Kissinger Henry. White House Years

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Sedov,aKGBoperativewhoseemedtohavehadtheRockefellerassignment

duringthecampaignandwhohadtaggedalongwithmeeversince.OnDecember

18,ChernyakovhandedEllsworthaSovietreplyatthePlaza HotelinNewYork.

TheSovietnoteexplainedthatthesummithadbeenraisedbytheUnitedStates

firstinJuly,thenagaininthemiddleofSeptember,andfinallyattheendof

November.TheSovietshadassumedthatthePresident‐electhadbeenkept

informed.Nowthat“thesituationinthisrespect”hadbeen“clarified,”the

Sovietsacknowledgedthatitwas“difficult”forthemtojudgehow successfula

summitcouldbeunderpresentcircumstances.Chernyakovaddedthathewould

begladtoconveyanyreplyfromthePresident‐electtoMoscow.Therewasno

reply.Itwastheendofthesummitidea.



SporadiccontactcontinuedwithSedov.Hismajorpreoccupationwasthat

NixonincludesomethinginhisInauguraladdresstotheeffectthathewas

keepingopenthelinesofcommunicationtoMoscow.Thishesaidwouldbewell

receivedintheKremlin.Iwasneverclearwhetherthisrequestreflectedan

attemptbySedovtodemonstratehisinfluencetoMoscow orwhetheritwasa

seriouspolicyapproachbythePolitburo.InanyeventIsawnoharminit.Nixon’s

Inauguraladdressproclaime dtoallnationsthat“duringthisAdministrationour

linesofcommunicationwillbeopen”andofferedothernow‐standard

expressionsofourdevotiontopeace.



Anotherproblemofthetransitionperiod provedtobelargelyself‐inflicted:

theso‐calledScrantonmission.



IhadmetWilliamScrantonbrieflyduringhisabortivetryforthePresidency

in1964.LaterIcametoworkcloselywithhimwhenhebecameourAmbassador

totheUnitedNations.Ifoundhimselflessandable.Reluctanttotakeonfull‐time

duties,hewasalwaysavailableforadviceandspecialmissions.InearlyDecember

1968,NixonsenthimforninedaystosixMiddleEastcountriesashispersonal

envoy.AftercrossingtheAllenbyBridgefromJordanintotheIsraeli ‐he ldWest

BankonDecember9,ScrantonspoketoreportersinJerichoandaddedanew

catch‐phrasetothevocabular yofMiddleEastdiplomacy:“Itisimportant[that]

U.S.policybecomemoreeven‐handed”inthearea,heproclaimed,addingthatby

“even‐handed”hemeantthattheUnitedStatesshoulddeal“withallcountriesin

theareaandnotnecessarilyespouseone.”WhenScrantonarrivedinRomeon

December11,heannouncedthattheNixonAdministrationwoulddrawupanew

“peaceplan”fortheMiddleEast.ThissetoffanuproarinIsrael,causingNixon’s

pressspokesman,RonaldZiegler,tostateonthesamedaythattheremarks

aboutan“even‐handed”policyanda new“peaceplan”werenot necessarily

thoseofthePresident‐elect.ButwhenScrantonreturnedtoreporttoNixonon

December13,hehe ldapressconferenceafterwardand,beingamanof

conviction,repeatedhisstatementthattheUnitedStatesshouldhave“amore

even‐handedpolicy”intheMiddleEast.ShockwavesofalarmspreadtoIsrael

andamongIsrael’ssupportersintheUnitedStates.Wehadachancetocalmthe

situationwhenNixonandImetonDecember13withIsraeliDefenseMinister

MosheDayan.SharingNixon’swishnottostartoffthenewAdministrationwitha

US‐Israelibrawl,DayanpubliclydeniednewsreportsthatIsraelwasdispleased

withtheScrantonvisit.Hisgovernmentfelt,Dayanexplainedambiguouslytothe

press,thatScrantonleftIsraelwith“abetterappreciationoftheissues.”The

Scrantonflapwasputbehindus,butthehardrockoftheMiddleEastimpasse

remained.



