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or the like—dictating the kind of response called for. In foreign policy, the
Cuban missile crisis provides an excellent example. In October 1962,
there were no established “rules” as to how one goes about dealing with a
nuclear crisis in which each side was slowly being drawn into a potentially
deadly confrontation. In creating the ExComm, President Kennedy broke
the mold of established bureaucratic decision-making, conscious that what
bureaucratic routines and standard operating procedures existed might
well pull the United States into war.
13
2“Decisions made at the pinnacle of the government hierarchy by leaders who are
relatively free from organizational and other constraints—or who may at least
define their roles in ways that enhance their latitude for choice.” The analog to
this, as we have mentioned already, is Darley and Latané’s “two-person”
condition and Asch’s sole decision-maker, estimating lines without the
social pressure of being in a group. In elite decision-making, this is the
“lonely at the top” situation referred to above. In mass judgments, we
are obviously not dealing with individuals who stand at the pinnacle of a
political structure, but we can broaden Holsti’s point here to include
any situation in which the individual is relatively free from the social and
environmental pressures that might “preordain” their decision-making
one way or another. In other words, the operative factor here is relative
freedom from what Holsti calls simply “constraints.”
3 “Long-range policy planning, a task that inherently involves considerable uncertainty
and in which conceptions of ‘what is,’ ‘what is important or likely or desirable,’ and
‘what is related to what are likely to be at the core of the political process.’ ” This is
obviously a factor that applies mostly to elite decision-makers, but in
mass decision-making it might be relevant too where the individual must
make long-range estimates of what is likely to occur in the future.
4“When the situation itself is highly ambiguous and is thus open to a variety of
interpretations. Uncertainty may result from a scarcity of information; from infor-
mation of low quality or questionable authenticity; or from information that is
contradictory or is consistent with two or more significantly different interpretations,
coupled with the absence of reliable means of choosing between them.” Ambiguity,
contradictory, and high-uncertainty situations almost certainly promote
the use of dispositions in decision-making.
14
Going back to Chapter 1 and
the famous “burning building scenario,” we asked (somewhat rhetorically)
whether we need to study the dispositions of those who run for the exits
as a building erupts into flame. This is a highly unambiguous situation: it
is clear to all what we must do in order to preserve our own lives. We also
noted, however, that relatively few situations in politics are analogous
to the burning building, in the sense that reasonable and perfectly intelli-
gent people can look at exactly the same situation and draw different
238 Bringing the Two Together
conclusions from it.
15
Such ambiguous situations evoke the dispositions of
the person confronting them, and we observe a relatively high degree of
variation in individual responses. Just as many foreign policy decisions
involve highly ambiguous situations, so too does the act of voting and
the cognitive and emotional judgments that precede it. During the 2008
primary season, for instance, we saw a high degree of variation among
Democrats, but even more notably amongst Republicans, in their judg-
ments of who would make the best “standard bearer” for their respective
parties. Judgments such as these are highly idiosyncratic and subjective,
relying as they do on estimations of the probability that party candidate A
will have a better chance than party candidate B of winning the eventual
presidential election, estimates of how likely it is that a given candidate
will represent one’s own beliefs if elected, and other intangibles.
5“Circumstances of information overload in which decision-makers are forced to
use a variety of strategies (eg queuing, filtering, omission, reducing categories of
discrimination to cope with the problem).” As we have seen, decision-makers
of all kinds seem to rely on a whole range of cognitive short cuts such
as stereotyping, the use of schemas and analogies, and satisficing. Many of
these were discussed in Chapter 9, but one important short cut we have
not so far discussed is the so-called “drunkard’s search.” As Robert Jervis
has shown, many of the theories that suggest that decision-makers are
cognitive misers can be subsumed under the well known principle of the
“drunkard’s search.”
16
This story is about a drunkard searching for his lost
house keys under a street light. A passerby offers to help and asks where
the drunkard lost the keys. The drunkard replies that the keys were lost
in a dark alley nearby. This puzzles the passerby, who not unnaturally then
asks the man why he is not searching where he dropped the keys. The
drunkard replies, “the light is better here.” The lesson is that decision-
makers may look for evidence in psychologically convenient places rather
than in the most likely places or where common sense would dictate, even
in the face of critics questioning what they are doing. This is also evident in
the study of social science, with its evident concentration on what appears
to be quantifiable, rather than what is unclear or uncertain.
