Ball Martin, M?ller Nicole. The Celtic Languages

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636 THE SOCIOLINGUISTICS OF THE CELTIC LANGUAGES

be demonstrated, as a result of the development of Gaelic- medium education (see Figures

13.11 – 13.16, above).

There were in 1981, within the contemporary Gaidhealtachd, a number of areas in

which the proportion of young people (aged 5–24) speaking Gaelic matched or exceeded

the proportion in the older age ranges. These areas may be said to demonstrate some via-

bility in their maintenance of the language. At the 1981 census, they comprised some 30

of the 140 enumeration districts of the Western Isles, chieﬂ y in western Lewis, southern

Harris, the Uists and Barra, and some 9 of the 50 enumeration districts in Skye, chieﬂ y

in its northern and southern extremities. In some other areas Gaelic maintenance in the

5–24 age range was within 1–2 percentage points of the older generations, as in the West-

ern Isles communities of Barra and Vatersay, or within 3–4 points, as in the remainder

of Harris, Scalpay and remoter parts of Lewis (MacKinnon 1987a). In the Isle Oronsay

postcode sector of Skye, the incidence of Gaelic was stronger in the 3–24 age range than

among the older population – the likely result of the policies of the local estate, Fear-

ann Eilean Iarmain, in using Gaelic as its language of management (MacKinnon 1985b).

Although these effects were considerably diminished in the 1991 and 2001 censuses, there

were still some six out of sixteen census wards in the Western Isles maintaining the lan-

guage among young people (MacKinnon 2007).

There was some evidence in late twentieth- century surveys and censuses that in the

most strongly Gaelic communities, supportive attitudes and usage of the language were

less well represented among the younger women, as compared with other age and gender

groups. There was also a deﬁ nite differential migration of younger women as compared

with younger men from the most strongly Gaelic areas (MacKinnon 1977, 1984a, 1985a,

1986). Other research suggests that within the occupational continuum of Gaelic com-

munities, Gaelic was best conserved within the semi- skilled agricultural group, which

comprised the crofting ‘core’ of these communities. Young Gaelic- speaking adults may

well seek Gaelic- speaking partners with supportive attitudes, but often a local Gaelic-

speaking man will bring home a non- Gaelic- speaking bride. As the young women

remaining within the community tend to be marginally less supportive of Gaelic, the pros-

pects for intergenerational transmission of Gaelic are similarly diminished.

The social distribution of Gaelic- speaking abilities also seems to be patterned by migra-

tion. The prospects for employment in professional, managerial, skilled non- manual and

skilled manual occupations are limited within the Gaelic- speaking areas. Community

leadership roles, which tend socially to be associated with these occupational categories,

are in a sense exported to urban Lowland Scotland and elsewhere, and thus tend to diminish

in the Gaelic home areas. The skilled occupational categories – especially the non- manual

group – tend to be less supportive of Gaelic in usage and loyalty terms (MacKinnon 1985a,

1988a, b), but where new industry has attracted young, skilled and semi- skilled Gaelic

speakers back to the home areas to work, this has increased both the incidence of Gaelic

(MacKinnon 1987a, b) and its proﬁ le in the community (Prattis 1980).

Analysis of census data in terms of migration and Gaelic in households became possi-

ble with the 1991 and 2001 censuses. This is illustrated in Figures 13.24 (pp. 630–1) and

13.25 (pp. 637–8) regarding migration patterns of the general and Gaelic populations in

2000–1; and Figures 13.26 (p. 639) and 13.27 (p. 640) regarding the situation of Gaelic

and intergenerational transmission within families of different types. These data strongly

suggest that the principal causes of language shift are to be found in the increasing num-

bers of Gaelic speakers migrating outwith the main Gaelic areas, and a reverse ﬂ ow of

non- Gaelic speakers permanently settling within them.

From the 1991 census it has also been possible to analyse intergenerational transmission

SCOTTISH GAELIC TODAY 637

of Gaelic in the family, and this is illustrated in Figures 13.26 (p. 639) and 13.27 (p. 640)

for families of different types. An increasing number of marriages and households are

established across the two languages with the result that children of Gaelic- speaking par-

ents are less likely to be brought up speaking the language. This ties in with the importance

of institutions outwith the home for reproducing language in the upcoming generation,

such as Gaelic- medium education, the Gaelic media and cultural infrastructure.

