Schmitt C.B. (ed.) The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy
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Metaphysics
617
revelation
is absolutely necessary; reason can at best discover natural
analogies
to the supernatural mysteries - like the philosophical distinction
of
supposite and
nature
as applied to the Incarnation. Because, however,
certain doctrines of the faith - the existence
of
God
and the immortality of
the human soul
—
were, as Aristotelian philosophy had showed, accessible to
man's unaided reason, the scholastics argued
that
the assent to the articles of
the faith was not unreasonable. Pomponazzi's position seriously under-
mined this method of
apologetics.
If Aristotle's actual teaching conflicted
with
the Christian doctrines of creation and immortality, the scholastic
approach to the act
of
faith through Aristotle's philosophy was impossible.
Indeed, the very conception
of
scholasticism,
based on the role
of
the clergy
as the privileged interpreters
of
the depositum fidei, was called into question.
Were
Pomponazzi's interpretation of Aristotle's philosophy correct, then
both the scholastic understanding of
nature
with its static, hierarchically
ordered essences and the scholastic understanding
of
theology
as a scientific
presentation of Christian doctrine with the articles of faith as its axiomatic
first principles would be without foundation.
Suarez'
reinterpretation of Aristotle's metaphysics was meant to meet
this challenge. He was ready to admit
that
the Aristotelian, physical
argument for God's existence, which began from motion, was not able to
reach an uncreated, immaterial substance. But he maintained
that
it was
possible
to employ Aristotelian philosophical principles to prove the
existence
of
God
and the immortality
of
the soul
—
not in physics, but
rather
in metaphysics. By way of the metaphysical argument from efficient
causality
one can arrive at an infinite, first being. From man's intellectual
activity
it is possible to argue metaphysically to the spirituality
of
the human
soul
which is, as an immaterial substance, immortal. It was for this reason
that
Suarez had recourse to the distinction of reality into ens infinitum, ens
creatum immateriale and ens creatum materiale. He was
fully
aware of the fact
that
the use of this distinction implied the division of metaphysics into the
parts
which would later be called natural theology, rational psychology and
cosmology.
But the distinction met the increasing need for an independent
treatment of the problem of God, rendered the growing crisis of the
Aristotelian
physics as the science of corpus mobile irrelevant to scholastics
and provided the basis for a defence of the scholastic understanding of the
world.
It also supplied the foundation
of
the reform
of
the
arts
curriculum in
post-Tridentine Catholic schools with metaphysics as the science of being
explaining
and confirming the natural principles of all things and all
knowledge
in the service of revealed theology.
These
schools were the seminaries decreed by the
Council.
In this
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6i8
Metaphysics
completely
new type
of
institution the Christian Aristotelianism which had
grown
up in the University of Paris and received its most mature
formulation in Rome and Salamanca moved out of the main stream of
European intellectual history. Much as the contemporary chroniclers
of
the
Catholic
religious orders collected the historical monuments of their past,
the men who taught in these schools sought to bring together in a systematic
way
the speculation of what they subconsciously recognised as a closing
age.
Their teaching gave rise to a new literary form, the cursus philosophicus
or summary of scholastic teaching in philosophy. The cursus was generally
written in the form of disputations on the works of Aristotle, but two
features set it off from the earlier commentaries and disputations. First,
although the order of Aristotle's books on speculative philosophy was
generally
followed, the majority of the authors of these compendia
abandoned the Philosopher's conception of physics. Since the purpose of
the cursus was to provide the basic philosophical knowledge necessary for
the study of revealed theology, they reinterpreted the
parts
of Aristotle's
natural philosophy as metaphysics. The understanding of the science of
being
which had been developed by Christian Aristotelians since the time of
Javelli
provided the foundation for their interpretation of the individual
tracts. Anticipating the later cosmology, they grouped the Physics, De caelo,
De
generatione et corruptione and Meteorology together as
parts
of the science
which
deals not with corpus mobile, but
rather
with ens mobile. In order to
be able to maintain
that
the De anima provides the principles for the
demonstration
of
the immortality
of
the soul, they took the subject-matter
of
the book to be ens mobile
animatum,
thus
founding the science which
would
later be called rational psychology. Although the authors of these
textbooks
often disagreed on the question whether the Metaphysics deals
properly with the general science of ontology or the particular science of
natural theology, they were practically unanimous in the
view
that
Aristotle's
book supplied the principles for the various
parts
of
the science of
being.
