Tsutsui W.M. A Companion to japanese histоry

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Buddhism tended to focus on the figures and movements that survived and con-

tinued into much later times (including the present). More recent study has expanded

to encompass some comparatively ‘‘ephemeral’’ figu res (such as Ippen). Other re-

search has come to look at the broader phenomenon of the re-evaluation and rear-

ticulation of teachings that occurred in this same era, and at some of the social

ramifications of renewal and revival in older schools, as typified by such figures as

Myo

or Eison. This in turn has encouraged a more nuanced understanding of

medieval religion that more closely reflects contemporary dynamics.

A third approach engages Buddhism from a more consciously descriptive rather

than prescriptive perspective, and embodies what we might regard as an approach

found more commonly in the field of religious studies, which examines claims about

truth, and inquires into the dynamics of human shaping of doctrine and texts. Topics

of research have included Buddhist relics, devotional cults, issues of hospice and

medicine, ideological uses of Buddhism for assigning social worth, sexuality

and Buddhism, the internal dynamics of monastic institutions, as well as study and

translation of private correspondence.

These topics individually and collectively

convey direct existential concerns, articulations of doctrine, and efforts to reconcile

elements of doctrine with the needs of believers. Attention to issues of gender in

Buddhist doctrine, and to the manner in which females responded to male-centered

discourses that assigned females inferior ability to bene fit from the Buddha’s message,

have greatly expanded our picture of religious activity. Such research has also fruitfully

problematized many writings that had been accepted as reflectors rather than shapers

of ‘‘tradition,’’ and opened up for serious study writings (especially by women) that

were traditionally given little attention.

For a sense of how research has benefited

from these new perspectives, the collection edited by Barbara Ruch, Engendering

Faith: Women and Buddhism in Premodern Japan, is indispensable.

Overseas Contacts

One of the distinguishing characteristics of the medieval era was extensive, sustained

overseas contact. That has been noted for some time, as has the diplomatic structure

which provide d some of the framework for that contact. More newly noted, and

constituting a conceptual leap, is that for the medieval era the idea of ‘‘Japanese

history’’ must acknowledge the non-state-centered maritime trading networks,

human movements, and cultural exchanges, of the East Asian maritime region of

which Japan was a part. That region encompassed south China, the Ryu

kyu

Islands,

southern and western Japan, and the Korean peninsul a. In turn, that region consti-

tuted one end of, and one of the links in, a trading net work comprised of overlapping

regions extending on to Southeast Asia, and into the Indian Ocean littoral that

included such areas as the Indian subcontinent, much of the non-Mediterranean

Islamic world, the east coast of Africa, the Red Sea, and the Persian Gulf. In fact it

was by following the trade links in this wider network that Europeans (Portuguese)

first encountered Japan in the 1540s, thus initiating a new type of foreign contact that

built (largely productively) upon existing links and attitudes to exchange. The essen-

tial cessation of active overseas engagement (the sakoku or ‘‘closed country’’ policy)

that is a hallmark of the post-medieval , early modern Tokugawa era is beyond our

58 ANDREW EDMUND GOBLE

scope here. However, it is important to remember that this ‘‘clos ed country’’ phe-

nomenon ought not be read back into the medieval era. It must be fully appreciated

that for the medieval era the low-tide mark around the Japanese archipelago denoted

not an end to ‘‘Japanese’’ history, but was another starting point for it.

The overall diplomatic framework

When permanent state-to-state diplomatic relations in East Asia were maintained,

they tended to be so within a Sinocentric framework whereby other nations accepted

a subordinate vassal status as a tributary state of a Chinese regime. A tribute relation-

ship provided the advantages of external legitimacy, of permission to engage in trade

at designated Chinese locations and send missions along specified routes, and in

principle the right to ask for Chinese military assistance. However, irrespective of

whether such for mal relations were maintained, as a matter of practice and necessity,

unofficial contacts with China were continuous, and (where geography and transport

routes allowed) similarly we find direct relations between non-Chinese states.

