Krishnamurti Bhadriraju. The Dravidian Languages

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7.14

Compound verb stems

371

the course of time. Note that tar-/t¯ar- ‘to bring’ occurs as the second member of verb

compounds in literary Tamil and Telugu also.

In compounds of the type N + V, the function of the verb is to incorporate the noun in

the VP by verbalizing it. The frequently used set of verbs in Old Kanna

da are ko

l-/go

l- ‘to

take’, key-/gey- ‘to make’, p¯ogu- ‘to go’, ¯a

du- ‘to move’, pa

du- ‘to get, obtain, suffer’,

¯agu- ‘to become’, ku

du- ‘to give’, bi

du-/vi

du- ‘to leave, abandon’, i

du- ‘to put’ etc.; e.g.

di ‘feet’: a

di-go

l- ‘to take to one’s heels’, kene ‘cream’: kene-go

l- ‘to form into cream’,

arasu ‘king’: arasu-gey- ‘to rule’, bijayam (< Skt. vijaya-) ‘victory’: bijayam-gey-‘to

grace, go/come with dignity’, u

di ‘piece’: u

di-v¯ogu- ‘to go to pieces’,

∗

all- ‘shaking’;

all-¯a

du- ‘to shake, tremble’, ka

tu ‘tying’: ka

tu-va

du ‘to be imprisoned’, tale ‘head’:

tale-va

du- ‘to confront, attack’, b¯ay ‘mouth’: b¯ay-vi

du ‘to cry in pain’. It appears most

these are idiomatic expressions,

in which the meaning of the constitute

is not derivable

from the meanings of the constituents.

Literary Telugu used a wealth of compound verbs consisting of V

+ V

or N + V,

almost comparable to the Kanna

da compounds. One of the V

following the main verb is

-tencu-/t¯eru- ‘to bring’, cognate with Ka. Ta. t¯a-/tar-/t¯ar- ‘to give to 1/2 pers, to bring’.

It is added to verbs of motion, e.g. canu ‘to go’: canu-dencu ‘to come’, arugu- ‘to go’:

arugu-dencu ‘to come’, na

dacu ‘to walk’: na

da-tencu ‘to walk toward the speaker’,

negayu ‘to jump’: negayu-dencu ‘to rise toward’. Here it appears that the addition of

tencu-/t¯e-/t¯er- means ‘motion toward the speaker’. A similar semantic shift is also found

in Kanna

da in p¯o- ‘to go’: p¯o-tar- ‘to come’. -konu ‘take’, a reﬂexive auxiliary, is added

to some roots to form idiomatic compounds, e.g. pa

du- ‘to fall’: pa

du-konu ‘to lie down’,

anu- ‘to say’: anu-konu ‘to think’. As a reﬂexive auxiliary it is added to the perfective

participle of V

, ceppu ‘to tell’: ceppi-konu ‘to appeal’, teracu ‘to open’: terac-i konu

‘(something) to open on its own’. In Modern Telugu the perfective participle is obscured

because of vowel harmony, e.g. cepp-u kon- ‘to appeal’, teruc-u-kon- v.i. ‘to open’.

N + V compounds are more numerous with konu ‘to take’, c¯eyu ‘to do’, ¯a

‘to

move’, ¯a

‘to speak’, ¯a

‘to play’, pa

du (tr parucu) ‘to occur, suffer’, p¯owu ‘to

go’, ¯aru ‘to be full’ etc. in the verb position. Examples: c¯e- ‘hand’: c¯e-konu ‘to take,

accept’, tala ‘head’: tala-konu ‘to attack’, weli ‘outside’: welu-wa

du ‘to come out’: welu-

war-incu ‘to pull out’, daya ‘mercy’: daya-c¯eyu- ‘to be merciful’ > ‘to come/to grant’,

tamu ‘anointing’: pa

tamu-ga

tu ‘to anoint’,

∗

m¯el ‘above, up’: m¯el-konu ‘to wake

up’,

∗

aga- ‘visual ﬁeld, inside’: aga-pa

du ‘to appear’, m¯a

ta ‘word’: m¯a

t-¯a

du ‘to speak’,

p¯oru ‘ﬁght’: p¯or-¯a

du ‘to ﬁght’, impu ‘sweetness’: imp-¯aru ‘to be full of sweetness’ etc.

In Modern Telugu there are practically no V

+ V

compounds where both are simple

roots;

but many N + V compounds exist and new ones are created. Since for some of

The only exception is anu-kon- ‘to think’. A number of reﬂexive stems have lost the grammatical

marking of the main verb, so they appear to be sequences of two verb roots, e.g. terucu-kon-

‘(door) to open itself’, ¯a

du-kon- ‘to play for oneself’.