They broke, therefore, at this point with the traditional order of
Aristotle's
works and generally treated the Metaphysics before, not after, the
works
on physics.
The
cursus philosophicus,
thus
constituted, was meant to be an answer to
the syncretism, scepticism and new encyclopaedism which threatened the
scholastic
view
of the world. By anchoring all the
parts
of the philosophy
curriculum in the science
of
being,
the authors
of
these works hoped to save
the static, hierarchical understanding
of
reality which medieval thinkers had
based on Aristotle's philosophy and on which the clergy had founded its
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Metaphysics
619
conception of its role in society. But amidst the social upheavals of the
period, this end could only be attained by a deliberate restriction of the
authors' philosophical horizons. An increasing narrowness was conse-
quently a second characteristic of the cursus. Whereas writers like Pereira
and Suárez had still attempted to master the
entire
tradition, the philosophy
professors of the post-Tridentine Catholic schools had less and less direct
knowledge
of the Greek and Arabic sources and even a very limited
acquaintance with their own medieval Latin authorities. Because their
teaching was directed in each case to the members of a specific religious
community, they stressed the importance of its uniformity. Disturbed by
the doctrinal confusion which marked the Renaissance period, they tended
increasingly to
return
to the teaching
of
one
of
the great thirteenth-century
doctors, the Dominicans, Carmelites and Benedictines
turning
to Thomas
Aquinas,
the Franciscans to Duns Scotus, the Capuchins to Bonaventure,
the Augustinians to
Giles
of Rome and the Servites to Henry of Ghent.
Shortly after the close of the
Council,
for example, the Carmelite Order
founded a
college
for philosophical studies in the University of
Alcalá.
In
order to assure the preservation of safe, approved, and uniform teaching in
the order, the master general imposed on the lectors
of
the
college
the task of
writing a cursus
artium
in the form
of
disputations on the works
of
Aristotle
and in agreement with the teaching of Thomas Aquinas. It is
true
that
the
more recently founded orders
—
the Jesuits, in particular
—
enjoyed more
freedom in the choice of opinions, but their
flexibility
was generally
stigmatised as eclecticism by the members of the older orders, and even in
these later foundations
authors
of
the cursus found their principal inspiration
in the
thirteenth
century.
The
approach adopted by both differed, however, radically from
that
of
their models. Whereas their medieval counterparts had written for the most
part
as theologians, trying to show the fundamental harmony between
Christian revelation and the newly recovered Greek science, the scholastics
of
the baroque period abandoned this effort, recognised the autonomy of
the
natural
sciences and were content to leave the development of them to
laymen (except where scientific conclusions conflicted with Christian
doctrine). They intended to write as philosophers and sought to
fill
in with
the cursus a gap which had been left by the medievals. Nevertheless, their
philosophy was meant to serve an apologetic purpose. In the cursus
natural
philosophy became metaphysics as
part
of an effort to defend a worldview
in which revelation appeared necessary, its acceptance reasonable and the
clergy's
role as its
interpreter
guaranteed. This approach carried the day in
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Metaphysics
the schools of the Counter-Reformation. Summaries of scholastic philos-
ophy were composed in Spain by the
Jesuits
Pedro
Hurtado
de Mendoza
and Francisco de
Oviedo,
the Dominican
John
of St Thomas and the
Carmelite
college
of
Alcalá;
in France by the Cistercian Eustachius a
S.
Paulo (who is said to have had an influence on Descartes); in Italy by the
Jesuit
Cosma Alamanni and the Franciscans Bartholomaeus Mastrius and
Bonaventura Bellutus; and for use in Germany and Eastern Europe by the
Jesuit
Roderigo de Arriaga.
In Protestant Germany the Aristotelian philosophy underwent an
evolution which paralleled, in many
ways,
that
in Catholicism. But
there
are many paradoxes in the German development. As is
well
known, Luther
rejected Aristotle and the scholastic mixture of philosophy and theology.