Formal Japanese diplomatic cum tributary relationships with China had cease d in

the 800s, but were revived in the late 1300s.

The late 1300s was a period of regime

change and consolidation throughout East Asia: the Ming in China, the Yi in Korea,

and the Ashikaga family’s Muromachi bakufu in Japan. All appear to have felt that some

form of external legitimization was useful. On the Japanese side, the first effort in the

fourteenth century to acquire political recognition from the Ming was made by a

representative of the Souther n Court, Prince Kaneyoshi, who styled himself ‘‘King of

Japan.’’ While it became apparent that he did not control Japan, the validity of seeking

recognition seems not to have been problematic on the Chinese side. It appears that

Kaneyoshi’s effort provided the model for the Ashikag a, and it was with this title that

formal recognition was received by the Muromachi bakufu in 1402. Within Japan the

probity of the new title was the subject of some debate, but the Ashikaga position

prevailed. The new prominence of a polit ical entity in Japan within the tributary system

also influenced Japanese relations with the Korean court, another member of the

diplomatic order, and subsequently numerous official missions were exchange d.

Japanese tribute missions were sent on a regular if not predictable basis from the

early 1400s into the mid 1500s. Initially the missions were to the direct financial

benefit of the Muromachi bakufu and its warrior leadership, and to the Kyoto-based

Zen monastic institutions whose monks in effect constituted a foreign service – skilled

in Chinese, many had also traveled to China, and they were adept in the forms and

protocols of cultural engagement that guided diplomatic negotiation in the East

Asian macro-culture. From the 1470s Japan’s internal political chaos – and the

effective destruction of Kyoto as a political center as a result of the O

nin War –

meant that there was no longer a meaningful counterpart of a Korean or Chinese

regime. However, the older framework survived as a useful instrument of trade, and

as a practical matter the righ t to represent Japan in foreign relations was retained by

the Muromachi bakufu. Nonetheless, by the 1500s the missions, while requiring

possession of documentation from the bakufu, effectively became private endeavors

under the sponsorship of and for the benefit of other warrior families (including the

powerful O

uchi family of western Japan) and fo r merchants based not in Kyoto but in

the self-governing port city of Sakai.

MEDIEVAL JAPAN 59

Violent aspects of contacts

Warfare or armed conflict between the population of Japan and its East Asian

maritime neighbo rs was rare. However, the instances of such have come to live

long in historical memory, essentially because of their occasional political usefulness

to later generations. We may note two significant medieval examples: the Mongol

invasions of 1274 and 1281, and the ‘‘Japa nese pirate’’ phenomenon of the thir-

teenth through mid sixteenth centuries.

The Mongol invasions of Japan, in Hakata Bay on the island of Kyu

shu

,were

products of the foreign expansionist policy of the Yuan Mongol empire of Qubilai

Khan. As in many Mongol military expeditions Mongols were a minority, and so the

bulk of the sailors and soldiers in the invading force were Chinese (apparently

recruited from the ranks of the defeated souther n Song) and Korean (furnished by

the subordinate King of Korea). Chinese and Koreans also constituted the bulk of the

reported 100,000 or deaths among the invaders. Japanese casualties appear to have

been very smal l. The 1274 invasion may be regarded as a reconnaissance in force. The

1281 invasion was a far larger and more serious effort at conquest, and appears to

have been the world’s largest sea-borne assault prior to the twentieth century.

The Mongols were defeated in 1281 by a combination of a well-prepared Japanese

defense, which prevented the invasion forces from moving off the beaches for a

period of about six weeks, and by adverse sea conditions caused by a typhoon that

resulted in the destruction of the vast majority of the shipping and invasi on person-

nel. Recent scholarship has suggested that the Japanese warriors would have prevailed

in any event, but the cataclysmic impact of the typhoon made the entire matter moot.