372 The verb

these compounds both the meaning and the grammatical category of the ﬁrst constituent

are not synchronically available, traditional Telugu grammarians have given such idio-

matic verb compounds a new name, ´sabdapallawa ‘new shoots of words’; they are

deﬁned as ‘sequences with unpredictable meanings in which a verb root is added to

elements that are not necessarily verb roots’,

meaning thereby nouns and some obscure

elements. Old and Modern Telugu sama-k¯u

du- ‘to accrue’, nalla-ba

du- ‘to blacken’,

nidra-p¯o- ‘to go to sleep’, aga-pa

du ‘to appear’ belong to N + V type although the

meanings of sama-, aga- are not synchronically transparent.

Kui has compound stems of the N + V type where the verb is an auxiliary man- ‘to

exist’, ¯a- ‘to be’, s¯ı- ‘to give’, in- ‘to say’, is- ‘to cause to say’, etc.; e.g. kari in- ‘to be

healed’, kari is- ‘to heal’ (idiomatic), reha ¯ava ‘to be joyful’ (Winﬁeld 1928: 123–7).

da has both coordinate

and subordinate verb compounds

but in all cases V

also inﬂected. I have not come across any compound stems with uninﬂected V

. There

are N + V

compounds where V

is a member of a ﬁnite set, including ¯a- ‘to be’, ki-‘to

make’, si- ‘to give’, son- ‘to go’, s¯o- ‘to come out’,

rey- ‘to beat, strike’, e.g. k¯opam ¯a- ‘to

become angry’ (k¯opam ‘anger’), gazibizi ¯a- ‘to be confused’ (gazibizi ‘confusion’), g¯ola

ki- ‘to scold’ (g¯ola ‘scolding’), sa

ra si- ‘to sprinkle cowdung solution’ (sa

ra ‘cowdung

solution’), tevgu son- ‘to become blunt (shar

pness to go)

’, m¯uRi s¯o- ‘nose to run’ (m¯uRi

‘running nose’), pi

rey- ‘to rain heavily’ (piru ‘rain’) (Krishnamurti 1969a: 312–13).

Pengo has compound stems with ¯a- ‘to be’ and ki- ‘to do’ added generally to Indo-

Aryan nominal stems to form intransitive or transitive bases respectively, e.g. janom ¯a-

‘to be born’, janom ki- ‘to give birth to’ (Burrow and Bhattacharya 1970: 106–7).

Compound verb stems are described for few languages of Central Dravidian.

Bhaskarararao (1980: 26–7) mentions ‘composite bases’ of two kinds: ﬁrst, reﬂex-

ive/reciprocal bases and conjunct verbal bases. The second kind are illustrated by N +

combinations, e.g. v¯a-‘to come’: kayar v¯a- ‘to get angry’ (kayar ‘anger’), k¯e- ‘to do’:

g¯osa-k¯e ‘to make noise’ (g¯osa ‘noise’); he gives usages with other verbalizers, namely

b¯ep- ‘to get a feeling’, a

t- ‘to beat, strike’, man- ‘to exist’, puc- ‘to take out’, s¯u

d- ‘to

perceive’ (ruci-s¯u

d- ‘to taste’ < lw Te. ruci c¯u

d- ‘lit. taste-to see’ = ‘to get a taste’),

¯er- ‘to become’: arg-¯er ‘to be digested’, opp-¯er- ‘to agree’. The last verb is the most

productive in forming N + V compounds.

In North Dravidian, for Ku

rux Hahn (1911: 70–3) gives many examples of V

+ V

and N + V compounds. V

+ V

: with V

uninﬂected, e.g. es xac-, with V

inﬂected,

e.g. es¯a xac- ‘to do breaking’ (¯en ¯ıd-in es¯a xackan ‘I have done breaking of this’). He

calls such verbs ‘completives’; some are ‘intensives’ like es¯a capn¯a- ‘to break quickly’.

In some others, the second verb is a modal auxiliary, treated elsewhere in this chapter.

B¯alawy¯akara

namu, Kriy¯aparicchedamu (chapter on the verb), S¯utram 118.

7.15

Complex predicates

and auxiliary

verbs

373

Hahn calls the N + V

type compounds ‘nominals’, ‘though in reality they are rather

idiomatic phrases’ (1911: 70). The verbs illustrated are ¯ex- ‘to cool’, ¯er- ‘to see’, man-

‘to exist’, k¯or- ‘to enter’, amb- ‘to leave’, okk-, lad-, pac-, ka

a-, kh¯ar- etc.: cokh man-

‘to pass by’, n¯a

r¯ık¯or- (lit. ﬁre to enter) ‘to have fever’, n¯a

r¯ı amb- ‘fever to leave’, a

d¯a

¯er- ‘to look out for an opportunity’ etc.

