Kent J. Wesley and the Wesleyans: Religion in Eighteenth-Century Britain
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214 Notes to pages 83–98
18 Lavington published in two instalments: vols. I and II (London,
1749); vol. III (London, 1751). The folio numbers run between 24
and 126.
19 See J. W. Reed (ed.), Boswell: Laird of Auchinleck, 1778–1782
(New York, 19 77), pp. 296–7. The Club met in a taver n. The prob-
lemwith r outs was the broadrangeof people whomight be expected
to attend them. The theatre was also viewed with suspicion because
prostitutes often worked there.
20 Thomas Jackson (ed.), The Li ves of the Early Methodist Preachers
(London, 1846), vol. I, p. 181.
21 The Arminian Magazine was begun in 1778, its title changing to
The Methodist Magazine in 1798. As the first name suggests, Wesley
wanted to push the idea of the universal offer of salvation, in op-
position to the Calvinists, but the itinerant contributors were also
encouraged to stress the value of the holiness teaching.
22 A. M. Lyles, Methodism Mocked: the Satiric Reaction to Methodism in
the Eighteenth Century (London, 1960), p. 18. Wesleyanism ceased
to be a principal target of satire after 1800 : evangelicalism (both
Dissenting and Anglican) was then attacked steadily, not least by
novelists such as Dickens.
23 A. C. Outler (ed.), The works of John Wesley (Nashville, 1984),
vol. II, pp. 682–5.
24 Jackson, Lives, vol. II, pp. 327–8.
25 Ibid., vol. I, pp. 280–1.
26 Ibid., vol.II, p. 262.‘Seal’ was another significant word, to be found,
for instance, in I Corinthians 9: 2, where Paul told his readers:
‘the seal of mine a postleship are ye’.
27 Ibid., vol. II, p. 262. Compare Revelation 12: 2: ‘cried, travailling
in birth’.
28 Ibid., vol. II, p. 216.
29 See J. Kent, Holding the Fort: Studies in Victorian Revivalism
(London, 1978), pp. 25–7.
30 Jackson, Lives, vol. II, p. 216.
31 Ibid., p. 278.
32 Ibid., vol. I, p. 431.
33 Ibid., vol. I, p. 10 6 .
34 Ibid., vol. I, p. 60.
Notes to pages 100–110 215
35 See B. Semmel, The Methodist Revolution (London, 1974), pp. 70–9.
Semmel translated the Wesleyan-Arminian stress on theological
freedom much too easily into a radical political doctrine. What is
most obvious about Alexander Kilham and the New Connexion
in the 1790 s is the absence of direct reference to the politics of the
period in their propaganda.
36 S. T. Kimbrough, O. A. Beckerlegge (eds.), The Unpublished
Poetry of Charles Wesley (Nashville, 1988), p. 153.
37 Ibid., pp. 98ff.
38 Ibid., p. 99.
4
1 See K. Morgan, ‘Methodist Testimonials ...’, in J. Barry,
K. Morgan (eds.) Refor mation and Revival in Eighteenth-Century
Bristol (Bristol Record Society, 1994), pp. 75–104, for the full texts.
My comments on this material are my own.
2 In Wesley’s last years a small number of women reached a quasi-
independent status, but this situation ended with his death.
3 Compare, for example, I Corinthians, 2. 16: ‘We have the mind of
Christ.’
4 See S. Maitland, W. Mulford, Virtuous Magic: Women Saints and
their Meanings (London, 1997).
5 A. Leger, J ohn Wesley’s Last Love (London, 19 10 ), p. 67.
6 Ibid., p. 69. The basic reference is to Hebrews 3: 4.
7 Nothing is known about Elizabeth Halfpenny apart fr om this de-
scriptionofher religious experience. TherewasonlyoneHalfpenny
family in Bristol from c. 1728 to 1755, that of William Halfpenny,
who may have been a Yorkshireman, and who called himself an ar-
chitect; he did design buildings in Bristol. (I owe this information
to O. J. Kent.)
