Ball Martin, M?ller Nicole. The Celtic Languages
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526 THE BRYTHONIC LANGUAGES
Tense Æ I II III IV V VI Future Impf. of habit
Stressed ["bœːs] ["bɔː]["bœː]["bIÚɛ]["bɔː]["bɛː]["bIːð]["bIÚðɛ]
Unstressed [vɛs] [vɔ][vɛ]["vIÚɛ][vɔ][vɛ][vIð]["vIÚðɛ]
Note that tenses I and II acquired a [b- ] by analogy, except in the second- person singular.
Thus the present tense was:
1 sg. [am"bœːs] 1 pl. [agan"bœːs]
2 sg. [aθ"œːs] 2 pl. [agas"pœːs]
3 sg. m. [an"dʒɛÚvɛs] 3 pl. [as"tɛÚvɛs]
3 sg. f. [as"tɛÚvɛs]
Some examples from Middle Cornish are:
banneth an tas r
e ges bo (OM2585)
‘the blessing of the Father may you have!’
ef an geuyth war an chal (PC1181)
‘he shall have it on the jowl’
a wul drok nyn gefe meth (RD1785)
‘he never had shame of doing evil’
vyngeans ren geffo amen (RD2085)
‘may he have vengeance, amen!’
alemma numbus gvaya (BM4098)
‘hence I cannot move! (lit. have no movement)’
By the time of BK, this verb had acquired personal endings, e.g. ny fethyth ‘thou hast not’
instead of the earlier ny fyth. The paradigms of am bues and bos became very similar, and
confusion resulted in Late Cornish, e.g. me a vee owne ‘I had fear’.
SYNTAX
Introduction
There is no direct evidence concerning Old Cornish syntax, since none of the sources con-
sists of continuous prose. Presumably it closely resembled that of Old Breton (Fleuriot
1964).
The grammar of Middle Cornish by Lewis (1946) has been translated into German
(Zimmer 1990) and Dutch, but apparently not into English; the original Welsh version
contains many errors, which were the subject of a complaint by A. S. D. Smith (Hooper
1977). Brown (2001) is the defi nitive grammar of revived Cornish, which because of its
detailed treatment is useful to students of Middle Cornish. The presentation of verbal
syntax is amplifi ed in George (1991). For Late Cornish grammar, see Wmffre (1998).
CORNISH 527
Syntax of clauses containing fi nite verbs
Clauses may be classifi ed according to:
1 the structure of the clause – verbal or nominal;
2 the presence or absence of an auxiliary verb.
In verbal clauses, the verb (either main or auxiliary) was infl ected according to person as
well as tense (as in Latin); a personal pronoun subject was not expressed, but was implicit
in the personal ending of the verb. The verb was preceded by a leading element, and fol-
lowed by an optional enclitic pronoun, which emphasized the subject. This structure
applied to all possible modes, as shown in Table 11.33.
Table 11.33 Modes of expression in verbal clauses in Middle Cornish (using main verb
and unemphatic word- order)
Mode Particle Standard clause Meaning Notes
+ve statement (main) y hedhyw y prenav today I buy 1
- ve statement (main) ny ny brenav I buy not
+ve statement (secondary) ∇ or y pan brenav when I buy 2
- ve statement (secondary) ny or na pan ny brenav when I buy not
+ve command ∇ pren! buy!
- ve command na na bren! buy not!
+ve question a a brenydh? buyest thou?
- ve question a ny a ny brenydh buyest thou not? 3
+ve answer ∇ prenav yes 4
- ve answer na na brenav no 4
+ve wish re re brenno! may he buy!
Notes:
1 Cases of the y- particle starting an affi rmative statement (main clause) are extremely rare; y was usually
preceded by an adverb (word, phrase or clause).
2 Some conjunctions were followed by the particle, e.g. ma ‘that’ (in the form may); others were
followed directly by the verb, e.g. pan ‘when’, mar ‘if’, del ‘as’.
3 Evidence from BK suggests that dar ny was an alternative interrogative negative particle.
4 Whereas in Middle Cornish, ‘yes’ and ‘no’ were expressed by using the verb in question, in Late
Cornish, îa and na were used.