Falkirk

East

Ayrshire

South

Lanarkshire

North

Ayrshire

Midlothian

West

Lothian

Fife

East

Lothian

City of

Edinburgh

Argyll

and Bute

City of

Aberdeen

Orkney

Islands

Shetland

Islands

Western

Isles

Highland

Moray

Aberseenshire

Perth and

Kinross

Angus

Scottish

Borders

Dumfries and

Galloway

Stirling

South

Ayrshire

50 miles

80 km

196,778

12,136

91,306

4,735,289

1,000 10,000

No usual address in 2000

From outside Scotland

To rest of UK (estimate)

100

26,502

Figure 13.25a 2001 census: major areas for Gaelic – all migrants. Source: base map

supplied by General Register Ofﬁ ce (Scotland), data from 2001 census plotted by

K. MacKinnon 2008

638 THE SOCIOLINGUISTICS OF THE CELTIC LANGUAGES

Virtually all Gaelic speakers today are functionally bilingual. Gaelic monolingualism

is restricted to a handful of the most socially isolated elderly and to pre- school infants.

Thus code- switching and calqueing are common – and sometimes even deliberately

engaged in for effect (MacAulay 1982). One of the chief areas of inﬂ uence of English

upon Gaelic is in the introduction of new technology, and the taking over of English terms

into Gaelic.

Falkirk

East

Ayrshire

South

Lanarkshire

North

Ayrshire

Midlothian

West

Lothian

Fife

East

Lothian

City of

Edinburgh

Argyll

and Bute

City of

Aberdeen

Orkney

Islands

Shetland

Islands

Western

Isles

Highland

Moray

Aberdeenshire

Perth and

Kinross

Angus

Scottish

Borders

Dumfries and

Galloway

Stirling

South

Ayrshire

50 miles

80 km

15,842

8,712

4,019

4,186

26,210

200

400

No usual address in 2000

From outside Scotland

To rest of UK (estimate)

100

Figure 13.25b 2001 census: Gaelic migrants. Source: base map supplied by General

SCOTTISH GAELIC TODAY 639

Mainland dialects today are moribund, and eastern dialects extinct. The Lewis dia-

lect has the largest number of speakers. It has a somewhat ‘singsong’ character often and

easily parodied by speakers of other dialects (MacAulay 1979; Gleasure 1983). Gaelic

speakers often state that they resent dialects other than their own, especially in broad-

casting. Paradoxically, survey informants frequently claim that ‘the proper Gaelic’ is

not spoken in their home area. Such reactions result from lack of exposure to alterna-

tive speech varieties and perhaps to some image of ‘pulpit Gaelic’ or newsreaders’ Gaelic

as in some way providing a standard variety. Both reactions probably result from deﬁ -

ciencies of the education system in insufﬁ ciently developing people’s linguistic repertoire

and awareness in Gaelic as compared with English. A recent study investigates register in

Western Isles’ Gaelic (Lamb 2008). It has demonstrated a lively and varied range of reg-

isters among ordinary Gaelic speakers despite universal bilingualism and contact with

English.

37.6%

Scotland: 7,750 families with

Gaelic-speaking parents

Lone parent speaking Gaelic

– 930 families,

37.6% of children

speaking Gaelic

Both parents speaking Gaelic

– 2,550 families,

72.6% of children

speaking Gaelic

One parent speaking Gaelic

– 4,270 families,

14.3% of children

speaking Gaelic

72.6%

14.3%

Figure 13.26 Families with Gaelic parents and children aged 3–15 years, Scotland.

Source: 1991 census Scotland, Gaelic Monitor, Table 3

640 THE SOCIOLINGUISTICS OF THE CELTIC LANGUAGES

Western Isles area: 2,160 families with

Gaelic-speaking parents

67.7%

80.7%

24.0%

Lone parent speaking Gaelic

– 240 families,

67.7% of children

speaking Gaelic

Both parents speaking Gaelic

– 1,310 families,

80.7% of children

speaking Gaelic

One parent speaking Gaelic

– 610 families,

24.0% of children

speaking Gaelic

Skye and Lochalsh district: 530 families with

Gaelic-speaking parents

87.5%

87.1%

40.4%

Lone parent speaking Gaelic

– 70 families,

87.5% of children

speaking Gaelic

Both parents speaking Gaelic

– 190 families,

87.1% of children

speaking Gaelic

One parent speaking Gaelic

– 270 families,

40.4% of children

speaking Gaelic

Figure 13.27 Families with Gaelic parents and children aged 3–15 years, Western Isles

area and Skye and Lochalsh district. Source: 1991 census Scotland, Gaelic Monitor,