8 Morgan, ‘Methodist Testimonials ...’, p. 92.
9 Ibid., p. 92.
10 Ibid., p. 93.
11 Ibid., p. 94.
12 Ibid., p. 92.
216 Notes to pages 110–122
13 Felicity Nussbaum, The Autobiographical Subject: Gender and
Ideology in Eighteenth-Century England (Baltimore, 1989), p. 179.
14 According to the editors, she may have been the wife of Thomas
Sayce, a Bristol hooper, whom John Wesley stayed with in 1739–41.
15 Morgan, ‘Methodist Testimonials ...’, p. 95.
16 Ibid., p. 97.
17 Ibid., p. 98.
18 Ibid., p. 101.
19 Ibid., p. 102.
20 Ibid., p. 103.
21 Ibid., p. 105.
22 N. Curnock (ed.), John Wesley’s Journal (London, 1909–16,
reprinted 19 38), vol. III, pp. 19 7–8.
23 John Wesley borrowed the idea of bands from the Moravians. A
band, of five to ten people, was smaller than the more relaxed class
meeting, and meant to be more intense. Men, women, the married
and the single met in separate bands once a week, confessed their
sins and prayed for one another. Critics regarded bands as the
Catholic confessional in another form.
24 Morgan, ‘Methodist Testimonials ...’, p. 98.
25 Norman Fiering, Moral Philosophy at Seventeenth-Century Harvard:
a Discipline in Transition (Chapel Hill, 1981), p. 320. Fiering’s ex-
cellently written study draws a parallel between modern psychiatry
and theological action on the soul.
26 It is interesting to compare his development with that of John
Henry Newman, who willingly accepted the cult of saints, the use
of relics, and the Counter-Reformation magnification of the image
of the Virgin Mary, all of which were aspects of the same primary
religious attitudes working in a Roman Catholic environment.
27 In The Protestant Evangelical Awakening (London, 1992) Ward sug-
gests that Pr otestant revivalism did well as long as the laity directed
events, but stagnated when the professional ministry took charge.
He thinks that pietism grew partly as a lay protest against the early
signs of the modern police-state. I suspect that pietism was itself one
of the early signs of the police-state, to the extent that it encouraged
informing on one’s neighbours.
28 Leger, John Wesley’s Last Love. The text was properly edited
only in the twentieth century. Wesley continued the story up to
Notes to pages 122–135 217
Grace Murray’s decision to marry John Bennet; Leger also printed
a twenty-seven-stanza verse account of the relationship written by
Wesley. Leger added a full-scale discussion of both Murray’s and
Wesley’s characters.
29 Ibid., p. 20.
30 Ibid., p. 21
31 Ibid., p. 24.
32 Ibid., p. 27.
33 Ibid., p. 34.
34 Ibid., p. 36
35 Ibid., p. 36.
36 George Cheyne, Treatise on Health and Long Life (London, 1725),
pp. 122–4.
37 Leger, John Wesley’s Last Love,p.42.
38 Ibid., p. 45.
39 Ibid., p. 48.
40 Ibid., p. 102.
41 Ibid., p. 103.
42 Ibid., p. 50.
43 Ibid., pp. 50–1.
44 Ibid., p. 53. Italics in the original.
45 Ibid., pp. 53–6. Edward Perronet (1721–92) was the grandson of
a French Protestant refugee; originally sympathetic to Wesley, he
ended up as the minister of an Independent church in Canterbury.
His father, Vincent (1693–1785), was vicar of Shoreham from 1728;
he became one of Wesley’s assistants in 1747 and worked closely
with him for many years, opposing any move towards separation
from the Church of England.
46 Ibid., p. 34.
47
David Lehmann, in his The Struggle for the Spirit (London 1996),
pp.139 –42,givesa powerfulacountof suchaservice intheUniversal
Church Pentecostalist building in Salvador.