ThiswasnotouronlyexposuretothecomplexitiesoftheMiddleEast.On

December17,thePresident‐electmetwiththeAmirofKuwaitattheinsistent

requestofPresidentJohnson,who,correctly,madeitapointofperson alprivilege

thathislastStatevisitoralsobereceivedbyNixon.Theoccasionwasnotable

mainlyforgivingmemyfirstopportunitytopreparethePresident‐electfora

high‐levelmeeting—atestwhichIflunkedingloriously.IassumedthattheArab‐

IsraeliconflictwouldbeattheforefrontoftheAmir’sconcernandpreparedan

eruditememorandumonthesubject.Unfortunately,theAmirwanted,aboveall,

tolearnwhatplansthenewAdministrationhadforthePersianGulfafterthe

UnitedKingdomvacatedthearea,asithadannounceditwoulddoin1971.What

wereAmerica’sintentionsif,forexample,IraqattackedKuwait?Nixongaveme

theglassylookhereservedforoccasionswheninhisviewtheinadequacyofhis

associateshadplacedhimintoauntenableposition.Manfullyherepliedthathe

wouldhavetostudythematter,butthat,ofcourse,wewereinterestedinthe

territorialintegrityofallstatesinthearea;whattacticalmeasureswewould

adoptwouldofcoursedependoncircumstances.TheAmirseemedcontentwith

thisDelphicutterance.



LaterIlearnedtoimprovemyforecasting—ifnecessarybyaskingthevisitor

inadvancewhatsubjectsheintendedtoraisewithNixon.



InthetransitionperiodanewAdministrationmustbecarefulnotto

interveneintheday‐to‐dayoperationsofforeignpolicy.Butitcanmakegestures

toestablishapositiveatmosphere.InearlyJanuarythePresident‐electsentwarm

letterstoPresidentCharlesdeGaulle,PrimeMinisterHaroldWilson,Chancellor

KurtKiesinger,andNATOSecretary‐GeneralManlioBrosio,affirmingthepriority

heintendedtogivetostrengtheningAtlanticties.Friendlymessageswerealso

senttoJapanesePrimeMinisterEisakuSato,PresidentJosipBrozTito,andPope

PaulVI.



Themostimportantdiplomaticinitiativeofthetransitionperiodwas

towardHanoi.Atmysuggestion,thePresident‐electinitiate dtwoexchangeswith

theNorthVietnameseinlateDecemberandearlyJanuary,whichstressedour

readinessforseriousnegotiations.TheintermediarywasmyfriendJeanSainteny,

theformerFrenchDelegateGeneralinHanoi.Thesecontactsprovedstillborn

becausetheNorthVietnamese,havingineffectachievedaunilateralbombing

halt,immediatelyputforwardthedemandthattheUnitedStatesoverthrowthe

governmentinSaigon.



Vietnamwasinfactthesubjectofourprincipalmistakeduringthe

transition.ItwasasifVietnamhadacongenitalcapacitytobecloudAmerican

judgment.AfewdaysbeforeInauguration,wemadeitpossiblefortheAmerican

negotiatorsintheParispeacetalkstosettlethedeadlockthathadheldupthe

startofformalnegotiationseversincethebombinghaltonNovember1:the

disputeovertheshapeofthenegotiatingtableandthedesignationoftheparties

thatweretositaroundit.Thiswasnotatrivialissue;itwasofgreatsymbolic

significancetoourSouthVietnameseallies,who,considering themselvesthe

legitimategovernment,werenotreadytoaccordequalstatustoHanoi’sarmin

theSouth,theNationalLiberationFront.Forthreemonths,therefore,Saigonhad

resistedHanoi’sproposalforafour‐sidedtableatwhichHanoi,theNLF,Saigon,

andtheUnitedStateswereeachaccordedequalstatus.BythisproposalHanoi

soughttousethebeginningsofthenegotiationstoestablishtheNLFasan

alternativegovernment.