But
within a
hundred
years of the Reformer's disputation of
1517
Contra
scholasticam theologiam, metaphysics
—
either as the science of being or as
natural
theology — had come to occupy a central place in Protestant
universities, whether they leaned to Calvinism as in Heidelberg and
Marburg, to a strict Lutheranism as in Wittenberg and
Jena
or took a more
moderate
stand
as in
Altdorf
and Helmstedt. Protestant theologians of the
latter
part
of the sixteenth century found in Aristotle an
instrument
with
which
they could meet the challenges which arose after the prophetic spirit
of
the early Reformation had cooled. Disputes within Lutheranism and
between Lutherans and Calvinists about the
nature
of Christ and the
doctrine
of
justification made precise definitions of
terms
like 'substance'
and 'accident',
'nature'
and 'person' absolutely imperative. Challenges from
Catholicism,
Socinianism and what was regarded as a new atheism forced
theologians to seek a common ground for discussion. The institutional
structure
of
the new university system forced them to maintain the scientific
character of their discipline.
Nevertheless,
it was not in the theological faculty
that
metaphysics made
its first appearance. There the prejudice against the scholastic
¡jiií;o<$)i\ooo<l>od€o\oyía
was too strong. The acceptance
of
Aristotle's
science
of
being seems
rather
to have been a
logical
consequence of the prior
acceptance
of
his
natural
philosophy and general conception
of
what science
is.
The Reformation had for a time cut Germany
off
from the progress in the
natural
sciences which was made in Italy in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries. When German thinkers
turned
to the new science, they were also
confronted by the secular Aristotelianism
of
the Italian universities and the
same problem
that
Catholic
authors
had had to face - the problem of the
double
truth.
The paradox is
that
they found answers to the problem in the
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Metaphysics
621
works
of Iberian Jesuits. By the end of the century, Fonseca, Pereira and
Suarez
were
standard
references in the newly founded Protestant universi-
ties.
Paradoxical also is the fact
that
in Germany Aristotle's
natural
philosophy had, before the close of the sixteenth century, been dethroned
by
a strange mixture
of
Aristotelianism and biblical ideas meant to account
for
Christian doctrines like
that
of the glorified bodies of Christ and the
redeemed after the Resurrection. As the new experimental science
then
gained adherents, the theologians simply dropped Aristotle's physics and
turned
their
attention
almost exclusively to his metaphysics and
natural
theology.
Aristotelian
natural
philosophy entered the German university through
the medical faculty. It was Melanchthon himself who opened the door.
Although
he seems at first to have thought
that
he could content himself
with
collecting scriptural commonplaces and limit his philosophical efforts
to the production of humanistic compendia for rhetoric, dialectics and
moral philosophy, the university curriculum soon forced him to
turn
his
attention
to the other
parts
of philosophy. From about 1530 Melanchthon
began to compose textbooks on physics and psychology and to edit various
classical
works on arithmetic, geometry and astronomy for use in the
schools.
By 1550 his university discourses had
turned
to subjects like
anatomy, the motion
of
the
heart
and the dignity
of
medical science. In the
1540s
Jacob Schegk of Tubingen not only wrote commentaries on
Aristotle's
logic and
natural
philosophy, but also translated the De mixtione
of
Alexander
of
Aphrodisias and the commentary
of
Georgius
Pachymeres
on the De lineis indivisibilibus and edited Aristotle's De
anima
with excerpts
from Simplicius' commentary.
From the late 1550s on increasing numbers of Germans went to Italy to
study. One
of
the first was Bruno Seidel
of
Erfurt, who studied medicine at
the University
of
Padua from
15
57 to 1560. In the
1560s
Johannes
Caselius, a
pupil
of
Melanchthon and later the leading humanist in the newly founded
University
of
Helmstedt, made two extended visits to Italy, studying
under
Pier Vettori and Carlo Sigonio. In the
1570s
Philipp Scherb, the founder of
the School of Altdorf, visited Rome and Bologna and studied metaphysics
in Padua
under
the Dominican Tommaso Pellegrini, before receiving his
doctorate in medicine at the University of
Basle.