Table 3

SCOTTISH GAELIC TODAY 641

GAELIC LANGUAGE- LOYALTY, ATTITUDES AND ASSOCIATED FACTORS

IN SURVEY PERSPECTIVE: 1972–4, 1976–8, 1986–8, 1994–5, 2004–5

The present author has investigated attitudes towards Gaelic in a series of surveys already

noted in Harris, Barra and Skye (MacKinnon 1977, 1985a, 1988a, b, MacKinnon and

MacDonald 1980). In these studies Likert- scale language- loyalty indexes have been ana-

lysed in comparison with standard social- identity factors. One common and consistent

association throughout these studies has been the relative weakness in supportive atti-

tudes towards Gaelic on the part of younger women remaining in these communities.

This feature was paralleled by weaknesses in Gaelic usage levels and language abilities

(MacKinnon 1977: 160; 1985a: 74).

In these earlier studies, higher Gaelic language loyalties within these most strongly

Gaelic local communities also signiﬁ cantly associated with skilled, semi- skilled and

crofting occupational identities, as compared with those of both higher and lower pres-

tige (MacKinnon 1985a: 79). In terms of education levels, loyalties were higher among

the non- selective and higher- education groups, compared with those proceeding only as

far as selective and further- education establishments (MacKinnon 1985a: 77). In terms of

political and religious identities, higher Gaelic loyalties associated with allegiance to the

more ‘ethnic’ Free Presbyterian and Roman Catholic churches, but were closely followed

by Free Churchers – and loyalties were lowest among the established church followers.

Highest Gaelic language loyalties were shown among Labour and Nationalist voters (the

predominant groups in the Western Isles), and lowest among non- voters and Liberal sup-

porters. However, in a national public- opinion survey undertaken in 1981, in Skye the

predominating Liberals were the highest in Gaelic loyalties, and nationally, support for

the Gaelic language tended to polarize on a Nationalist–Alliance–Labour–Non- voting–

Conservative continuum (MacKinnon 1981: 30, 46–50).

These results have been largely conﬁ rmed in later and more extensive studies in Skye

and the Western Isles as a whole (MacKinnon 1988a, b) and are summarized below.

In the 1986–8 survey in Skye and the Western Isles, two types of approach were used

to analyse attitudes and loyalties towards Gaelic: a ‘Gaelic Policies Support Score’ based

upon ten questions relating to Gaelic in public life, the media and education, and a Likert-

type ‘Gaelic Language- Loyalty Index’ based upon eleven attitudinal questions (derived

from a pilot study of twenty- seven questions). The latter measure was by deﬁ nition and

construction the more discriminating and bi- modal in character. Analysis by social iden-

tity was undertaken both for Gaelic speakers and for non- Gaelic speakers in the sample.

There were a number of social attributes which could be shown to associate with

higher levels of support for Gaelic policies and Gaelic language loyalty, both among

Gaelic speakers and in the sample as a whole. These are listed in Tables 13.7 and 13.8.

In the 1986–8 Western Isles survey, analysis of variance within the Gaelic population

as a whole similarly indicated that of all the age- and sex- groupings, younger women had

the lowest of all mean Gaelic- speaking ability levels (F = 3.19, sig. 0.0085), mean family

Gaelic- usage levels (present: F = 5.16, sig. 0.00014, and original: F = 4.18, sig. 0.0013),

and mean Gaelic language- loyalty scores (F = 4.33, sig. 0.00098).

642 THE SOCIOLINGUISTICS OF THE CELTIC LANGUAGES

Table 13.7 Social factors associating with higher levels of Gaelic language policy-

support and language- loyalty (Isle of Skye 1986–8)

• Residence in the more remote northern and western areas;

• the attempt at some time to learn the language;

• origination in another and more strongly Gaelic area;

• male gender as opposed to female gender;

• fatherhood as contrasted with – especially middle- aged – motherhood;

• education proceeding only to the elementary or junior secondary levels among the

older respondents, and higher education more generally;

• semi- skilled and crofting occupational roles;

• static or downward occupational mobility among the Gaelic speakers;

• more radical (Nationalist and Labour) political support;

• allegiance to the Free Church.