Inmid‐January,theSovietUnionsuddenlyofferedacompromiseonbehalf

oftheNorthVietnamese.Theagreementthatquicklyemergedwasacircular

tablewithoutnameplates,flags,ormarkings—anarrangementambiguous

enoughfortheCommuniststospeakoffoursidesandfortheUnitedStatesand

SouthVietnamtospeakoftwosides(thealliesversustheCommunists).The

Communists’motivewastransparent.Ifthedeadlockcontinuedintothenew

Administration,thenewPresident,whosepublicpronouncementscertainly

soundedbellicose,mightabrogatethebombinghalt.Ifthedeadlockweretobe

brokenaftertheInauguration,thenew Administrationwouldbeabletousethis

signof“progress”tostrengthenitspublicsupportandthereforeitsendurance

againstthepsychologicalwarfarethatHanoiwasabouttounleashupon it.

SettlingwithanoutgoingAdministrationinitslastdaysinofficesolvedboth

problemsfortheNorthVietnamese.



ItwouldhavebeeneasyforustoencouragetheSouthVietnameseto

continuetodragtheirfeetandblocktheaccorduntilaftertheInauguration.

Saigonwoulddothisanywayevenifwedidnothing.ButBillRogersauthorized

SecretaryofStateRusktoinformSaigonthatthePresident‐electurgeditto

acceptthecompromisebeforeInauguration.AndNixon,despite myurging,did

notfeelthathecouldgobackonthiscommitment.Thustheoutgoing

Administrationinitslastdaysinofficewasgivenanopportunitytocelebratea

success.Thesuccesswasmeaninglessforit,yetasHanoihadforeseenit

weakenedthenewPresidentbydoominghimtoanimmediatedeadlockthat

wouldsoonrekindlethedomesticdebate.Notmanyweekspassedbefor eNixon

wasaccusedofinflexibilitybecauseofinsufficientsubstantiveprogressinthe

negotiations.



Thetransitionperiodprovedmuchtoobrief;italwaysis.Atnoonon

January20inthecoldwindoftheplatformontheCapitolsteps,Iwatched

RichardNixontaketheoathofoffice. Itnowfelltous,who tookupournew

dutieswithhopesnotuntingedbytrepidation,tomakethedecisionsthatcould

shapethefutureofourcountryanddeterminetheprospectsofpeaceand

freedomintheworld.



<<Contents>>



****



III



TheConvictionsofan

ApprenticeStatesman



AnHistorian’sPerspective



hemomentofresponsibilityisprofoundlysobering,espec iallyforone

trainedasanacademic.Suddenlyforcedtomakethetransitionfrom

reflectiontodecision, Ihadtolearnthedifferencebetweenaconclusion

andapolicy.Itwasnolongerenoughtobeplausibleinargument;onehadtobe

convincinginaction.Problemswerenolongertheoretical;theinterlocutorswere

notdebatersbutsovereigncountries,someofwhichhadthephysicalpowerto

maketheirviewsprevail.

T



Anystatesmanisinparttheprisonerofnecessity.Heisconfrontedwithan

environmenthedidnotcreate,andisshapedbyapersonalhistoryhecanno

longerchange.Itisanillusiontobelievethatleadersgaininprofunditywhilethey

gainexperience.AsIhavesaid,theconvictionsthatleadershaveformedbefore

reachinghighofficearetheintellectualcapitaltheywillconsumeaslongasthey

continueinoffice.Thereislittletimeforleaderstoreflect.Theyarelockedinan

endlessbattleinwhichtheurgentconstantlygainsontheimportant.Thepublic

lifeofeverypoliticalfigureisacontinualstruggletorescueanelementofchoice

fromthepressureofcircumstance.



WhenIenteredoffice,Ibroughtwithmeaphilosophyformedbytwo

decadesofthestudyofhistory.Historyisnot,ofcourse,acookbookoffering

pretestedrecipes.Itteachesbyanalogy,notbymaxims.Itcanilluminatethe

consequencesofactionsincomparablesituations,yeteachgenerationmust

discoverforitselfwhatsituationsareinfactcomparable.Noacademicdiscipline

cantakefromourshoulderstheburdenofdifficultchoices.