48 Leger, John Wesley’s Last Love,p.103.
49 Ibid., p. 104.
50 Ibid., p. 105.
51 Ibid., pp. 70–2.
52 Ibid., p. 73.
53 Ibid., p. 65.
218 Notes to pages 135–151
54 Ibid., p. 68.
55 Ibid., p. 83.
56 Ibid., p. 87.
57 Ibid., pp. 85–6.
58 Ibid., p. 14.
59 Ibid., pp. 94–5.
5
1 Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. W. G. P. Smith (Oxford, 1947),
pp. 526 –7.
2 Ibid., p. 360.
3 Ibid., p. 62.
4 Ibid., pp. 249–50.
5 Ibid., p. 469.
6 See an article by F. Dreyer, ‘Faith and Experience in the Thought of
John Wesley’, in The American Historical Review, 1983,pp.12–30,
and R. E. Br antley, Locke, Wesley and the Method of English
Romanticism (Florida, 1984). Also Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast:
John Wesley and the Rise of Methodism (London, 1989), pp. 384–7.
7 John Spurr, The Restoration of the Church of England, 1645–1689
(Yale, 1991), p. 307.
8 Ibid., p. 325 . The words quoted are those of Isaac Barrow (1630–
77), famous as a controversialist and admirer of Isaac Newton.
9 Fiering, Moral Philosophy at Seventeenth-Century Harvard: a Dis-
cipline in Transition (Chapel Hill, 1981), pp. 203–4.
10 Edmund Gibson, Charge (London, 1747), p. 4. Gibson (1669–1748)
was an authority on Anglican law and custom who repeatedly
challenged both Whitefield and Wesley on their conduct.
11 G. R. Cragg (ed.), The Works of John Wesley
(Oxford, 1975),
vol. XI, pp. 349–50.
12 Richard Graves, The Spiritual Quixote, ed. Clarence Tracey
(London, 1967), p. 294.
13 Ibid., p. 294.
14 Ibid., p. 14.
15 Observations on the Conduct and Behaviour of a certain Sect usually
distinguished by the Name of Methodist, published anonymously
Notes to pages 151–171 219
(London, 1744). There seems to be no reasonabledoubt that Gibson
was the author.
16 Two other novelists should be mentioned: Laurence Sterne,
(1713–68), who was so much the cleric sui generis that he vir-
tually ignored Methodism; and Tobias Smollett (1721–71), whose
Humphrey Clinker, published in the year of the author’s death, por-
trayed, not unfairly, the eccentricities of a Methodist servant, from
the point of view of Smollett’s own tough medical secularity.
17 Samuel Richardson, Sir Charles Grandison, ed. Jocelyn Harris
(London, 1986), vol. IV, p. 379.
18 Ibid., pp. 249–50.
19 Ibid., vol. VI, p. 22.
20 See John Beresford’s selection from the diary, Woodeford (London,
1935).
21 Secker’s cabinet of papers can be consulted at Lambeth Palace
Library. This passage comes from f. 81.
22 See E. Radner, The End of the Church: a Pneumatology of Christian
Division in the West (Michigan, 1998), p. 109 .
23 Marguerite-Marie Alacoque (1647–90) popularised devotion to the
heart of Mary as well as to the heart of Jesus. She and Eudes were
both canonised in the 1920s.
24 Secker, f. 81.
25 Ibid., f. 82.
26 Ibid., f. 83.
27 Ibid., f. 84.
28 Ibid., f. 85.
29 Ibid., f. 85.
30 Ibid., f. 90.
31 Ibid., f. 86 .
32 E. G. Rupp,
Religion in England 1688–1791 (Oxford, 1986).
33 Cragg, Works of John Wesley, vol. XI, p. 474.
34 Conyers Middleton, Free Enquiry into the Miraculous Powers which
are supposed to have existed in the Christian Church through several
successive Ages (Oxford, 1748).
35 Leslie Stephen, History of English Thought in the Eighteenth Century
(London, 1963), p. 310.
36 John Wesley, A Letter to the Bishop of Gloucester, 176 3,inCragg,
Works of John Wesley, vol. XI, p. 534.