Any survivors were hunted down, and executed or enslaved. This rare defeat for

Mongol arms provided a basis for the claim that Japan had never been su ccessfully

invaded; and by interpreting the typhoon as a ‘‘divine wind’’ or kamikaze provided

grounds for an ideology that Japan enjoyed the special and powerful protection of its

indigenous gods, the kami. One medieval by-product of the latter was the construc-

tion of a discourse, by some proponents of the native religion of Shinto

, particularly

those in prominent shrines on the island of Kyu

shu

, of the foreign other.

The short-term invasion impact on northern Kyu

shu

and its warrior class was of

course substantial, in the expenditure of resources and lives, although assessing a

specific longer-term impact is more difficult. However, it does seem clear that the

invasions added to a range of existing problems. The inability of the Kamakura bakufu

to provide appropriate rewards for service or compensation for losses created consid-

erable ill-will, and added further tensions to a warrior society already confronting

pressures for bette r resource allocation and in the midst of altering its inheritance

practices in ways that disadvantaged many family members. Family fission generated

extensive litigation. The bakufu established new organs to administer Kyu

shu

, and

was in effect forced to place the island under judicial quarantine.

Ironically, perhaps,

this seems to have enhanced a sense of autonomy on the part of Kyu

shu

warriors

generally, and thereafter the island focused its primary attention on itself and on its

maritime links to the East Asian continent.

The phenomenon of the wako

or Japanese pirates can be traced for over 300 years,

roughly from the 1220s to the 1550s. Japanese pirates were of two types. The first

were literall y Japanese pira tes, drawn from southwestern fishing and coastal warrior

60 ANDREW EDMUND GOBLE

communities, who preyed upon the littoral of the Korean peninsula.

Their impact

was most significant through the early fifteenth century. Tsushima, midway between

Japan and Korea, served as a de facto gathering point. While they raided merchant

ships, they became notorious for the damage they caused to the finances of the

Korean gover nment by seizing tax ships, and for the devastation they inflicted on

the Korean population generally. In this latter they raided coastal and hinterland

villages and cities, pillaged at will, seized livestock and property, and carried off people

to be used as hostages or slaves. Between the 1360s and 1430s raids were large-scale

enterprises, and could involve thousands of raiders and hundreds of vessels. This

activity, and the uncertain ability of the Muromachi bakufu in Kyoto to control it,

strongly influenced the rhythm of Korean–Japanese official relations. The most

effective cont rol was exercised by Korean naval activity, as highlighted by a massive

Korean punitive expedition in 1419 against Tsushima.

The second type of Japanese pirates is best seen as multinational freebooters,

mainly of Chinese and Japane se ethnic origin. This second type of Japanese pirate

symbolizes the extensive and continuous non-official maritime activity throughout

the East China Sea region.

The ‘‘Japanese pirate’’ label , while not inapplicable since

people of Japanese birth were amon g the participants, appears to have served as a

convenient fig-leaf that officially disguised the inability of the Ming dynasty to

suppress the lucrative coastal piracy, and the unofficial and banned international

trade in which Chine se were prohibited to participate, that flourished particularly

along the south China coast. ‘‘Japanese pirate’’ activity was a significant drain on

Ming government resources, and ultimately became a major domestic political prob-

lem. Failure to deal effectively with the issue came to be regarded as one of the signs

of the gradual loss of authority, and thus dynastic legitimacy, of the Ming dynasty

itself. As it happens, the ‘‘Japanese pirate’’ phenomenon declined along with the

Ming. It is unlikely, however, that the disappearance below the political horizon of

non-official activity betokened its cessation.

The ubiquity of contacts

The preceding discussion dealt with activities, official and non-official, which oc-

curred on and around the East China Sea. The topics have traditionally been seen as

part of foreign or external relations, and because of the relative lack of formal

diplomacy and foreign policy have taken a back seat to research on domest ic, land-

based aspects of Japanese history. In recent years scholars have reconceptualized this

approach. Two elements have been key.