Ihadwrittenabookandseveralarticlesonthediplomacyofthe

nineteenthcentury.MymotivewastounderstandtheprocessesbywhichEurope

aftertheNapoleonicwarsestablishedapeacethatlastedacentury;Ialsowanted

toknowwhythatpeacecollapsedin1914.ButIhadneverconceivedthatdesigns

andstrategiesofpreviousperiodscouldheappliedliterallytothepresent.AsI

enteredofficeIwasconvincedthatthepastcouldteachussomeimportant

lessons.ButIwasalsoawarethatwewereenteringaperiodforwhichtherewas

noprecedent:inthedestructivenessofweapons,inthespeedofthespreadof

ideas,intheglobalimpactofforeignpolicies,inthetechnicalpossibilitytofulfill

theage‐olddreamsofbetteringtheconditionofmankind.



Ifhistoryteachesanythingitisthattherecanbenopeacewithout

equilibriumandnojusticewithoutrestraint.ButIbelievedequallythatnonation

couldfaceorevendefineitschoiceswithoutamoralcompassthatsetacourse

throughtheambiguitiesofrealityandthusmadesacrificesmeaningful.The

willingnesstowalkthisfinelinemarksthedifferenc ebetweentheacademic’s—or

anyoutsider’s—perceptionofmoralityandthatofthestatesman.Theoutsider

thinksintermsofabsolutes;forhimrightandwrongaredefinedintheir

conception.Thepoliticalleade rdoesnothavethisluxury. Herarelycanreachhis

goalexceptinstages;anypartialstepisinherentlymorallyimperfectandyet

moralitycannotbeapproximatedwithoutit.Thephilosopher’stestisthe

reasoningbehindhismaxims;thestatesman’stestisnotonlytheexaltationofhis

goalsbutthecatastropheheaverts.Mankindwillneverknowwhatitwasspared

becauseofrisksavoidedorbecauseofactionstakenthatavertedawful

consequences—ifonlybecauseoncethwartedtheconsequencescanneverbe

proved.Thedialoguebetweentheacademicandthestatesmanistherefore

alwayslikelytobeinconclusive.Withoutphilosophy,policywillhaveno

standards;butwithoutthewillingnesstopeerintodarknessandrisksome

falteringstepswithoutcertainty,humanitywouldneverknowpeace.



Historyknowsnorestingplaces andnoplateaus.Allsocietiesofwhich

historyinformsuswentthroughperiodsofdecline;mostofthemeventually

collapsed.Yetthereisamarginbetweennecessityandaccident,inwhichthe

statesmanbyperseveranceandintuitionmustchooseandtherebyshapethe

destinyofhispeople.Toignoreobjectiveconditionsisperilous;tohidebehind

historicalinevitabilityistantamounttomoralabdication;itistoneglectthe

elementsofstrengthandhopeandinspirationwhichthroughthecenturieshave

sustainedmankind.Thestatesman’sresponsibilityistostruggleagainst

transitorinessandnottoinsistthathebepaidinthecoinofeternity.Hemay

knowthathistoryisthefoeofpermanence;butnoleaderisentitledto

resignation.Heowesittohispeopletostrive,tocreate,andtoresistthedecay

thatbesetsallhumaninstitutions.



<<Contents>>



****



TheAmericanExperience



reachedhighofficeunexpectedlyataparticularlycomplexperiodofour

nationallife.Inthelifeofnations,asofhumanbeings,apointisoftenreached

whentheseeminglylimitlesspossibilitiesofyouthsuddenlynarrowandonemust

cometogripswiththefactthatnoteveryoptionisopenanylonger.Thisinsight

caninspireanewcreativeimpetus,lessinnocentperhapsthanthenaive

exuberanceofearlieryears,butmorecomplexandultimatelymorepermanent.

Theprocessofcomingtogripswithone’slimitsisnevereasy.Itcanendindes pair

orinrebellion;itcanproduceaself‐hatredthatturnsinevitablecompromisesinto

asenseofinadequacy. 