17
Though there is obviously still much we do not know about the U.S.
decision-making process regarding the invasion of Iraq in 2003, it may
well provide a classic illustration of this psychological phenomenon. The
CIA’s intelligence suggested that Saddam Hussein had little or nothing to
do with 9/11, and as is now well known it pointed rather more clearly
towards Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia. For various reasons, an attack on
Saudi Arabia was deemed out of the question; moreover, both Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and his deputy Paul Wolfowitz felt that Iraq
Conclusion: A Personal View 239
offered “better targets” than Afghanistan.
18
Bob Woodward discovered that
Wolfowitz “worried about 100,000 American troops bogged down in the
notoriously treacherous mountains six months from then. In contrast, Iraq
was a brittle oppressive regime that might break easily with an opposition
yearning to topple Saddam.”
19
As Richard Clarke relates, at one of the first
meetings on the afternoon of September 12, 2001:
Rumsfeld was saying that we needed to bomb Iraq. And we all said
[. . .] no, no. Al-Qaeda is in Afghanistan. We need to bomb Afghani-
stan. And Rumsfeld said there aren’t any good targets in Afghanistan.
And there are lots of good targets in Iraq. I said, “Well, there are lots
of good targets in lots of places, but Iraq had nothing to do with it.”
Initially, I thought when he said, “There aren’t enough targets in—in
Afghanistan,” I thought he was joking. I think they wanted to believe
that there was a connection, but the CIA was sitting there, the FBI
was sitting there, I was sitting there saying we’ve looked at this issue
for years. For years we’ve looked and there’s just no connection.
20
6 “Unanticipated events in which initial reactions are likely to reflect cognitive
‘sets.’ ” The Iran hostage crisis was in many ways unprecedented, and
largely unanticipated by most of the members of the Carter administra-
tion, as apparently was the Islamic revolution that preceded it. Historic-
ally, it was exceptionally rare for a host government to condone the seizure
of a U.S. embassy, and there were no established procedures in place for
dealing with such a situation.
7“Circumstances in which complex cognitive tasks associated with decision-making
may be impaired or otherwise significantly affected by the various types of stresses
that impinge on top ranking-executives.” Research on the impact of stress
on decision-making indicates that a small amount of stress actually
improves the decision-making process while a large amount tends to
reduce the quality of that process, but it is again plausible to assume that
emotional and cognitive short cuts may be especially important under this
condition as well.
Streamlining these factors, one could say that novelty, ambiguity, and
uncertainty in general—paired with the relative absence of social or situational
pressures on decision-making—all seem to enhance the importance of disposi-
tionism. To those who prefer simple, clear-cut answers—“situationism explains
political behavior” or “dispositions always win out over situations”—the con-
clusion we have reached here may seem unsatisfactory, even wishy-washy.
However, in the author’s view the argument that both play a role is an inescap-
240 Bringing the Two Together
able one; there is simply too much evidence (from social psychology in particu-
lar) that some situations elicit relatively standard, uniform behaviors, and too
much evidence (mainly from cognitive psychology) that our dispositions do
matter in other circumstances for us to offer a simplistic answer to the question
that has animated this book.
Conclusion: A Personal View 241
Notes
1 The Conceptual Scheme of This Book
1 Craig Whitney, “Introduction,” p.3 in Steven Strasser (ed.), The Abu Ghraib Investi-
gations (New York: Public Affairs, 2004).
2 Philip Zimbardo, The Lucifer Effect: Understanding How Good People Turn Evil
(New York: Random House, 2007).
3 Ibid., p.19.
4 Lee Ross and Richard Nisbett, The Person and the Situation: Perspectives of Social
Psychology (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1991).