At the same time, many
Italians fled, because
of
their religious convictions, to the North. Although
many of them took refuge in Geneva, Paris and England, a good number
also found a home in the Calvinist cities
of
Germany. In the
15
50s Girolamo
Zanchi
became professor
of
physics
at Strasburg and published
there
in
15
54
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Metaphysics
a new edition of Aristotle's Physics. Simone Simoni, who had studied in
Padua, became, after short sojourns in Geneva, Paris and Heidelberg,
professor of philosophy and medicine at the University of
Leipzig;
he
remained
there
until
1581,
when he was dismissed by the Elector
of
Saxony
because he refused to sign the Formula concordiae. Giulio Pace, who had also
studied in Padua, taught law in Geneva from 1575 to 1585, publishing his
influential edition of Aristotle's Organon there, before becoming professor
of
law at the University of Heidelberg. A new epoch for German
philosophy began in 1594 with the publication in Basle of Jacopo
Zabarella's Opera logica by
Johann
Ludwig Hawenreuter, doctor of
medicine and professor
of
logic,
physics and metaphysics at the University
of
Strasburg.
But
the professors of medicine were forced by the long-standing
prejudice against Aristotle in Reformation Germany to justify the study of
natural
philosophy. It was in this context
that
metaphysics made its
appearance in the schools. In 1564 Wolfgang Meurer, professor
of
logic
and
medicine at
Leipzig,
pleaded, in a preface to a new edition
of
Aristotle's
De
anima,
that
the use
of
philosophy was both necessary and legitimate. In 1573
Nicolaus
Taurellus, professor of medicine at Basle,
92
published his
Philosophiae
triumphus,
a work in which he justified the use
of
philosophy on
the ground
that
it not only does not conflict with revealed
truth,
but can also
supply the very foundations for belief. Taurellus wanted to develop a
Christian philosophy which would harmonise the Aristotelian worldview
with
the
data
of
biblical
revelation. This effort was to be truly philosophical
and provide reliable rational proofs, certain conclusions derived by strict
deduction from the
innate
first principles
of
science.
For the theory
of
proof
Taurellus was able to use the work
of
Jacob Schegk,
under
whom he had
studied at Tubingen. For the theory
of
knowledge
he took up the teaching
of
Melanchthon. The praeceptor Germaniae had recognised the task which
fell
to philosophy of expressing the knowledge of reality which can be
gained by reason, independent of revelation. Combining Stoic and
Ciceronian
ideas, he set down, in one of his later works,
three
norms - in
addition to revelation - for the certitude of doctrine: the universal
experience of men, the
innate
knowledge of first principles and the
syllogistic
presentation
of
conclusions.
He held
that
the knowledge
of
God's
existence,
eternity and creation of the world are such
innate
principles. He
distinguished between
truths
which are known only through revelation and
92.
Concerning
Taurellus
see
Lohr
1982, pp.
190-1.
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Metaphysics
623
truths
accessible to reason which are confirmed by revelation. As an
example
of
the latter, he appealed to the fact
that
the universal experience of
men
that
the earth is stationary, while the sun moves, is confirmed by
Scripture.
93
Although
this theory
of
knowledge
effectively
served to open the door to
philosophy in Protestantism, Taurellus recognised
that
its conception
of
the
relationship between faith and reason was simplistic. Christian philosophy,
he maintained, has the task not only of refuting the objections of
unbelievers, but also
that
of leading them to the faith. The relationship
between faith and reason is not a theological, but
rather
a philosophical
problem. In his approach to this problem, Taurellus made use of Melanch-
thon's revisions of some fundmental Lutheran positions. Man's
nature
was
not substantially, but only accidentally affected by the
fall
of Adam. He is
free,
but limited; grace perfects his freedom. His unaided reason can know
the essences
of
things, but revelation is necessary to know God's
salvific
will.
Taurellus concluded
that
the experience of human finitude is the end of
philosophy and the beginning
of
faith. Using the word in a Protestant work
for
the first time, he described this method of philosophising as
'metaphysical'.