Malto (Mahapatra 1979: 186–91) has both V

+ V

and N + V types of compound

verb stems. V

is a closed set of ten verbs, et- ‘to get down’, o

- ‘to wash’, bar-‘to

come’, ¯ek- ‘to go’, kud- ‘to do’, ka

t- ‘to pass’, tey- ‘to send’, urq- ‘to come out’, ondr-

‘to bring’, oy- ‘to take’. Mahapatra says that S

(S = Stem) modiﬁes the meaning of

, ok-et-y-ah ‘he sat down’, ok- ‘to sit’. Noun–verb compounds have V

as man- ‘to

be’, nan- ‘to do’, kor- ‘to enter’, ga

rar- ‘to become’, lag- ‘to feel’; e.g. berbad nan-

‘to cause destruction’, gobol nan- ‘to occupy’, ¯ıksi kor- ‘jealousy enters’, k¯ı

re lag- ‘to

feel hungry’, etc. There is another class that is called balance verbs: ‘a few verb roots

which occur as balance words with other verbs’, e.g. pi

ta baja ‘beat + kill’ → ‘beating

severely’, na

da p¯a

ra ‘dance + sing’ → ‘enjoying thoroughly’. It is not clear if these are

nominals or compound verbs.

7.15 Complex predicates and auxiliaries

Complex predicates consist of one main verb (principal meaning carrrier) and one or

more auxiliaries.

Auxiliaries have two grammatical

roles: (i) they may

occur as main

verbs when the

y retain their full lexical meaning,

or (ii) they may follo

w main verbs to

represent various

grammatical relations with modi

ﬁed semantic structure.

The number

of such auxiliaries is ﬁnite in each language and it is not possibile to reconstruct all of

them for Proto-Dravidian or one of the subgroups, unequivocally. Cross-linguistically we

notice parallelisms in the selection of certain verbs as auxiliaries (mainly those meaning

‘be, go, come, leave, take, give’, etc.).

Combinations of an uninﬂected main verb and an auxiliary are treated as lexical

compounds (section 7.14, see A1 in ﬁgure 7.2). A1.1 are root compounds which occur

in the older stages of the literary languages, in which the uninﬂected V

is follo

wed

by a limited number of auxiliary verbs V

which modify the valency of V

. A1.2 are a

special class of stems in South Dravidian II languages (mainly in Kui–Kuvi–Pengo with

traces in Telugu–Gondi and Ko

da) in which the main verb V

∗

taH- ‘give to the 1/2

pers’ inherited from Proto-South Dravidian has reduced the auxiliary to a sufﬁx as a

marker of direct or indirect object when it denotes the ﬁrst or second person. Although

the construction is reconstructible, it has taken a new grammatical and phonological

shape in South Dravidian II.

In Dravidian languages auxiliaries occur after an inﬂected main verb (inﬁnitive

or past/non-past participle). Functionally such auxiliaries belong to two subclasses:

374 The verb

modifies valency

(argument

structure) of V

(A)

Auxiliaries

does not

modify valency

of V

(B)

= Aspec-

tual (B1)

= Modal

(B2)

= Intensi-

fier (B3)

= Attitudi-

nal (B4)

= Benefactive

aux (A2.4)

= Transitive-

causative aux

(A2.2)

= Passive

marker aux

(A2.1)

= Reflexive

marker (A2.3)

Root-cpds

(A1.1)

+ *taH-r-

SD II

(A1.2)

+ V

= uninflected

(A1)

infl. + V

where V

is voice

marker (A2)

Figure 7.2 Functional classiﬁcation of auxiliary verbs

(1) those that change the argument structure (valency) of the main verb, and (2) those

that preserve the valency but express other grammatical relations like aspect, intensity,

mood, mode etc. The valency-changing auxiliaries have co-occurrence restrictions with

the main verb and modify its lexical structure and meaning. There are no such restrictions

on valency-preserving auxiliaries, since they occur with any main verb, simple, complex,

or compound. Figure 7.2 presents a functional subclassiﬁcation of the auxiliaries.

7.15.1 South Dravidian I

It will be clear from the following descriptions that we can reconstruct for Proto-South-

Dravidian I some valency-changing auxiliaries, i.e. Vinf + pa

tu- ‘experience, suffer’ for

passive, Vppl + ko

l- ‘take’ for reﬂexive, Vppl + ko

tu- ‘to give’ for benefactive, Vinf +

vai- ‘throw’, cey- ‘do’ for causative; similarly, some valency-preserving auxiliaries,

mainly the aspectual and modal ones, can

also be reconstructed, i.e. Vppl

+ iru for

perfective, Vppl + vi

tu- ‘leave’ for ‘completive’, Vppl + p¯o- ‘go’ for ‘exhaustive’,

Vinf + k¯u

tu- ‘to join, suit’ and varu-/v¯ar- ‘come’ for various shades of meaning such as

‘may/may not’, ‘propriety/impropriety’,

∗

v¯e

l- ‘to wish, desire’, v¯e

tu- ‘be needed’ for

desiderative/permissive/obligative/prohibitive etc.