5 Ibid., p.320.
6 See for instance Kenneth Waltz, Man, The State and War: A Theoretical Analysis (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1959); J. David Singer, “The Level-of-Analysis
Problem in International Relations,” World Politics, 14: 77–92, 1961; Alexander
Wendt, “The Agent-Structure Problem in International Relations Theory,” Inter-
national Organization, 41:335–70, 1987; Martin Hollis and Steve Smith, Explaining
and Understanding International Relations (New York: Oxford University Press,
1990).
7 Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow, Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Misssile
Crisis, second edition (New York: Longman, 1999). The major exception is Irving
Janis’s work on groupthink, which draws on a rich tradition within social psych-
ology. We shall examine this work in Chapter 6.
8 Rose McDermott, Political Psychology and International Relations (Ann Arbor, MI:
University of Michigan Press, 2004), p.3.
9 Susan Fiske and Shelley Taylor, Social Cognition (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley,
1984), p.92.
10 Steven Pinker, The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature (New York:
Viking Press, 2002).
11 Irving Janis, Groupthink: Psychological Studies of Policy Decisions and Fiascoes (Boston,
MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1982).
12 Alexander George and Juliette George, Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House: A Personal-
ity Study (New York: Dover, 1956); Doris Kearns Goodwin, Lyndon Johnson and the
American Dream (New York: Harper & Row, 1976).
13 James David Barber, The Presidential Character: Predicting Performance in the White
House (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1985).
14 Christopher Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution
in Poland (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), especially pp.161–62. Daniel Gold-
hagen’s Hitler’s Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York:
Alfred Knopf, 1996) also argues, far more radically and controversially than
Browning, that the killers were in fact enthusiastic sadists. See also Zimbardo, The
Lucifer Effect, especially pp.307–13.
15 Rory Kennedy (director), Ghosts of Abu Ghraib (Moxie Firecracker Films, 2007).
16 Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York:
Viking Press, 1963); Stanley Milgram, Obedience to Authority: An Experimental View
(New York: Harper & Row, 1974). Browning agrees that bureaucratic compart-
mentalization was a factor as well. Of the deportations to Treblinka, he notes “not
only was the killing done by others, but it was done out of sight of the men who
cleared the ghettos and forced the Jews onto death trains.” See Ordinary Men,
p.163.
17 Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1976), pp.19–21.
18 If you are sitting in the average university classroom right now, the carpeting
probably is cheap and flammable.
19 The original book on which the film was based was Thomas Keneally, Schindler’s
Ark (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1982).
20 Technically, Britain and Argentina went to war with one another in 1982 after
Argentine forces invaded and occupied the Falkland Islands/Malvinas, but both
sides confined the conflict to the area surrounding the islands themselves.
21 Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow, Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile
Crisis (New York: Longman, 1999).
2 A Brief History of the Discipline
1 Jeanne Knutson (ed.), Handbook of Political Psychology (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-
Bass, 1973).
2 William Stone and Paul Schaffner, The Psychology of Politics, second edition (New
York: Springer-Verlag, 1988). This was incidentally one of the very first textbooks
on political psychology (it first came out in 1974).
3 Quoted in Stone and Schaffner, The Psychology of Politics, p.17.
4 Kenneth Waltz, Man, The State and War: A Theoretical Analysis (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1959); J. David Singer, “The Levels-of-Analysis Problem in Inter-
national Relations,” World Politics, 14: 77–92, 1961.
5 Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1979).
6 William McGuire, “The Poli-Psy Relationship: Three Phases of a Long Affair,” in
Shanto Iyengar and William McGuire (eds.), Explorations in Political Psychology
(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1993). Also reprinted in John T. Jost and
Jim Sidanius (eds.), Political Psychology: Key Readings (New York: Psychology Press,
2004). This chapter draws on many of the insights from McGuire’s seminal piece,
though it does not attempt to do so with the same breadth or depth.
7 Freud intended these simply as conceptual labels for components of human per-
sonality, not physically existing properties of the brain itself.
8 Sigmund Freud and William Bullitt, Thomas Woodrow Wilson, Twenty-Eighth President
of the United States: A Psychological Study (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1967).
9 Harold Lasswell, Psychopathology and Politics (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago
Press, 1930), especially pp.75–76; Lasswell, Power and Personality (New York: W.W.
Norton, 1948).