Table 13.8 Social factors signiﬁ cantly associating with lower Gaelic policy- support and

language- loyalty (Isle of Skye 1986–8)

• Lack of Gaelic- speaking ability;

• origin in a non- Gaelic- speaking area;

• female as opposed to male gender;

• motherhood – especially middle- aged – as contrasted with fatherhood;

• senior secondary, comprehensive or technical college education;

• skilled non- manual occupations in the case of policy support, and professional/man-

agerial and housewife- only occupations in the case of language loyalty;

• for policy support, non- involvement in crofting among Gaelic speakers;

• upward occupational mobility among Gaelic speakers;

• Alliance political allegiance among the Gaelic speakers;

• and in the sample as a whole Alliance voting and political non- involvement;

• allegiance to non- Presbyterian churches.

For the prospects of Gaelic language maintenance in the remaining strongly Gaelic

areas the results of this survey thus strongly conﬁ rm one of the more important ﬁ ndings

of previous surveys in Harris and Barra in the 1970s (MacKinnon 1977; MacKinnon and

MacDonald 1980). Of all age and sex groups the younger women remaining in these com-

munities are the least supportive regarding Gaelic- speaking ability, family usage and

language loyalty. These are, of course, mean results and there is, therefore, much indi-

vidual variation. The results for these Gaelic communities are not representative of the

Gaelic- speaking language group as a whole – the majority of whose members today usu-

ally reside outwith the residual strongly Gaelic- speaking areas, and among whom younger

Gaelic- speaking women may well be among the most supportive of their language.

In view of the higher mean score levels of the language- loyalty index and policy-

support score in the Western Isles compared with Skye, there was not, on the whole, a

great deal of signiﬁ cant variation of mean loyalty and support levels for Gaelic among

Gaelic speakers in terms of most main social factors. The few attributes signiﬁ cantly asso-

ciating with mean Gaelic Policies Support Scores and Language- Loyalty Index Scores are

already listed in Tables 13.7, and 13.8, above.

SCOTTISH GAELIC TODAY 643

Further analysis of these survey results tended to conﬁ rm patterns of intergenerational

transmission, usage patterns and attitudes towards language in line with previous ﬁ nd-

ings. However, the greater homogeneity of the results for Gaelic speakers in the Western

Isles compared with the Isle of Skye indicated more general support and loyalty towards

Gaelic across the social spectrum. The overall means on these two measures were higher

among Gaelic speakers in the Western Isles than in Skye: for Policy Support 68.3 com-

pared with 60.9, and for Language Loyalty 30.0 compared with 23.9.

What can be said, in conclusion, of the sociology of contemporary Gaelic–English lan-

guage contact in the ﬁ or- Ghaidhealtachd (‘the truly Gaelic area’) of Skye and the Western

Isles? Gaelic language maintenance can be seen simplistically as a case of cultural lag:

the language hangs on in stable and undisturbed remote areas, and among the crofting

community and traditional lifestyles. The analysis of census and survey data, however,

reveals that the situation is more complex than this. There are regenerative as well as attri-

tional processes at work. Education is important for regeneration in at least two respects.

The strengthening of Gaelic within the school curriculum has had speciﬁ c census effects

(which can, of course, be argued as to the extent to which children continue using their

Gaelic after school). Higher education, leading to professional occupational roles, has

enabled local Gaelic speakers to return to work in Gaelic communities, and respondents in

these occupations tend to be among the most supportive of Gaelic in both usage and atti-

tudinal terms. The respondents who have been educated only to SCE O- , Standard- , and

H- grades and lower technical or vocational qualiﬁ cations, and who have been upwardly

mobile into skilled manual or non- manual occupations are the least supportive of Gaelic.

This pattern has also been noted in Wales (Harrison et al. 1981: 32–8, 40, 52). Economic

developments linked to the return of locals to work in these areas have also had a strength-

ening effect for Gaelic (Prattis 1980: 211–31).

