consolation, sexual relations in poor and lower-class
families were relatively egalitarian, as men and women
worked together on press gangs or in the fields. Muslim
customs apparently had little effect on the Hindu tradi-
tion of sati. In fact, in many respects, Muslim women had
more rights than their Hindu counterparts. They had
more property rights than Hindu women and were legally
permitted to divorce under certain conditions and to
remarry after the death of their husband. The primary
role for Indian women in general, however, was to pro-
duce children. Sons were preferred over daughters, not
only because they alone could conduct ancestral rites but
also because a daughter was a financial liability. A father
had to provide a costly dowry for a daughter when she
married, yet after the wedding, she would transfer her
labor assets to her husband’s family. Still, women shared
with men a position in the Indian religious pantheon.
The Hindu female deity, known as Devi, was celebrated
by both men and women as the source of cosmic power,
bestower of wishes, and symbol of fertility.
Overall, the Muslims continued to view themselves as
foreign conquerors and generally maintained a strict
separation between the Muslim ruling class and the mass
of the Hindu population. Although a few Hindus rose to
important positions in the local bureaucracy, most high
posts in the central government and the provinces were
reserved for Muslims. Only with the founding of the
Mughal dynasty was a serious effort undertaken to rec-
oncile the differences.
One result of this effort was the religion of the Sikhs
(‘‘disciples’’). Founded by the guru Nanak in the early
sixteenth century in the Punjab, Sikhism attempted to
integrate the best of the two faiths in a single religion.
Sikhism originated in the devotionalist movement in
Hinduism, which taught that God was the single true
reality. All else is illusion. But Nanak rejected the Hindu
tradition of asceticism and mortification of the flesh and,
like Muhammad, taught his disciples to participate in the
world. Sikhism achieved considerable popularity in north-
western India, where Islam and Hinduism confr onted each
other directly, and eventually evolved into a militant faith
that fiercely protected its adherents against its two larger
rivals. In the end, Sikhism failed to reconcile Hinduism and
Islam but instead provided an alternative to them.
One complication for both Muslims and Hindus as
they tried to come to terms with the existence of a mixed
society was the problem of class and caste. Could non-
Hindus form castes, and if so, how were they related to
the Hindu castes? Where did the Turkic-speaking elites
who made up the ruling class in many of the Islamic
states fit into the equation?
The problem was resolved in a pragmatic manner
that probably followed an earlier tradition of assimilating
non-Hindu tribal groups into the system. Members of the
Turkic ruling groups formed social groups that were
roughly equivalent to the Hindu brahmin or kshatriya
class. Ordinary Indians who converted to Islam also
formed Muslim castes, although at a lower level on the
social scale. Many who did so were probably artisans who
converted en masse to obtain the privileges that conver-
sion could bring.
In most of India, then, Muslim rule did not sub-
stantially disrupt the class and caste system, although it
may have become more fluid than it was previously. One
perceptive European visitor in the early sixteenth century
reported that in Malabar, along the southwestern coast,
there were separate castes for fishing, pottery making,
weaving, carpentry and metalworking, salt mining, sor-
cery, and labor on the plantations. There were separate
castes for doing the laundry, one for the elite and the
other for the common people.
Economy and Daily Life
India’s landed and commercial elites lived in the cities,
often in conditions of considerable opulence. The rulers,
of course, possessed the most wealth. One maharaja of a
relatively small state in southern India, for example, had
more than 100,000 soldiers in his pay along with 900
elephants and 20,000 horses. Another maintained a
thousand high-class women to serve as sweepers of his
palace. Each carried a broom and a brass basin containing
a mixture of cow dung and water and followed him from
one house to another, plastering the path where he was to
tread. Most urban dwellers, of course, did not live in such
style. Xuan Zang, the Chinese Buddhist missionary, left us
a description of ordinary homes in a seventh-century
urban area:
Their houses are surrounded by low walls, and form the sub-
urbs. The earth being soft and muddy, the walls of the towns
are mostly built of brick or tiles. The towers on the walls are
constructed of wood or bamboo; the houses have balconies
and belvederes, which are made of wood, with a coating of
lime or mortar, and covered with tiles. The different build-
ings have the same form as those in China; rushes, or dry
branches, or tiles, or boards are used for covering them. The
walls are covered with lime and mud, mixed with cow’s dung
for purity. At different seasons they scatter flowers about.
Such are some of their different customs.
5
Agriculture The majority of India’s population (esti-
mated at slightly more than 100 million in the first mil-
lennium
C.E.), however, lived on the land. Most were
peasants who tilled small plots with a wooden plow
pulled by oxen and paid a percentage of the harvest to
their landlord. The landlord in turn forwarded part of the
SOCIETY AND CULTURE 221