Except for Kota, Tu

lu and Koraga which might have lost these, the rest of the members

of South Dravidian I have not only inherited these auxiliaries, but also added some more

either individually or in smaller subgroups. Sometimes we notice only the sharing of the

7.15

Complex predicates

and auxiliary

verbs

375

semantic category and not the actual cognates, e.g. in Tamil and some others closer to

it, there is Vppl + p¯ar- ‘see’ (attemptive), but Kanna

da has Vppl + n¯o

du ‘see’ for the

same modal meaning ‘try to’.

1. Tamil: Tolk¯appiyam does not mention auxiliary verbs but uses nine of them in the

text (Tinnappan 1980): inf + pa

tu- in passive, e.g. coll-a. p-pa

tu ‘it was said’, verbal

noun in -al + v¯e

t-um as obligative, e.g. mikut-al v¯e

t-um ‘must be doubled’, v¯e

t-¯a neg

obligative, Vppl + ko

l as reﬂexive, e.g. teri- ‘to know’: terintu ko

tu ‘having known

(by oneself)’, Vppl + ko

tu- ‘to give’ in benefactive, Vppl + iru- ‘to be’ to denote past

perfect, Vinf + k¯u

t-¯a ‘does not suit’ in prohibitive etc.

Ca˙nkam Tamil is said to have ﬁfteen auxiliaries (Srinivasan 1980) of which t¯a-/taru-

‘to give to 1/2 pers’ has the highest frequency. This seems to be a valency-changing

auxiliary (A), but we are not clear how it modiﬁes the meaning of the main verb. Rajam

(1992: 501–20) considers all non-ﬁrst stems (S

) as non-auxiliary and treats such

combinations as compound

stems (see section 7.14). Examples:

ta-ntu + i

tu → ta-nt-i

‘to bring and leave’, i

rai-ko

tu + iru (irai ‘to sit’, ko

l- reﬂ, iru- ‘to be’) ‘to remain

sitting’ (here the last two stems are auxiliaries). The other V

are ¯ı- ‘to give’, kil- ‘to be

able’, ko

l- ‘to take’ (used reﬂexively): e

tu-ttu ko

l- ‘to draw toward oneself’, taku- ‘to suit’,

tu- ‘to feel’ (atir-pa

tu- ‘to vibrate’), pe

ru- ‘to experience, obtain’, var(u)- ‘to come’,

tu- ‘to leave’ (ni

nru-vi

tu- ‘to stay together with’, nil- ‘to stand’). It seems that the second

stems (V

) were in a transitional stage between being a member of a compound verb

(in which V

and

retain

their lexical status) and being

grammaticalized auxiliaries;

particularly examine the usages of iru- and vi

tu-. Middle Tamil (inscriptional AD 900–

1050) uses several auxiliaries, i.e. v¯e

tum, ka

tavu for obligatory mode, iru-, nil- for the

perfective, -ko

l for reﬂexive, ku

tu-(< ko

tu-) for benefactive, vay-, cey- for causative,

tu-, pe

ru- for passive, etc. (Karthikeyan 1980).

Modern Tamil employs some thirty-ﬁve auxiliaries; not all these derive from Old Tamil

(Agesthialingom and Srinivasa Varma 1980, Asher 1985, Lehmann 1989, Schiffman

1999; most of the sentences below are cited from Lehmann 1989).

(A)Valency changing with inﬂected main verb followed by an auxiliary (A2):

(A2.1) Passive: inf of V

+ pa

tu- ‘to suffer’

(ia) v¯e

t-an

m¯an-ai

kkon-r-¯an

[hunter deer-acc kill-past-3m-sg]

‘the hunter

killed

the deer

’ (Agentive)

(ib) m¯a

v¯e

-an

-¯al

koll-a-ppa

t-a-tu

[deer hunter-by kill-inf-aux-past-3neu-sg]

‘the deer

was killed

by the hunter

’

The passive is rarely used in conversational Tamil but it is not so rare in formal written

Tamil (Asher 1985: 152).

376 The verb

(A2.2) Causative: the main verb is changed into a causative when any of the auxiliaries

vai- ‘put’, cey-/pa

nu- ‘make’ is added to the inﬁnitive stem of the main verb:

(iia) kum¯ar

va-nt-¯an

‘Kumar

came

’

(iib) r¯aj¯a

kum¯ar-ai

var-a

vai-tt-¯an

‘Raja

made

Kumar (acc)

(to) come

’

(A2.3) Reﬂexive: V

perfective participle + V

l- ‘take’

(iii) u

t-ai.

kka

t-i

.kko

‘take of

3, 4

your

shirt

’

(A2.4) Benef

active: the auxiliary

vai- ‘put’ is added

to the perfective/past participle

an intransitive verb in a benefactive sense, e.g. ti

ra-(tira-nt-) ‘to be open’: tira-ntu vai-

‘to keep open’; ko

tu- ‘give’ is added instead, if the beneﬁciary is another person and not

oneself.