The other major factor of social identity bearing upon Gaelic language maintenance

which this survey has conﬁ rmed has been the weakness of support for Gaelic among the

young women remaining in these communities, and in particular the young mothers. This

has important implications for the transmission of Gaelic to later generations. The fact

that today many young mothers are keen for their children to acquire Gaelic – and will

now even campaign for Gaelic- medium playgroups, nursery schools and primary units

– does not outweigh the fact that one-quarter of Gaelic- speaking parents in the survey

reported that their eldest child did not speak Gaelic.

More recent studies have illustrated the decline of Gaelic within the remaining Gaelic-

majority areas both in terms of incidence of the language within the community and

age- spectrum, and in the rapid decline of Gaelic in everyday use in the community. In

1994–5 the only national study to date of Gaelic speakers throughout Scotland was under-

taken under the aegis of the EU Euromosaic Project (see MacKinnon 2001, 2003, 2006).

Although this was a small- scale quota- sampled survey, there was a sufﬁ cient subset of

Western Isles respondents (N = 130) to make comparison with earlier studies, and with an

initiative undertaken ten years later in 2004–5: the Western Isles Language Plan Project

(see MacKinnon 2007, and again Figures 13.20–13.23, above).

These studies have illustrated the rapidity of decline of Gaelic in various ways. In

family usage there have been sharp falls in intergenerational transmission and usage

from grandparents, through parents and partners, to children and among children them-

selves (see again Figures 13.10, 13.20 and 13.21, above). This decline has been paralleled

by decline in usage within the community (see again Figures 13.19, 13.22, and 13.23,

above). This has been particularly rapid in the Western Isles between the surveys under-

taken in 1994–5 and 2004–5. These developments all prompt the question whether or not

644 THE SOCIOLINGUISTICS OF THE CELTIC LANGUAGES

a viable Gaelic- speaking local community can for very much longer continue to exist in

its traditional homeland. And indeed, whether without it, any viable form of Gaelic social

structure is a possibility.

These studies, and the analysis of census data on Gaelic speakers, migration and

household structures (MacKinnon 2005, 2006), have pointed to a model whereby an

increasingly mobile population, in which Gaelic speakers have now become virtually as

mobile as anyone else, removes Gaelic speakers from their home areas, and dilutes these

areas with non- Gaelic- speaking incomers from elsewhere. Marriage and family forma-

tion are thus increasingly undertaken between Gaelic- and non- Gaelic- speaking partners,

and as a consequence Gaelic ceases to be transmitted in the family. The situation has now

become acute in the Western Isles, as the last remaining Gaelic majority area. By the

time of the 2001 census the generation of parenthood had reproduced themselves with

Gaelic- speaking children in only six of the area’s sixteen census wards: Uig/Carloway,

Coll/Gress, Harris West/East, Lochmaddy/Paible, Daliburgh/Eriskay, and Barra/Vatersay

(GROS census 2001 Scotland Table S143). In the Western Isles as a whole only 1,437

households out of 4,835 (29.7 per cent) were couple families with two Gaelic- speaking

parents. Even so, only 976 of their 1,276 children aged 3–15 years (76.5 per cent) were

Gaelic- speaking. Of the children of the 307 Gaelic- speaking lone parents, only 138 of 272

(50.7 per cent) were Gaelic- speaking (see again Figure 13.27, p. 640). These considera-

tions raise concern with Gaelic in the family as a crucial issue for the future of the Western

Isles as a Gaelic- speaking community. Support policies for Gaelic within the family are

needed urgently if the language is to be effectively maintained.

GAELIC SUPPORT INFRASTRUCTURE AT THE START OF THE

TWENTY- FIRST CENTURY

In order essentially to address these problems, local initiatives in the Western Isles led to the

establishment of the Western Isles Language Plan Project in 2003 under the Western Isles

Language and Culture Forum. It undertook a research survey whose initial ﬁ ndings were

published in late 2005 (WILPP 2005). Upon this research base it has proceeded to undertake

various local initiatives in support of the language in family and community. At this time

various other moves were afoot to enhance the status of Gaelic both nationally and locally.