Americawentthroughsuchaperiodofself‐doubtandself‐hatredinthe

late1960s.ThetriggerforitwasthewarinVietnam.Enteredintograduallyby

twoadministrations,by1969ithadresultedinover31,000Americandeadwith

noprospectofearlyresolution.Itbeganwithoverwhelmingpublicand

Congressionalapproval,butthishadevolvedfirstintoskepticismandtheninto

increasinglyhostilerebellion.Fortoomany,awartoresistaggressio nhadturned

intoasymboloffundamentalAmericanevil.Adecadethathadbegunwiththe

bolddeclarationthatAmericawouldpayanypriceandbearanyburdentoensure

thesurvivalandsuccessoflibertyhadendedinanagonyofassassinations,urban

riots,anduglydemonstrations.TheSixtiesmarkedtheendofourinnocence;this

wascertain.Whatremainedtobedeterminedwaswhetherwecouldlearnfrom

thisknowledgeorconsumeoursubstanceinrebellingagainsttherealityofour

maturity.



Theturmoilofthe1960swasallthemoreunsettlingtoAmericansbecause

itcameattheendofanextraordinaryperiodofAmericanaccomplishment.We

hadbuiltalliancesthatpreservedthepeaceandfosteredthegrowthofthe

industrialdemocraciesofNorthAmerica,WesternEurope,andJapan.Wehad

helpedcreateinternationaleconomicinstitutionsthathadnourishedglobal

prosperityforageneration.Wehadpromoteddecolonizationandpioneeredin

developmentassistanceforthenewnations.Inaplanetshrunkby

communicationsandtechnology,inaworldeitherdevastatedbywaror

strugglinginthefirststepsofnationhood,theUnitedStateshadeveryreasonto

takeprideinitsglobalcontribution—itsenergy,idealism,andenduring

accomplishment.



ThefactremainedthatattheendoftwentyyearsofexertionAmericawas

notatpeacewithitself.Theconsensusthathadsustainedourpostwarforeign

policyhadevaporated.Themenandwomenwhohadsustainedourinternational

commitmentsandachievementsweredemoralizedbywhattheyconsideredtheir

failureinVietnam.Toomanyofouryoungwereinrebellionagainstthesuccesses

oftheirfathers,attackingwhattheyclaimedtobetheoverextensionofour

commitmentsandmockingthevaluesthathadanimatedtheachievements.A

newisolationismwasgrowing.Whereasinthe1920swehadwithdrawnfromthe

worldbecausewethoughtweweretoogoodforit,theinsidiousthemeofthe

late1960swasthatweshouldwithdrawfromtheworldbecauseweweretooevil

forit.



Notsurprisingly,Americanself‐doubtprovedcontagious;itishardfor

foreignnationstohavemorefaithinacountrythanithasinitself.European

intellectualsbegantoarguethattheColdWarwascausedbyAmericanaswellas

bySovietpolicies;theyurgedtheirgovernmentstobreakoutoftheviciouscircle

bypeaceinitiativesoftheirown.ManyEuropeanleaders,cateringtothismood,

becameferventadvocatesofdétente,playingtheroleofa“bridge”betweenEast

andWest—visitingMoscow,exploringtieswithPeking,urgingdisarmamentand

East‐Westtrade.



TheseprotestationswereallverywelluntiltheUnitedStates,inthelate

Sixties,begantotakethemtoheartandadoptthepolicyimplicitinthem.

SuddenlyEuropeanstatesmenreversedcourse.NowtheywerefearfulofaUS‐

Sovietcondominium,a“Super‐Yalta” inwhichAmericanandSovietleaderswould

settleglobalissuesovertheheadsofEuropeangovernments.Intheyearthatsaw

theSovietinvasionofCzechoslovakia,theUnitedStateswasaccusedbymanyof

itsalliesofbeingatoneandthesametimetoobellicoseinSouthEastAsia andtoo

accommodatinginitsdealingswiththeSovietUnion.Thisambivalencegnawedat

theunityoftheAlliance.UnnervedbyeventsinCzechoslovakia,pressedbypublic

opiniontowardconciliation,impelledbyconvictiontostrengthensecurity,the

WesternAlliancewasbecalmedlikeashipdeadinthewater.



Similaruncertaintymarkedourotherpolicies.Fortwodecadesourcontacts

withChinahadbeenlimitedtothereciprocalrecriminationsofsporadic

ambassadorialmeetingsinWarsaw.TheMiddleEastwasexplosive,butinthe

aftermathofthe1967warnodiplomacywasintrain.Ourdomesticdivisions

preventeddecisiveinitiatives.Americaseemedreducedtopassivityinaworldin

which,withallourself‐doubt,onlyourpowercouldoffersecurity,onlyour

dedicationcouldsustainhope.