(iv) katav-ai

tira-ntu

vai

‘keep

the door

open

’

(v) r¯aj¯a

kum¯ar-ukku

.k katav-ai

tira-ntu

tu-tt-¯an

‘Raja

kept

the door

open

for Kumar

’

(B) Valency preserving: V

is inﬂected and

the V

(auxiliar

y) only speci

ﬁes the

intention

of the speaker in relation to action of V

(mode), but the valency of the main verb remains

unchanged.

(B1) Aspectual: the present/past/future perfect is formed by adding the inﬂected verb

iru- ‘to be’ to the

past/perfective participle of

the main verb. The sequence

tu + iru-

is added to express the progressive aspect in the present, past or future; by adding vi

tu-to

the past/perfective participle, the perfective aspect ‘thoroughly, deﬁnitely’ is expressed:

(vi) kum¯ar

ipp¯otu

vant(u) iru-kkir-¯an

‘Kumar

has come

now

’

(vii) ¯a

nikku

.k kum¯ar

tittu-ko

tu iru-nt-¯an

‘at

six

o’clock

Kumar

was reading

’

(viii) kum¯ar

k¯u

ta-tt-il

p¯ec-i.k ko

tu iru-pp-¯an

‘Kumar

will be speaking

the meeting

’(k¯u

t-am ‘meeting’, p¯ecu- ‘to speak’)

(ix) kum¯ar

n¯erru

va-ntu vi

t-¯an

‘Kumar

came

yesterday

’ (also implies

‘unexpectedly’)

(x) k¯uppi

tu-v-¯an

‘(he) will

(deﬁnitely

) call

’

Other aspectual auxiliaries include ¯aku- ‘to become’ (perfective participle + ¯ay-

rru

3neu sg) to express completion of ‘affective’ verbs (Lehmann 1989: 210–11).

(xi) p¯alk¯ara

va-ntu

¯ayirru

‘the milkman

has come’

(having come-it hap-

pened)

(B2) Modal auxiliaries: these auxiliaries have defective morphology and peculiar mor-

phophonemic changes. One set occurs only in the third neuter singular: V

inf + v¯e

t-um

7.15

Complex predicates

and auxiliary

verbs

377

‘is needed’ (Obligative),

inf + v¯e

t-¯am ‘not needed’ (negative obligation); p¯o- ‘go’,

v¯a- ‘come’, iru- ‘be’, p¯ar- ‘see’ is the other group (Lehmann 1989: 211–18):

(xii) kum¯ar

v¯ı

tu-kku

p¯ok-av¯e

t-um

‘Kumar

must go

home

’

(xiii) n¯ı

ini-m¯el

inta

marunt-ai

.c.c¯appi

t-a

v¯e

t-¯am

‘you

don’t need

take (ingest)

this

medicine

from now on

’

The other modal auxiliaries include inf + k¯u

t-um/k¯u

t-¯atu (for possibility, obligation,

desideration and permission and their negative counterparts; k¯u

tu- ‘to join’), inf +

ti-y-um/mu

ti-y-¯atu (possibility/impossibility), inf + p¯o-‘go’/varu- ‘come’ (inten-

tion, prediction), inf + iru (intention to perform an action), inf + p¯ar- ‘to see’ (trying an

action).

(B4) Attitudinal auxiliaries include V

ppl + ta

lu- ‘to push’ (chain action both in positive

and negative; ¯utu- ‘to blow/smoke’), Vppl + ki

ta- ‘to lie’ (durative), Vppl + ki

zi- ‘to

tear’ (speaker’s negative attitude), e.g.

(xiv) kum¯ar

cikare

¯ut-i

.tta

lu-kir-¯an

‘Kumar

smokes

one cigarette

after

another

3, 4

’

(xv) kum¯ar amerik¯av-ukku p¯oy-i ki

zi-pp-

¯an ‘Kumar will not be able to go to

America’

(B3) Intransitive verbs representing a sudden change of state take p¯o- as aux following

the Vppl; also t¯ır- is added to a Vppl to express an effective involvement of a subject in

an emotional state/activity:

(xvi) p¯a

nai

tai-ntu

p¯oy-i-rru

‘the pot

got broken

off

’ (lit. broke and went

off)

(xvii) ava

zu-tu t¯ır-tt-¯a

l ‘she cried herself out’

There is difference of opinion among Tamil scholars regarding the auxiliaries which are

exclusively attitudinal.