In 2000 as one of the early initiatives of the devolved government in Scotland, the

Macpherson Task Force on Gaelic (1999–2000) reported and advised on measures for

more effective institutional support of the language. The Ministerial Advisory Group on

Gaelic (MAGOG) was then set up to advise on practicalities, and recommended ofﬁ cial

status and recognition by a language act, the establishment of a language development

board, and improvements in Gaelic education. These were accepted by the then Scottish

Executive and a language authority, Bòrd na Gàidhlig, was constituted in 2003. In 2005

the Holyrood Parliament unanimously passed the Gaelic Language (Scotland) Act, which

gave legal status to the language on the basis of equal respect with English. This consid-

erably strengthened the recognition of Gaelic under the European Charter for Regional

or Minority Languages which the UK government had signed two years earlier. In 2006

Bòrd na Gàidhlig became a statutory authority empowered by the Act to require Scot-

tish public authorities to formulate Gaelic language plans, and to disburse grant moneys

in support of Gaelic, administer the Gaelic special grants scheme in education, which

by 2008–9) was then running at £5.466 million annually, and advise what had by then

become the Scottish Government, on Gaelic matters.

SCOTTISH GAELIC TODAY 645

Also in 2000 the Milne Task Force on Gaelic Broadcasting (1997–2000) reported that

the language had become affected by ‘an unprecedented state of technological change’. It

recommended that the then Gaelic Television Committee should be upgraded to an overall

broadcasting authority for the whole range of media (radio and internet as well as tele-

vision, potentially accessible world- wide), with services to be delivered terrestrially until

digital came on- stream under a Gaelic Broadcasting authority (subsequently Seirbheis

nam Meadhanan Gàidhlig/Gaelic Media Service and, from 2008, MG Alba). An annual

funding budget of £44 million was recommended to deliver three hours of new television

daily, eighteen hours of radio, and new electronic technology via the internet. At the time

of writing (2009) many of its recommendations have been achieved, including an all-

Gaelic TV channel.

With the advances in Gaelic education noted above, the early twenty- ﬁ rst century

seems to have witnessed most of the goals which were striven for throughout the twenti-

eth. Yet, ironically, this is taking place at a time when the prospects for the continuation

of Gaelic as a community language face a crisis. Neither the securing of ofﬁ cial status

nor the implementation of public authority language plans will, of themselves, secure

the future of the language. The initial priorities of Bòrd na Gàidhlig have been chieﬂ y

directed towards the approval and implementation of public authority language plans:

six per year. The ﬁ rst six comprised the Western Isles, Highland, and Argyll and Bute

councils, the Scottish Parliament, the Scottish Government, and Highlands and Islands

Enterprise. These, of course, include authorities responsible for national and local serv-

ices, including education, and enterprise. However important, these alone will not secure

the language in everyday life unless they are backed up by initiatives at family and com-

munity level.

With the present shaky prospects of Gaelic in community life, it would be important

to secure all- through Gaelic schooling in its heartlands areas, whereby families with

Gaelic speakers can have support from outwith the family to buttress their own initia-

tives and objectives within the home. In 2001 only about one in ﬁ ve of all Gaelic speakers

lived in an all- Gaelic household, under one- third (28.2 per cent) in a local area where

Gaelic speakers formed a majority, and just over one- third (35.9 per cent) in the remain-

ing ‘heartland’ areas of the Outer and Inner Hebrides. Almost half (46.9 per cent) in fact

lived in urban, Lowland Scotland. Gaelic speakers in the ‘heartlands’ no longer have the

demographic ‘mass’ or language- reproductive replacement rates effectively to maintain

the language. Planning authorities need to realize this because the provisions they make

will work only if institutions outwith the home play their part too. So far the Western

Isles authority has been slow to develop Gaelic- medium education much beyond about a

quarter of its primary school roll. It has been reluctant to introduce all- through all- Gaelic

schooling, or policies to develop both the language and language arts children bring with

them to school, together with the other language and language arts which are present in

their community. This happens in Wales. It is not yet fully understood in Scotland. With-

out ‘joined- up’ policies, planning will be ineffective.

The importance of education in any language- planning strategy has been recognized

by Bòrd na Gàidhlig in its National Plan, published in 2007. The development of Gaelic

and Gaelic- medium education since 1985 has been supported by research initiatives in

which the Scottish Centre for Language Teaching and Research at Stirling University

(SCILT) and the Lèirsinn Research Centre for Gaelic Affairs at Sabhal Mòr Ostaig have

both played an important part (Johnstone 1994; MacNeil 1994; Stradling and MacNeil

1996, 2000; Johnstone et al. 2000). These and other studies have drawn attention to levels

of demand, shortfalls in supply of trained teachers and high levels of attainment. Similar