now’,

l¯op¯a

(

l ) ‘in’, nin

d¯a

‘full’, oll¯ak¯e ‘slowly’ are given; the underlined items are loanwords

from Telugu. Manner adverbs from demonstrative and interrogative roots are a-n¯a

‘in that manner’, i-n¯a

‘in this manner’, and e-n¯a

‘which manner’. Te. l¯ag-¯a, Pe. -le

Kuvi -leki and Naik

ri -n¯a

appear to be related as cognates. Under compound adverbs are