2. Mala

¯a

lam has

eighteen auxiliary verbs, according to E. V. N. Namboodiri (1980),

and twenty, according to Somasekharan Nair (1980), many of which have cognates in

Tamil lexically and grammatically: Vppl + iri- ‘sit’ present/past perfect depending on the

tense of the aux, e.g. vann-irikkunnu ‘he has come’, vann-irunnu ‘he had come’, Vppl +

p¯o- ‘go’ denotes ‘thoroughly, unfortunately’, e.g. pa

zam

c¯ı˜n˜nu-p¯oyi

‘the fruit

was

(completely) rotten

’; following a non-past verb, p¯o- denotes ‘about to’, ˜n¯an v¯ı

z¯an

p¯oyi ‘I was about to fall’, Vppl + k¯u

t-¯a denotes prohibition, V non-past ppl + k¯u

t-um

expresses willingness, V

(past/non-past) + ko

l- denotes ‘humility, responsibility’, etc.,

Vppl + ka

la- means ‘completion, surprise’, e.g. ˜n¯an

vy¯akara

nam

marannu-ka

la˜n˜nu

‘I

forgot

the grammar

completely

’, Vppl + ko

tu (indirect object in 3 pers) + tar

378 The verb

(indirect object in 1/2 pers) mean ‘benefactive’ or doing an action for another’s beneﬁt,

Vppl + vi

tu- completion of an action, e.g. avan-e

´sik

siccu

‘(someone) punished

him

(and closed the matter

)’.

3. Ko

dagu: fewer auxiliaries are reported in published literature (Balakrishnan 1977,

1980; Ebert 1996). Vinf + a

d is used in obligative mode, e.g. n¯an¨ım¯a

d-a

d-u ‘I must

do’, av¨en ¯od-a

d-a ‘he must not read’, prohibitive by adding ¯ag-a (neg imp of the

verb ¯agu- ‘to be’) to the inﬁnitive, e.g. av¨e

dap¨ek ¯ag-a ‘he should not walk’ (lit.

he-walking-not be). There are three auxiliaries which express different aspects: ir¨ı-,

inﬂected for past and non-past tenses, is added to the perfective participle, to denote the

perfect aspect in past or non-past, e.g. n¯an¨ım¯a

d(i)-ir-uvi ‘I will be doing’, na˙nga tand

(u)-ir¨ı-t-¨et¨ı ‘we have given’. Ebert (1996: 28) says ‘the speciﬁer ¨ır- conveys the notion

of doing something to the end’, e.g. nari n¯ay-na kond-¨ırt¨ı

‘the tiger killed the dog’.

The ‘completive’ aspect is expressed by the auxiliary -i

d added to the past participle,

e.g. ay

nga m¯a

d-(i)-i

t-¨et¨ı ‘they have done it’. The reﬂexive is formed by Vppl + -o

l (<

∗

l-), e.g. n¯ı˙nga nind(¨ı )-o

l-i ‘you (pl) stand there’. Balakrishnan calls these ‘perfective’

and ‘completive’ moods. The auxiliary p¯o- ‘go’ is added to the Vppl to indicate ‘that

something disappears or has some negative consequences’ (Ebert 1996: 28), av¨e

catt¨ı-

p¯occ-i ‘he died’. The past form of ¯a-/¯ac-‘be, become’ is added to Vppl to indicate ‘that

an action was terminated with a positive outcome’, e.g. ava-

da u

d-it-¯ac-i ‘she has eaten

her meal (she is satiated)’ (Ebert 1996: 27–30).

4. Iru

la: the auxiliaries

are part of its inheritance from

Pre-Tamil. The ones discussed

by Perialwar (1980) and Zvelebil (1973, 1980) are: Vppl + iru for present or past perfec-

tive, tin-

r-iru-kk-e [eat-past ppl be-non-past-pers suff] ‘I have eaten’, p¯a-tt-iru-nd-¯emu

[see-past be-past-pers suff] ‘we had seen’, van-nd-uru-ku-du (note uru-ku for iru-kku)

‘it has come’ (Zvelebil 1980: 35). In fast speech the above verbs are pronounced tin-

ukke and p¯att-und¯emu. The others include Vppl + veyi ‘to keep’ (OTa. vai-), + k¯a

‘show’, + vi

du ‘to leave’ (deﬁnitive), + mu

di (completive) (these three occur with tran-

sitive main verbs); Vppl (v.i.) + p¯o-‘go’,p¯o-cu (past 3neu sg), e.g. kamcu

k¯ındu

p¯ocu

‘the shirt

is torn

off

’ (?accidental), Vppl (v.i./tr.) + ¯a- ‘be’, ¯a-cu (past 3neu sg), e.g.