First, while Japan is an island nation, this has come to be regarded not as an excuse

for limiting study of or understanding of ‘‘Japanese history’’ to the area bounded by

the low-tide mark of surrounding waters, but as a reason to incorporate into Japanese

history the continuous links made possible by maritime travel. The activities of

traders, travelers, and seafarers – which occurred irrespective of formal state relation-

ships – are now seen as an integral part of social and cultural history, rather than

separate from it. A natural corollary to this is that the ethnic and national origin of

those who are included in ‘‘Japanese history’’ has expanded. Concomitantly, this has

facilitated research into the topics of boundaries, borders, and contact zones, which

provides new issues and frameworks for writing about Japanese history.

MEDIEVAL JAPAN 61

Second, while the notion of center and periphery is a useful one when examining

many dynamics and, as John Whitney Hall has articulated so well, the central–local

relationship(s) were always symbiotic, scholars have now come to understand that

regions and peripheries might be treated as centers in their own rights.

Kamakura

and eastern Japan during the Kamakura period make that point most obviously,

because of the political significance of Kamakura. However, there is significance to

regions apart from any role in national-level politics. This is particularly the case with

the island of Kyu

shu

which, rather than being understood as the western (or south-

ern) periphery and far from the center, may be seen as a center of its own.

Thus Kyu

shu

was anchored by the international trading port of Hakata

and the

nearby administrative center of Dazaifu, and it had at least two of its own peripheries,

namely, the Kyoto region and eastern Japan, and the littoral of the East China Sea

(the Ryu

kyu

Islands, south China, the Korean peninsula). Given that ‘‘distance’’ in

medieval Japan was often conceived of as social and temporal rather than as topo-

graphical, Kyu

shu

(here, Hakata) was as closely linked to ‘‘other countries’’ as it was

to other parts of Japan. These new understand ings of linkage have made it possible to

give coherence, and even greater significance, to such things as: the foreign commu-

nities that resided in Japan; ‘‘mixed-race’’ unions; trade in pottery and medicin es; the

journeying and sojourning of Zen monks between China and Japan; that Zen

architecture and practices flourished first in Hakata; international art markets; the

circulation of manuscripts and books; and the broader phenomenon of an East China

Sea macro-culture and trading regime of which Japan was an integral part. All in all,

the horizons of Japanese history have literally been extended.

NOTES

1 A nonetheless readable overview of premodern history that takes up the topic is Duus,

Feudalism in Japan.

2 See Goble, Kenmu.

3 See Mass, ed., The Origins of Japan’s Medieval World.

4 Conlan, State of War; Friday, Samurai, Warfare and the State; Goble, ‘‘War and Injury.’’

5 See Mass, Yoritomo and the Founding of the First Bakufu, and Friday, Hired Swords.

6 See Mass, The Development of Kamakura Rule, 1180–1250; G. Cameron Hurst, ‘‘The

Kobu Polity: Court Bakufu Relations in Kamakura Japan,’’ in Mass, ed., Court and

Bakufu in Japan.

7 See Goble, Kenmu, esp. chs. 1–3.

8 Varley, Imperial Restoration in Medieval Japan.

9 Goble, Kenmu, esp. chs. 5–8.

10 Goble, ‘‘Social Change, Knowledge, and History’’ and ‘‘Visions of an Emperor,’’ in Mass,

ed., The Origins of Japan’s Medieval World; Weik, ‘‘Kitabatake Chikafusa’s Use of the

Terms Dai and Sei in the Jinno

Sho

ki.’’

11 See H. Paul Varley, ‘‘The Ho

Family and Succession to Power,’’ and Andrew Goble,

‘‘The Ho

and Consultative Government,’’ both in Mass, ed., Court and Bakufu in

Japan. Andrew Edmund Goble, ‘‘The Kamakura Bakufu and Its Officials,’’ in Hauser and

Mass, eds., The Bakufu in Japanese History.

12 See Mass, The Development of Kamakura Rule, 1180–1250; Mass, Lordship and Inherit-

ance in Early Medieval Japan.

62 ANDREW EDMUND GOBLE

13 See Grossberg, Japan’s Renaissance, and the various chapters in Hall and Toyoda, eds.,

Japan in the Muromachi Age.