Inmyview,Vietnamwasnotthecauseofourdifficultiesbutasymptom.

Wewereinaperiodofpainfuladjustmenttoaprofoundtransformationofglobal

politics;wewerebeingforcedtocometogripswiththetensionbetweenour

historyandournewnecessities.FortwocenturiesAmerica’sparticipationinthe

worldseemedtooscillatebetweenoverinvolvementandwithdrawal,between

expectingtoomuchofourpowerandbeingashamedofit,betweenoptimistic

exuberanceandfrustrationwiththeambiguitiesofanimperfectworld.Iwas

convincedthatthedeepestcauseofournationaluneasewastherealization—as

yetdimlyperceived—thatwewerebecominglikeothernationsintheneedto

recognizethatourpower,whilevast,hadlimits.Ourresourceswerenolonger

infiniteinrelationtoourproblems;insteadwehadtosetpriorities,both

intellectualandmaterial.IntheFiftiesandSixtieswehadattemptedultimate

solutionstospecificproblems;nowourchallengewastoshapeaworldandan

Americanroletowhichwewerepermanentlycommitted,whichcouldnolonger

besustainedbytheillusionthatourexertionshadaterminalpoint.



AnyAdministrationelectedin1968wouldhavefacedthisproblem. Itwasa

colossaltaskinthebestofcircumstances;thewarinVietnamturneditintoa

searingandanguishingenterprise.



Ourhistoryillpreparedus.Ironically,ourFoundingFatherswere

sophisticatedstatesmenwhounderstoodtheEuropeanbalanceofpowerand

manipulateditbrilliantly,firsttobringaboutAmerica’sindependenceandthento

preserveit.TheshrewddiplomacyofFranklinandJeffersonengagedBritain’s

enemies(France,Spain,andRussia)onourside;ournegotiatinghandthus

strengthened,JohnJaysecuredrecognitionfromtheBritishCrownandliquidated

theresidualproblemsofourwarwithEngland.Atthatpoint,however,inthebest

traditionsoftheEuropeanbalanceofpower,wecutloosefromourtemporary

alliesandwentonourownway.Formorethanthreedecadesafter

independence,welivedprecariously,likeothernations.Wewenttothebrinkof

warwithFranceandenduredthecaptureofourcapitalbyBritishforces. Butwe

movedastutelytotakeadvantageofnewopportunities.Theeffectiveelimination

ofFranceandSpainfromtheWesternHemisphere,thenewdangerofRussian

expansioninthePacificNorthWest,andGreatBritain’sgrowingestrangement

fromtheEuropeannationsledusin1823toconcerttheMonroeDoctrinewith

BritaintoexcludeEuropeanpowerfromourhemisphere.



Britain’sperspectivewasthatoftheEuropeanequilibrium.PrimeMinister

CanningperceivedthattheMonroeDoctrine“calledtheNewWorldinto

existencetoredressthebalanceoftheOld.”ButintheNewWorlditmeantthat

wewerefreetoturnourbacksonEurope andtodevoteourenergiestoopening

upthecontinenttotheWestofus.ForthehundredyearsbetweenWaterlooand

1914,wewereshieldedbyourgeographicremotenessandBritishseapower,

whichmaintainedglobalstability.



AstheUnitedStatesgrewinstrengthandEuropeanrivalriesfocusedon

Europe,Africa,andAsia,Americanscametoconsidertheisolationconferredby

twogreatoceansasthenormalpatternofforeignrelations.Ratherarrogantlywe

ascribedoursecurityentirelytothesuperiorityofourbeliefsratherthanto the

weightofourpowerorthefortunateaccidentsofhistoryandgeography.After

theNapoleonicupheaval,AmericastoodapartfromEuropeanconflicts

throughoutthenineteenthcentury—althoughinordertoro undoutournational

territoryandmaintainournationalunitywefoughtasmanywarsasany

Europeancountryandprobablysufferedmorecasualties.Butthesewarswere

notseenintermsofaconceptofinternationalrelations;toAmericansthey

reflectedtheimperativesofamanifestdestiny.