adu vand-¯acu ‘it has come’, n¯ın¯ıru ku

ditt(u)-¯acu ‘you drank the water’ (?ﬁnality). The

auxiliaries kol-/ko-/on- ‘get’ are added to Vppl in reﬂexive and reciprocal

meanings,

e.g. tin-d-o

d-e ‘I ate myself’, Vppl + ko

d-iru is used for ‘durative’ [?corresponding

to Kanna

da avaru p¯a

d-iko

d-iru-kk-¯aru ‘they are/were singing’] (durative aspect; in

fast speech -o

d-ri-, e.g. c¯e-d-o

d-ri-nd-e ‘I was doing’), + tole, e.g. n¯ıp¯oyi tole ‘you

(sg) go away’ (contempt). Modal auxiliaries include Vppl + mu

di (past/non-past in-

ﬂection) denoting ‘ability/inability’, Vnon-past in -g- adds -o

nu (variant of v¯e

nu/v¯e

du)

‘is needed’, n¯ım-¯o

avan-¯o

var-g-o

’ either you

or he

should come

’, inf + v¯e

(obligatory), v¯e

d-a (prohibitive), e.g. n¯ıp¯og-av¯e

d-a ‘do not go’ (2sg).

5. Toda uses ‘aspectual auxiliaries’ added to the past stem, S

of the main verb.

Three of them have phonological changes in inﬂection: S

-¨ı

d-(-¨ı

t-) the ‘preservative’

7.15

Complex predicates

and auxiliary

verbs

379

auxiliary has a past ¨ı

s-(<-¨ı

s-), the ‘completive’ auxiliary S

-f¨ı

d-(-f¨ı

t-) is related to

p¨ı

r-(p¨ı

t-) ‘to leave’, corresponding to Ta. vi

tu-(vi

t-), and the ‘perfective continuative’

is from S

-¨ır-(¨ıθ -) ‘to sit, remain’. Some eight other auxiliaries are written as separate

words, including ‘reﬂexive-durative’ kw¨ı

l-, kw¨ı

d-(Ta.ko

l-), ‘continuative’ p

¨ıx- ‘to go’

(Ta. p¯o-), etc. (Emeneau 1984: §VII.8).

6. Kota: the verbal auxiliaries are: V

+ ¯ako ‘may’, + ¯ak¯e ‘can’, e.g. gey-¯ak¯o ‘may

do’, ug-¯ak¯e ‘can plough’, V

inf + ¯ag ‘to be’, e.g. ko

rlk-¯ayk¯o ‘gave’ (lit. giving-was); the

others are ik-, o

l-v¯a-, ¯o

r- added to the past stem

of the main verb. The usages sho

w that

some of these meant aspects, present/past durative, but the author does not specify how

the auxiliaries are used. Two others mentioned are -¯og ‘to go’, ¯ar ‘to be able’, added to

the verbal noun. The Kota auxiliaries do not seem to compare well with those of Toda

or the other languages,

which have several auxiliar

y verbs inherited from Proto-South

Dravidian I (G. Subbiah 1980).

7. Kanna

da: literary Kanna

da uses several auxiliaries with approximately the same

meanings as Tamil and Malay¯a

lam. Vinf in -al + t¯ır- ‘be possible’, + ¯a

r ‘be able’, mecc-

al ¯a

r-en ‘I cannot like’, + ¯agu- ‘suit’ (prohibitive), e.g. p¯og-al ¯ag-a-du ‘(one) should

not go’, + ¯ı ‘to give’ (permissive), ir-al ¯ı-v-en-e? ‘am I going to allow it to happen?’, +

b¯ar-a-du ‘does not come’ (neg potential) gel-al b¯ar-a-du ‘(one) cannot win’, + v¯e

kum ‘is desired’/+ v¯e

d-a ‘not desired’ (desiderative/neg desiderative) nil-a v¯e

z-kum ‘it

must stand (permanently)’, ir-al v¯e

d-a ‘should not remain’. There are several auxiliaries

which occur after the past/perfective participle (ppl): Vppl + ¯a- ‘to be’, e.g. kond-a-

pp-an ‘he will kill’ (having-killed-he-will-be), ke

t(u)-a-pu-du ‘it will be spoiled’ [the

special meanings are not clariﬁed by the author]. The aux -ir- ‘be’ is added to the

present/past/negative participles or the inﬁnitive in -al to express durative action, e.g.

nurgu- ‘to crush’, present participle nurg-utt-, nurgutt-ire ‘while being crushed’, ese-du

ir-k-um ‘it continues to shine’, ku

d-al ‘give’ (inf), ku

d-al-ir-p-an ‘he will certainly give’.

The passive is formed by adding the auxiliary pa

du to Vinf, e.g. p¯e

z-al-pa

du- ‘to be told’

(Ramachandra Rao 1980).

Modern Kanna

da (Sridhar 1990: §2.1.3.3) adds the inﬂected forms of ir- ‘to be’ to

the main verb (perfective participle) to form the present/past/future perfective, e.g. h¯og-

(i)-id-d-a (<

∗

-ir-d-a) ‘he had gone’, h¯ogi iru-tt-¯ane ‘he will have gone’. The other

auxiliaries include ko

l- ‘take’ (reﬂexive) and ko

du- ‘give’ (benefactive) (both valency

changing), bi

du- ‘leave’ (ﬁnality, completion), h¯ogu- (unintended action), n¯o

du- ‘see’

(attemptive), h¯aku- ‘put’ (exhaustive action) (for examples, see Sridhar 1990: 232–3).