In nominal clauses, the verb was infl ected only according to tense, and within an individ-
ual tense the verb (either main or auxiliary) remained invariant (as in Esperanto), taking
the form of the third- person singular; a personal pronoun subject was expressed, and pre-
ceded the verb. This structure applied only to affi rmative statements.
Thus Middle Cornish was remarkable in that clauses containing affi rmative statements
could be structured in two quite different ways. The two structures are illustrated in Table
11.34 for the present tense of prena ‘to buy’, using both the main verb and the auxiliary
verb gul.
528 THE BRYTHONIC LANGUAGES
Table 11.34 Types of clauses in affi rmative statements
Verbal structure (- ve statement) Nominal structure (+ve statement)
main verb only with auxiliary main verb only with auxiliary
1 sg. ny brenav ny wrav prena my a bren my a wra prena
2 sg. ny brenydh ny wredh prena ty a bren ty a wra prena
3 sg. ny bren ny wra prena ev a bren ev a wra prena
1 pl. ny brenyn ny wren prena ni a bren ni a wra prena
2 pl. ny brenowgh ny wrewgh prena hwi a bren hwi a wra prena
3 pl. ny brenons ny wrons prena i a bren i a wra prena
Clauses containing an auxiliary verb
In these, the main verb took the form of the verbal noun, and the auxiliary could be either
verbal or nominal. It is helpful to divide the common auxiliary verbs between, on the one
hand, mynnes ‘to wish’, gallus ‘to be able’, and gothfos ‘to know how to’; and on the
other, gul ‘to do’, since the latter adds but little to the meaning of the sentence. Indeed,
there seems to be little difference between the direct my a wel ‘I see, I shall see’ and the
periphrastic my a wra gweles ‘I do see, I shall see’.
Analogical re- modelling in Late Cornish
In Middle Cornish, the enclitics were optional and emphatic, but in Late Cornish they
took on the semantic load. For instance, in the Middle Cornish phrase ow lyver vy ‘my
book’, the meaning ‘my’ became transferred from ow to vy, making ow redundant and
giving Late Cornish levar vî; the grammatical change here was analogical; if one could
say lyver Jowan ‘John’s book’, then why not lyver vy?
The same analogical re- modelling took place in, and hastened the demise of, verbal
clauses. For instance, ny wel ev ‘he sees not’ (verbal particle + verb + enclitic) was re-
interpreted as having the same syntax as ny wel an den ‘the man sees not’ (verbal particle
+ verb + subject).
Word- order in sentences
An analysis of clauses in Beunans Meriasek (George 1991) showed that the most common
structures were those with a main verb: verbal in negative statements and nominal in
affi rmative statements. The commonest word- orders are shown in Table 11.35. According
to Lyon and Pengilly (1987), the commonest word- orders in Late Cornish included those
numbered 1, 3 and 5 in the table.
CORNISH 529
Table 11.35 The commonest word- orders in Beunans Meriasek (statements in main
clauses)
Subject Object Structure Ref. Example Meaning BM
pronoun None nominal 1 my a wel I see 69%
verbal 2 ny welav I do not see 68%
Pronoun nominal 3 my a’s gwel I see it 85%
verbal 4 ny’s gwelav I do not see it 60%
Noun nominal 5 my a wel an gath I see the cat 57%
verbal 6 ny welav an gath I do not see the cat 56%
noun None nominal 7 an den a wel the man sees 90%
verbal 8 ny wel an den the man does not see 65%
Pronoun nominal 9 an den a’s gwel the man sees it 63%
verbal 10 ny’s gwel an den the man does not see it 60%
Noun nominal 11 an den a wel an gath the man sees the cat 100%
verbal 12 ny wel an den an gath the man does not see the cat 68%
The percentages refer to the proportion of occurrences of the given word- order relative to the total number
of possible ways of expressing the meaning in the sixth column.