220 Notes to pages 171–192
37 Ibid., pp. 535–6.
38 Ibid., p. 515.
39 Ibid., p. 518.
40 D. Vasey (ed.), The Diary of Thomas Turner 1754–1765 (Oxford,
1984).
41 Ibid., p. 125.
42 Ibid., p. 227.
43 N. Curnock (ed.), John Wesley’s Journal (London, 1909–16,
reprinted 19 38), vol. IV, p. 331.
44 Ibid., p. 347.
45 Ibid., p. 337.
46 Ibid., p. 335.
47 Ibid., p. 347.
48 Ibid., p. 341.
49 Ibid., p. 347.
50 Ibid., p. 341 .
51 Ibid., p. 341.
52 Jonathan Clark, Samuel Johnson: Literature, Religion and English
Cultural Politics from the Restoration to Romanticism (Cambridge,
1994).
6
1 J. Burgess, ‘The Growth and development of Methodism in
Cumbria ...’, in Northern History (1981–82), vols. XVII–XVIII,
pp. 137–8. Significantly, Wesleyanism outside the urban areas
grew in ‘outcast’ communities such as those of the coalminers of
Kingswood, near Bristol, and of Newcastle upon Tyne, and the
tinminers of west Cornwall. See John Rule, The Labouring Classes
in Early Industrial England 1750–1850 (Harlow, 1986 ), pp. 162–6.
2 H. Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast: John Wesley and the Rise of
Methodism (London, 1989), pp. 546–8.
3 J. H. Newman, An Essay in Aid of Grammar of Assent (London,
1870), p. 391 . He is ref erring at the same time to the Apologia,
where the relevant passage is on p. 181 in the modern edition by
J. M. Cameron (London, 1973).There Newman points out that only
some people are convinced by Paley’s assertion that God governs
the world.
Notes to pages 192–206 221
4 Ibid., p. 392.
5 This is the principal thesis of Anthony Fletcher’s Gender, Sex and
Subordination in England 1500–1800 (Yale, 1995).
6 Robert Southey, The Life of Wesley, ed. C. C. Southey (London,
1846), vol. II, pp. 433–4. This edition not only contained Knox’s
essay, but also S. T. Coleridge’s previously unpublished comments
on what Southey wrote.
7 F.Baker (ed.), The Works of John Wesley (Oxford, 1982), vol.XXVI
p. 415.
8 Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast,p.539.
9 Southey, Life of Wesley, vol. II, p. 147.
10 Baker, Works of John Wesley, vol. XXVI, p. 415.
11 Ibid., p. 416.
12 Ibid., p. 391.
13 Ibid., p. 408.
14 Ibid., p. 391.
15 PaulLangford,Public Life and the Propertied Englishman 1689–1798
(Oxford, 1991).
16 John Rule discusses the so-called ‘negative effect’ of Methodism on
working-classpeople in J.Rule, R. Wells, Crime,Protest and Popular
Politics in Southern England (London, 1997), pp. 70–8, but much of
this is a discussion about Cornwall, and about teetotalism, which
belongs to the nineteenth century and was not deeply established
in Wesleyanism.
17 Rule, Labouring Classes,pp.220–2.
18 J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility
(Chicago, 1992).
19 Cennick’s papers are at Moravian Church House in London.
20 There are many examples of Boswell’s habit in his journals. See, for
example, J. W. Reed (ed.), Boswell, Laird of Auchinleck, 1778–82
(New York, 1977), pp. 77–95.
21 Nicholas Rogers, ‘Crowd and People in the Gordon Riots’, in
E. Hellmuth (ed.), The Transformation of Political Culture (Oxford,
1991).
22 Ibid., p. 53.
23 Mary E. Fissell, ‘Charity Universal? Institutions and Mor al Reform
in Eighteenth-Century Bristol’, in L. Davison (ed.), Stilling the
Grumbling Hive (Sutton, 1992), p. 140 .
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