The potential and negative potential is formed by Vinf + bahudu ‘possible’, balla (3m sg)

‘can do’, and ¯agu ‘become, happen’ (240–1).

8. Tu

lu: there are certain sufﬁxes (some of which appear to be grammaticalized

auxiliaries) to express different aspects and modes (Bhat 1967: 50–70). Reﬂexives are

formed by the addition of -o

nu (<

∗

n-), e.g. koy- ‘pluck’: koyy-o

nu ‘pluck for oneself’,

bare- ‘write’: bare-vo

nu ‘write for oneself ’; after bases ending in -pu, the sufﬁx is -to

nu,

380 The verb

e.g. ka

d-pu ‘cut’ : ka

d-t-o

nu ‘cut oneself’ (-t- is historically an old past-tense marker),

corresponding to ko

l- being added to Vppl in the other South Dravidian I languages.

The ‘completive’ is formed by adding -t-r¨ı/-tt-r¨ı/-d-r¨ı/-

d-r¨ı/-r¨ı to the verbal bases of

different classes (Bhat 1967: 51), m¯ı- ‘bathe’: m¯ı-tr¨ı ‘bathe away’, tin- ‘eat’: tin-dr¨ı ‘eat

away’. Here also the dental could be a remnant of a past marker. The perfective is a

tense in Tu

lu, unlike the other South Dravidian I languages, formed by a sufﬁx {t/t¨ıd/d}

as opposed to the past {y/t/d ∼

d}, and not by means of an auxiliary.

7.15.2 South Dravidian II

The auxiliaries pa

tu- ‘experience’ (passive), way- ‘throw’ (transitivizer), ko

l- ‘take’

(reﬂexive), p¯o- ‘go’ (completive

following Vppl, inceptive follo

wing Vinf),

∗

ciy- ‘give’

(permissive following Vinf) can be traced to Proto-Dravidian or Proto-South Dravidian.

The auxiliary

∗

taH-r- ‘give to 1/2 pers’ is one of the oldest auxiliaries, shared by both

South Dravidian I and South Dravidian II in compound stems (A1 in ﬁgure 7.2 above),

but it got incorporated into V

as a sufﬁx marking a direct or indirect object in the

ﬁrst or second person in South Dravidian II languages. In some others, synonyms and

not cognates occur, e.g. man- ‘be’ (SD I ir-) in forming compound tenses or aspects.

Unfortunately

some of the descriptions of South

Dravidian II and Central Dra

vidian

languages are

inadequate to make further generalizations.

9. Telugu: there are nearly twenty verbs used both as main verbs and as auxiliaries in the

earliest literary work by Nannaya (AD 1040). The auxiliaries may precede or follow the

main verb, although the frequency of auxiliaries following the main verb is much higher;

besides, other words may be inserted between the main verb and the auxiliary, e.g. cepp-

¯ela

walas-e

[tell-inf

why

be needed-past-3sg

]‘why

(did ) one need

to tell

?’

These two factors mean that the auxiliaries at that stage of evolution of Telugu have not

been fully grammaticalized elements. Half of them do not continue in modern Telugu (the

meaning of the independent verb is given ﬁrst, followed by its meaning as an auxiliary in

the parentheses): Vinf + agu- ‘be, become’ (be possible), Vinf + ¯o

du- ‘to fear’(hesitate),

Vinf + ¯opu- ‘to tolerate’ (be capable), Vinf + kanu-/k¯ancu- ‘see’ (attempt, be able),

Vinf + canu- ‘go’ (be just), Vinf + tagu- ‘to suit’ (be proper), Vinf + to

d˜agu- ‘attempt’

(begin), Vinf + n¯ercu- ‘learn a skill’ (can manage/cannot manage), Vinf + p¯unu ‘be tied

to yoke’ (make effort), Vinf + c¯alu ‘be sufﬁcient’ (be able), Vinf + walacu/neg. oll- ‘love,

like’ (want to/not want to) (see

Ushadevi 1980).

In Modern Telugu, the valency changing auxiliaries (A) in ﬁgure 7.2 are:

(A1) Compound lexical items in which V

is uninﬂected and V

is an auxiliary; these

are treated in section 7.14.

(A2) In these the V

is inﬂected and the auxiliary V

changes the valency of the V

(A2.1) Passive

: Vinf

+ pa

du-, e.g. c¯es-‘do’:c¯ey-a-ba

du- ‘to be done’, cacc- ‘die’,

ca-mpu- ‘to kill’: camp-a-ba

du- ‘be killed’