Subordination
There were fi ve types of subordination in Middle Cornish, as follows:
Subordinate
clause
Subject Verb Structure and standard example
1 +ve statement Pronoun Vowel tenses of
bos
Possessive pronoun + verbal noun ev
a grys ow bos klav ‘he believes that I
am ill’
2 +ve statement Noun Vowel tenses of
bos
Verbal noun + subject + complement
ev a grys bos Yowann klav ‘he
believes that John is ill’
3 +ve statement Any Any other than
vowel tenses of
bos
y particle + conjugated verb ev a grys
y hwelav an gath ‘he believes that I
see the cat’
4 +ve statement Any Any other than
vowel tenses of
bos
Subject + dhe + verbal noun ev a grys
my dhe weles an gath ‘he believes
that I see the cat’
5 - ve statement Any Any na(g) + subordinate clause ev a grys
na welav an gath ‘he believes that I
do not see the cat’
Type 3 may be taken as subordination of the verbal structure; type 4 of the nominal
structure. The following examples are taken from Passio Christi:
530 THE BRYTHONIC LANGUAGES
(1) PC0490 yn sur ef a wothfye y bos hy
peghadures
surely He would know that she is a
sinner
(2) PC0607 ha gueytyeugh bos tus parys and mind that men are ready
(3) PC0138 yma scrifys yn lyfryow yn pup
maner y coth thys gorthyes the
dev hay hanow
it is written in the Scriptures that in every
way it behoves thee to worship thy God
and His name
(4) PC2034 bythqueth re beu vs geneugh
war pask my the ase theugh vn
prysner hay thelyffre
it has always been with you that at the
Passover I should give up to you one
prisoner, and release him
(5) PC0604 ha guet na veny tollys and mind that we are not cheated
To these was added a sixth type, in which the word fatell, originally ‘how’, took on the
meaning ‘that’; in this example, the English is that of Bonner:
(6) TH01v Rag why a res vnderstondia ha
cresy fatell ew an dewses spuris
for this you must moost certenly beleue
that the godhed is a spirite
The word fatell was often reduced to tell, e.g. from Rowe’s translation of Genesis 3:
preg laule theeze tellestah en noath? ‘who told thee that thou wast naked?’
Similarly, the word hedre, originally ‘while’, also lost its fi rst syllable, and took on the
meaning ‘that’, becoming tre or ter in Late Cornish, e.g. again from Rowe:
pereg Jesus clowaz tero Jowan towlaz tha bressen ‘when Jesus had heard that John was
cast into prison’. The two words del and tre may have been confused.
Type 1 (the possessive pronoun + bos) developed personal endings:
(a) directly, e.g. ow bosa (instead of ow bos) at PC1120;
(b) with a y particle, e.g. y bosans y (instead of aga bos) at TH19v.
In Late Cornish, types 4, 5 and 6 remained (Lyon and Pengilly 1987).
The subjunctive mood
There were originally two tenses in the subjunctive mood, the present and the imperfect.
The present subjunctive was used:
1 to express a wish, e.g. ow thas ker gorthys re bo ‘my dear Father, may He be adored!’
2 in indefi nite future statements, e.g. pan vo ow soppye ‘when he is supping’
3 after generalities, e.g. Suel a vynno bos sylwys ‘whoever may wish to be saved’
4 after superlatives, e.g. me an herth guel ha gyllyf ‘I shall shove it as best I can’
5 after may ‘so that’, when used to express purpose in the future, e.g. me a ra the
crist amme may hallough y asswonvos ‘I will kiss Christ so that you may recognize
Him’
CORNISH 531
6 after pysy ‘to pray’, erghy ‘to command’, gwytha ‘to take care’; e.g. me a pys ragovgh
ow thas may fevgh sylwys ‘I pray my Father for you that you may be saved’.
The imperfect subjunctive was used:
7 after an unlikely or impossible supposition, e.g. ny gewsy dre geryte [lemen] rag
cafos ran vras an pencon mar a calle ‘he was not speaking out of charity, but in order
to get a large share of the proceeds, if he could’;
8 after may ‘so that’, when used to express purpose in the past; e.g. ʒe worte vn lam
beghan y ʒeth pesy may halle ‘from them a small leap He went, that He might pray’.
The two subjunctive tenses soon became confused. In Late Cornish, the subjunctive
remained only in a few stock phrases: e.g. (case 1) en chei lebma vo dean koth ‘in a house
where there may be an old man’; case 8 may be represented by mal dha va prêv ‘that he
might prove’.