The
problem
of
the relationship between faith and reason was, however,
not to be solved so easily. Among the ideas which German students brought
back
from Italy was the interpretation of Aristotle developed by Andrea
Cesalpino
at Pisa. According to this celebrated botanist and professor of
medicine, Aristotle knew nothing of creation. God is, for him, not the
efficient,
but
rather
the constituent cause of all things. As intelligence or
universal soul, God permeates and organises all reality. In Cesalpino's
understanding
of
Aristotle,
all
nature
is one; the doctrine
of
matter and form
is
meant to explain its structure. Intelligences and human souls are
parts
of
God;
they are differentiated by a very subtle type
of
matter.
God's activity is
the eternal motion of all things. Cesalpino
thus
confronted Protestant
thinkers, who had
turned
to him because of the needs of medical science,
with
the same dilemma with which Pomponazzi had confronted Catholic
theologians earlier in the century. He explicitly posed the problem of the
double
truth.
Where Aristotle disagrees with revelation,
there
must be an
error in his reasoning. But Cesalpino maintained
that
his task was simply
that
of explaining Aristotle's text; the theologians could attend to
uncovering its errors.
93.
Melanchthon
1834-60,
xm, pp.
149-53
(De
anima:
causae certitudinis doctrinarum).
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Metaphysics
Taurellus reacted to this challenge in much the same way as the Catholics
had done. He admitted
that
Aristotle had to be corrected or rewritten in
accordance with Christian doctrine. He recognised
that
Aristotle did not
treat
the question of God's existence and attributes,
that
he omitted the
question
of
the efficient cause
of
the world,
that
he denied God's providence
and erred with regard to the eternity of the world, the immortality of the
soul and man's future happiness. Against Cesalpino, Taurellus maintained
that
Aristotle correctly postulated the existence of finite, immaterial
substances, although incorrectly accepting the power of demons. He held
that
Aristotle's God was not merely the Deus rotator
of
Cesalpino,
but
rather
the actus purus which agreed with Christian teaching. He concluded
that
Aristotle's
works could be useful in the schools, but only to the extent
that
they confirm revealed
truths.
Accordingly,
he published at Hanau in 1596
his Synopsis Aristotelis Metaphysices, ad
normam
Christianae religionis
explicatae, emendatae et completae. This work was the first of a series of text-
books
on metaphysics emanating from southern German universities as a
result
of
the tension between Protestant doctrine and the natural philosophy
necessary for the study of medicine.
Johann
Ludwig
Hawenreuter had
lectured on metaphysics at Strasburg even before the appearance of
Taurellus' work, but his commentary on Aristotle's book was first
published by his students in 1604. At the newly founded University of
Altdorf
metaphysics early became an important
part
of the curriculum.
Taurellus had left Basle for the chair
of
physics
and medicine
there
in 1580.
Philipp Scherb was professor of
logic,
metaphysics and medicine
there
from
15
86 to
1605.
Ernst Soner, professor
of
physics
and medicine
there
from
1605
to
1612,
lectured on metaphysics in 1609, but because
of
suspicions
that
he inclined to Socinianism, his commentary was not published until after
the Thirty
Years
War.
In these prosperous cities
of
southern Germany the universities enjoyed a
certain autonomy with respect to the political power. The theological
faculties
found room not only for strict Lutherans, but also for the followers
of
Melanchthon and
Calvin.
The study of medicine flourished, and
metaphysics, as the link between the two faculties, took its place in the
curriculum. In
northern
German universities metaphysics also made its
appearance around the end of the sixteenth century, but with a different
function and in a radically different context. The
northern
German
universities and especially their theological faculties were much more
closely
allied with the political power
than
those in the southern towns. In
the North commerce had, under the strain
of
foreign
competition, declined
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625
rapidly in the course
of
the century. The towns fought a losing battle against
the administrative bureaucracy which became the backbone
of
government
in principalities like Saxony, Thuringia, Brunswick and Hesse-Darmstadt.
The
princes took advantage of the political confusion aroused by the
Reformation to subordinate the ecclesiastical institutions within their
territories to the secular power. Luther himself, frightened by the social
unrest
of
1524—5,
had placed church authority directly
under
the influence
of
the princes by siding with them in the suppression
of
the peasants. During
the uneasy peace which reigned from
1555^1618
the princes consolidated
their position by making the churches the pillars supporting their
sovereignty.