10 Lasswell, Psychopathology and Politics, p.183.
11 Lasswell, Power and Personality, p.39.
12 Alexander George and Juliette George, Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House (New
York: Dover, 1956).
13 Doris Kearns Goodwin, Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream (New York: Harper
Notes 243
& Row, 1976); Betty Glad, Jimmy Carter: In Search of the Great White House (New
York: W.W. Norton, 1980).
14 Leon Festinger, Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 1957).
15 Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1976).
16 Angus Campbell, Philip Converse, Warren Miller, and Donald Stokes, The American
Voter (New York: Wiley, 1964).
17 This model was imported into the study of British electoral choice by David Butler
and his associates. See for instance David Butler and Donald Stokes, Political Change
in Britain: Forces Shaping Electoral Choice (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1969).
18 Philip Converse, “The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics,” in David Apter
(ed.), Ideology and Discontent (New York: Free Press, 1964).
19 Anthony Downs, An Economic Theory of Democracy (New York: Harper & Row, 1957).
20 Stephen Ansolabehere and Shanto Iyengar, “Information and Electoral Attitudes: A
Case of Judgment Under Uncertainty,” in Shanto Iyengar and William McGuire
(eds.), Explorations in Political Psychology (Durham, NC: Duke University Press,
1993), pp.322–28.
21 See for instance Herbert Simon, “A Behavioral Model of Rational Choice,” in
Models of Man, Social and Rational: Mathematical Essays on Rational Human Behavior in a
Social Setting (New York: Wiley, 1957); Simon, Reason in Human Affairs (Stanford,
CA: Stanford University Press, 1983).
22 Ansolabehere and Iyengar, “Information and Electoral Attitudes,” pp.322–28.
23 For readers primarily interested in the economistic route to explaining human
behavior, I recommend Kenneth Shepsle and Mark Bonchek, Analyzing Politics:
Rationality, Behavior and Institutions (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997). For a wide-
ranging critique of this perspective, see Donald Green and Ian Shapiro, Pathologies
of Rational Choice: A Critique of Applications in Political Science (New Haven, CN: Yale
University Press, 1994).
3 Behaviorism and Human Freedom
1 Heinz Eulau, The Behavioral Persuasion in Politics (New York: Random House, 1963).
2 William McGuire, “The Poli-Psy Relationship: Three Phases of a Long Affair,” in
Shanto Iyengar and William McGuire (eds.), Explorations in Political Psychology
(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1993), pp.12–13.
3 Steven Pinker, The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature (New York:
Penguin, 2002), p.19.
4 B.F. Skinner, Walden Two (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing, 2005). This novel
first appeared in 1948.
5 Ibid. The book is in many ways a parody of Plato’s Republic.
6 Ibid., p.92.
7 Pinker, The Blank Slate, p.20.
8 Lauren Slater, Opening Skinner’s Box: Great Psychological Experiments of the Twentieth
Century (New York: W.W. Norton, 2004), p.7.
9 Anthony Burgess, You’ve Had Your Time (New York: Penguin, 1990), p.245.
10 Anthony Burgess, A Clockwork Orange, restored version (New York: W.W. Norton,
1986), p.126. The book originally came out in 1962. This scene also appears in
Kubrick’s film, where a priest plays the role of the questioner.
11 B.F. Skinner, Beyond Freedom and Dignity (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing,
2002), p.22. The book was first published in 1971.
12 Skinner, Walden Two, p.103.
13 Ibid., p.279.
244 Notes
14 Ibid., p.149.
15 Pinker, The Blank Slate, p.94.
16 A particular problem with this technique as applied to alcoholics is that many are
highly accustomed to vomiting at the end of the night or early the next day anyway.
Trying to condition someone with a punishment they already regularly inflict upon
themselves seems unlikely to produce changes in behavior!
17 Skinner, Beyond Freedom and Dignity, p.21.
4 The Psychology of Obedience
1 Theodore Adorno, Else Frenkel-Brunswik, Daniel Levinson, and Nevitt Sanford,
The Authoritarian Personality (New York: Harper, 1950).
2 James Waller, Becoming Evil: How Ordinary People Commit Genocide and Mass Killing
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), p.77.