DIALECTAL AND SOCIOLINGUISTIC VARIATIONS
Next to nothing is known about these in traditional Cornish. There may have been dia-
lects, but only N. Williams (1995) has been obliged to postulate their existence in order to
justify his views on Cornish phonology. For example, pre- occlusion (see section on pho-
nology above) is evident in Cornish texts dated post c. 1575, and in place- names west of a
line from St Austell to Perranzabuloe. Conventional wisdom links these two pieces of evi-
dence, in that this line marked the eastern boundary of the Cornish- speaking area at that
date. Williams has a much more convoluted explanation, based on minority spellings. He
believes that the opposition between /n/ and /nn/ was removed in the eastern part of Corn-
wall (according to him up to the Tamar) before the date of his alleged prosodic shift (the
twelfth century), but this change did not take place in the western part (where we now fi nd
place- names with <dn>). He thus postulates two dialects: an eastern one in which histor-
ical /n/ and /nn/ were no longer distinguished, and a western one in which /nn/ suffered
pre- occlusion soon after the prosodic shift, giving a phonetic contrast [n] v. [
d
n], which
became fully developed in the sixteenth century to [n] v. [dn], the latter becoming ‘visi-
ble’ as <dn>. An examination of place- names containing historical stressed /- nn- / during
the period 1175 (assumed date of alleged prosodic shift) to 1575 (date of fi rst appearance
of <dn>) throws light on this matter. If Williams were correct, then in the eastern zone one
would expect these names to be spelled in an indiscriminate mixture of <nn> and <n>,
because the difference between /n/ and /nn/ had supposedly been effaced: whereas in the
western zone (where <dn> is found), one would expect them to be spelled (almost) exclu-
sively with <nn>. The results show the following:
western zone eastern zone
<nn> 109 cases (81%) 105 cases (83%)
<n> 26 cases (19%) 22 cases (17%)
There is no signifi cant difference between the proportions in the two zones, showing that
the alleged dialects are not required to explain pre- occlusion.
The Late Cornish phase would have provided the sociolinguist with plenty of inter-
esting material from semi- speakers and terminal speakers. The social stigma attached to
532 THE BRYTHONIC LANGUAGES
Cornish was such that Nicholas Boson’s mother in about 1650 forbade the servants to
speak Cornish to him. Thus his Cornish was not that of a native speaker; the same may be
said of most of the Newlyn School, with the notable exception of William Rowe. Edward
Lhuyd’s partially reconstructed Cornish received short shrift from the Newlyn School:
Oliver Pender wrote to William Gwavas in 1711:
Rag na algia clappia na screffa Curnoack peccara why.
Thera moy Gembrack peath rig ea gweele.
‘For he could neither talk nor write Cornish like you.
What he did was more Welsh’.
LEXIS
An analysis of the sources of root- words in the traditional lexicon without taking
frequency into account (upper part of Table 11.36) suggests that there were as many loan-
words from English as there were native Celtic words. Since, however, the frequency
of occurrence of most loan- words is low, any estimate which does take frequency into
account shows the Celtic element to be always dominant (lower part of Table 11.36).
Table 11.36 Proportions of the lexicon deriving from various sources
Celtic Latin English French Other
Text
Without taking frequency into account
Entire traditional corpus 42% 14% 42% 2%
Vocabularium Cornicum 73% 19% 5% 2% 1%
Works of William Rowe 84% 4% 11% 1% <1%
Taking frequency into account
Words occurring > 100 times in corpus 86% 8% 6% <1% <1%
Entire traditional corpus, weighted 90% 2% 8% <1%
These fi gures exclude words whose origin is disputed or hybrid.
The loan- words may be divided into three categories:
i fully assimilated into Cornish (German Lehnworte): e.g. redya ‘to read’.
ii partly assimilated (German Fremdworte): most of these, like onderstondya, are found
in the Tregear Homilies. It seems that Tregear could not be bothered to fi nd Cornish
equivalents for the English in the works by Bishop Bonner which he was translating.
iii unassimilated words and phrases (German Gastworte): e.g. by my sowle, boniour.
It is sometimes diffi cult to categorize a particular word; frequency of occurrence helps,
but is not an infallible guide: for example, the tautologous kethsam occurs more than 100
times in the Tregear Homilies, but in no other text; was it in common use? The word
certen (numerous variant spellings) occurs more than 100 times in Middle Cornish, but is
unattested in Late Cornish.
CORNISH 533
NOTE
1 The symbol ∇ represents zero sound.
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