14 See Lorraine Har rington, ‘‘The Regional Outposts of the Muromachi Bakufu,’’ in Hauser

and Mass, eds., The Bakufu in Japanese History; Arnesen, The Medieval Japanese Daimyo

15 Suzanne Gay, ‘‘Muromachi Bakufu Rule in Kyoto,’’ in Hauser and Mass, eds., The Bakufu

in Japanese History.

16 Varley, The O

nin War.

17 Butler, Emperor and Aristocracy in Japan, 1467–1680.

18 Berry, The Culture of Civil War in Kyoto.

19 Gay, The Moneylenders of Late Medieval Kyoto.

20 Adolphson, The Gates of Power.

21 Berry, Hideyoshi; Lamers, Japonius Tyrannus; McMullin, Buddhism and the State in

Sixteenth-Century Japan.

22 See Groner, Saicho

; Groner, Ryo

gen and Mt. Hiei.

23 See Abe, The Weaving of Mantra.

24 See Dumoulin, Zen Buddhism, and Collcutt, Five Mountains.

25 See, for example, Cleary, trans., The Blue Cliff Record; Heine and Wright eds., The Ko

an.

26 See Armstrong, Buddha; Rahula, What the Buddha Taught.

27 See Inagaki and Stewart, trans., The Three Pure Land Sutras. A basic Japanese text in this

regard is Genshin’s Teachings Essential for Rebirth (see Andrews, The Teachings Essential

for Rebirth).

28 There are several English translations of this. See, for example, Watson, trans., The Lotus

Sutra.

29 See Bloom, Shinran’s Gospel of Pure Grace.

30 See Rodd, Nichiren: A Biography; Yampolsky, ed., Selected Writings of Nichiren.

31 Stone, Original Enlightenment and the Transformation of Medieval Japanese Buddhism.

32 See Unno, Shingon Refractions; Tanabe, Myoe the Dreamkeeper.

33 See, for example, Ruppert, Jewel in the Ashes; Faure,

The Red Thread and The Power of

Denial; Rogers and Rogers, Rennyo. See also the various articles (in English and French)

on medieval Japanese religion in the special issue of Cahiers d’Extre

me-Asie, entitled

‘‘Buddhist Priests, Kings and Marginals: Studies on Medieval Japanese Buddhism,’’ 13

(2002–3); Goble, ‘‘Truth Contradiction and Harmony in Medieval Japan’’; Sharf and

Sharf, eds., Living Images; LaFleur, ‘‘Hungry Ghosts and Hungry People.’’

34 See Dobbins, Letters of the Nun Eshinni; Meeks, ‘‘Nuns, Court Ladies, and Female

Bodhisattvas.’’

35 Ruch, ed., Engendering Faith.

36 For overseas commerce, see Von Verschuer, Le Commerce Exterieur du Japon.

37 Two useful surveys are Tanaka Takeo, ‘‘Japan’s Relations with Overseas Countries,’’ in

Hall and Toyoda, eds., Japan in the Muromachi Age, and Kawazoe Shoji, ‘‘Japan and East

Asia,’’ in Yamamura, ed., The Cambridge History of Japan, vol. 3, Medieval Japan.

38 Conlan, In Little Need of Divine Intervention .

39 For one example, see Haruko Wakabayashi, ‘‘The Mongol Invasions and the Making of

the Iconography of Foreign Enemies,’’ in Goble, Robinson, and Wakabayashi, eds., Tools

of Culture.

40 Kyotsu Hori, ‘‘The Political and Economic Consequences of the Mongol Invasions,’’ in

Hall and Mass, eds., Medieval Japan; Mass, Lordship and Inheritance in Early Medieval

Japan.

41 Hazard, ‘‘Japanese Marauding in Medieval Korea.’’

42 So, Japanese Piracy in Ming China during the Sixteenth Century.

43 Batten, To the Ends of Japan.

MEDIEVAL JAPAN 63

44 Hall, Government and Local Power in Japan, 500–1700.

45 Batten, Gateway to Japan.

46 See the essays in Goble, Robinson, and Wakabayashi, eds., Tools of Culture.

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