3 As we shall see in Chapter 6, this research also had a profound impact on another
situationist, Irving Janis.
4 Stanley Milgram, Obedience to Authority: An Experimental View (New York: Harper &
Row, 1974).
5 Milgram might not be that famous today if this poll had been accurate in its pre-
diction. Research that merely confirms the conventional wisdom rarely captures
much attention!
6 Peter Davis (director), Hearts and Minds (BBS Productions, 1974).
7 Milgram, Obedience to Authority, p.15.
8 Ibid., p.5; Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report On The Banality of Evil
(New York: Viking Press, 1963).
9 Christopher Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final
Solution in Poland (New York: HarperCollins, 1992).
10 Milgram, Obedience to Authority, pp.123–34.
11 Ibid., pp.132–34.
12 David Mantell, “The Potential For Violence In Germany,” Journal of Social Issues, 27:
101–12, 1971.
13 Quoted in Philip Gourevitch, We Wish To Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed
With Our Families: Stories From Rwanda (New York: Picador, 1998), p.23.
14 See Adam Jones, Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction (New York: Routledge,
2006), pp.275–81.
15 Samuel Oliner and Pearl Oliner, The Altruistic Personality: Rescuers of Jews in Nazi
Europe (New York: Free Press, 1988).
16 Waller, Becoming Evil, p.245.
17 Gourevitch, We Wish To Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families p.32.
18 Ibid., p.64.
19 Jones, Genocide, p.268.
20 Ibid., p.269.
21 Gourevitch, We Wish To Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families,
pp.47–62.
22 See Kristen Monroe, “Review Essay: The Psychology of Genocide,” Ethics & Inter-
national Affairs, 9: 215–39, 1995.
23 Milgram, Obedience to Authority, p.189.
5 Creating a “Bad Barrel”
1 Philip Zimbardo, The Lucifer Effect: Understanding How Good People Turn Evil (New
York: Random House, 2007).
Notes 245
2 Ibid., p.3.
3 William Golding, The Lord of The Flies (London: Faber & Faber, 1954).
4 You can view this interview at http://www.comedycentral.com/motherload/
index.jhtml?ml_video=84518.
5 Zimbardo, The Lucifer Effect, p.52.
6 In the Iraq case, this role was played by Charles Graner.
7 Quoted in Rory Kennedy (director), Ghosts of Abu Ghraib (Moxie Firecracker Films,
2007).
6 Group Decision-Making
1 See Fritz Gaenslen, “Decision-Making Groups,” in Eric Singer and Valerie Hudson
(eds.), Political Psychology and Foreign Policy (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992).
2 Yaacov Vertzberger, The World In Their Minds: Information Processing, Cognition and
Perception in Foreign Policy Decisionmaking (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,
1990), p.223.
3 Alexander George, Presidential Decisionmaking in Foreign Policy: The Effective Use of
Information and Advice (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1980), p.81.
4 Vertzberger, The World In Their Minds, p.224.
5 Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow, Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile
Crisis (New York: Longman, 1999).
6 Irving Janis, Victims of Groupthink: A Psychological Study of Foreign-Policy Decisions
and Fiascoes (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1972); Janis, Groupthink: Psychological
Studies of Policy Decisions and Fiascoes (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1982).
7 Janis, Groupthink, p.9.
8 Ibid., pp.132–58.
9 Ibid., pp.176–77.
10 Ibid., pp.174–75.
11 Peter Kornbluh (ed.), Bay of Pigs Declassified: The Secret CIA Report on the Invasion of
Cuba (New York: W.W. Norton, 1998), pp.2–3.
12 Janis, Groupthink, p.16.
13 Ibid., pp.19–27.
14 Ibid., p.14.
15 Ibid., pp.35–47.
16 See Robert McNamara, James Blight, and Robert Brigham, Argument Without End:
In Search of Answers To The Vietnam Tragedy (New York: Public Affairs, 1999).
17 Janis, Groupthink, pp.97–130.
18 Ibid., p.115.
19 Ibid., p.118.
20 See for instance Philip Tetlock, Randall Peterson, Charles McGuire, Shi-Jie Chang,
and Peter Field, “Assessing Political Group Dynamics: A Test of the Groupthink
Model,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 63: 403–25, 1992.
21 Ibid., p.404.
22 Jeanne Longley and Dean Pruitt, “Groupthink: A Critique of Janis’s Theory,” in
Ladd Wheeler (ed.), Review of Personality and Social Psychology (Beverly Hills, CA:
Sage Publications, 1980), p.91.
23 David Barrett, “The Mythology Surrounding Lyndon Johnson, His Advisers, and
the 1965 Decision To Escalate the Vietnam War,” Political Science Quarterly, 103:
637–63, 1988.
24 David Barrett, Uncertain Warriors: Lyndon Johnson and His Vietnam Advisers (Lawrence,
KN: University Press of Kansas, 1993). For transcripts of many of the relevant
phone calls, see Michael Beschloss’s two edited volumes, Taking Charge: The Johnson
White House Tapes, 1963–1964 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997) and Reaching
246 Notes
For Glory: Lyndon Johnson’s Secret White House Tapes, 1964–1965 (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 2001).
25 McNamara, Blight, and Brigham, Argument Without End, pp.25–31.
26 Roderick Kramer, “Revisiting the Bay of Pigs and Vietnam Decisions 25 Years
Later: How Well Has the Groupthink Hypothesis Stood the Test of Time?,” Organi-
zational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 73: 236–71, 1998, p.245.
27 Ibid.
28 Paul t’Hart, Eric Stern, and Bengt Sundelius (eds.), Beyond Groupthink: Political Group
Dynamics and Foreign Policy-Making (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan
Press, 1997).
29 Eric Stern and Bengt Sundelius, “The Essence of Groupthink,” Mershon International
Studies Review, 1: 101–8, 1994; Eric Stern, “Probing the Plausibility of Newgroup
Syndrome: Kennedy and the Bay of Pigs,” in t’Hart, Stern, and Sundelius (eds.),
Beyond Groupthink.
30 Quoted in Stern, “Probing the Plausibility of Newgroup Syndrome,” p.165.
31 Ibid.
32 See for instance John Burke and Fred Greenstein, How Presidents Test Reality:
Decisions on Vietnam, 1954 and 1965 (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1989).
33 Stern, “Probing the Plausibility of Newgroup Syndrome,” p.182.
34 Ibid., p.177.
7 Psychobiography
1 Justin Frank, Bush on the Couch: Inside The Mind of the President (New York: Harper-
Collins, 2004), p.xi.
2 Gillian Butler and Freda McManus, Psychology: A Very Short Introduction (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1998), p.5.
3 Marilyn Elias, “Freud: So Wrong and Yet So Right,” USA Today, May 4, 2006.
4 Westen, quoted in Elias.
5 Sigmund Freud, Leonardo da Vinci: A Memory of His Childhood (London: Routledge,
1999). This work first appeared in 1910.
6 Sigmund Freud and William Bullitt, Thomas Woodrow Wilson (Boston, MA: Houghton
Mifflin, 1967). The authenticity of this work has been disputed by the psychoanalyst
Eric Erikson, among others.
7 Harold Lasswell, Psychopathology and Politics (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago
Press, 1930).
8 Ibid., p.183.
9 Harold Lasswell, Power and Personality (New York: W.W. Norton, 1948).
10 Alexander George and Juliette George, Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House: A Personal-
ity Study (New York: Dover Publications, 1964). The book first appeared in 1956.
11 Ibid., p.8.
12 Ibid., p.3.
13 Ibid., p.xxii.
14 See Edwin Weinstein, James William Anderson, and Arthur Link, “Woodrow
Wilson’s Political Personality: A Reappraisal,” Political Science Quarterly, 93: 585–98,
1978 and Juliette George and Alexander George, “Woodrow Wilson and Colonel
House: A Reply to Weinstein, Anderson, and Link,” Political Science Quarterly, 96:
641–65, 1981–82.
15 PBS American Experience, Woodrow Wilson. See http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/
amex/wilson.
16 Doris Kearns Goodwin, Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream (New York:
St. Martin’s Press, 1976).
17 Goodwin, Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream, pp.22–24.
Notes 247