The famous principle
of
the Peace
of
Augsburg,
cuius regio eius
religio,
was used not only to secure religious conformity but also to create
an absolutist regime within the individual principalities.
In 1577 the princes took a momentous step in the direction of the
discipline and doctrinal uniformity which were necessary for the achieve-
ment
of
their purposes. In
that
year eighty-six German states and free cities
—
the majority of them in the North and together making up roughly
half
of
German-speaking Europe
—
accepted the Formula concordiae which defined
the Lutheran faith. The Formula reasserted Luther's doctrine
of
free
will,
sin
and grace and his realistic understanding of the sacraments. It also adopted
the soteriological doctrine
that
the work of Christ was of infinite merit
because it was the work of a divine person. The Formula was directed
primarily against the followers
of
Calvin
and Melanchthon, but the princes
also took measures to defend the idea
that
reason and revelation are
fundamentally in harmony against certain extremist Lutheran theologians
who
advanced what was regarded as a new form
of
the double
truth.
Going
further
than
the position
of
the Italian Averroists
that
philosophy
following
its own principles often arrives at conclusions in conflict with revealed
truth,
these thinkers claimed
that
the doctrines
of
faith
—
doctrines like
that
which
proposes
that
God is one essence in
three
divine persons — are
contrary to reason.
It was in this essentially theological context
that
metaphysics —
understood not as
natural
theology, but as the abstract science of being
—
appeared in
northern
German universities. Whereas the School of
Altdorf
understood Aristotle's science of ens
inquantum
ens as dealing
exclusively
with
the ens
primum,
professors at the universities of Wittenberg,
Jena,
Helmstedt and Giessen remained suspicious of the idea of a
natural
knowledge
of God. They looked to metaphysics for precise definitions of
the technical terminology needed in controversy with Calvinists and
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Metaphysics
extremist Lutherans. Aristotle's concepts
of
substance and accident enabled
them to
give
a scientific account of Luther's doctrine
of
justification
and
grace.
Aristotle's principle actiones
sunt
suppositorum enabled them to explain
that
the work
of
Christ
was
of
infinite merit because it was the divine person
or supposite, not the divine nature, who performed the salvific act.
Aristotle's
theory of
truth
enabled them to defend the basic harmony
between
reason and revelation; although the doctrine of the Trinity
transcends human understanding, they argued
that
it is not possible to prove
that
it is in conflict with the principle
of
non-contradiction. Aristotle's fixed
essences
and static conception
of
reality provided them with the foundation
for
the rigorous orthodoxy necessary in a society in which the churches had
the function of preaching the duty of obedience to divinely appointed
authority and the universities
that
of equipping the clergy with the
instruments needed for their task.
The
principal problem was
that
of
establishing the scientific character of
theology.
Accordingly, the textbooks on metaphysics which began to
appear in
northern
German universities in the late 1590s
—
about the same
time as those in Strasburg and Altdorf
—
manifest a strong interest in
Aristotle's
theory of science. David Chytraeus, the founder of the
University
of
Helmstedt, defended the
turn
to metaphysics by appealing to
the fact
that
Melanchthon had recognised the value not only of the
philosophical
lexicon in book v
of
Aristotle's
work, but also
of
the theory of
truth
elaborated in book
iv.
94
This preoccupation rendered their under-
standing of the Metaphysics somewhat different from
that
of the Spaniards
we
have studied above. The Spanish authors were, for the most
part,
members of theological faculties and concerned to work the scholastic
doctrine of the transcendentals into Aristotle's doctrine of being and
substance; they could exclude
parts
of
the Metaphysics as belonging properly
to physics and therefore to the domain of their colleagues in the
arts
faculties.
The Germans, on the other hand, as members of faculties of
philosophy,
sought to overcome the repetitions, inconsistencies and
discrepancies between the various
parts
of Aristotle's work by interpreting
it in terms
of
the theory
of
science
developed in the Posterior Analytics. Since
a science, for Aristotle,
treats
not only the subjects belonging to its genus but
also
their essential properties and principles, they tended to take books i-vi
as preliminary, books vn-vm as dealing with the principles of substance,
books
ix-x with its properties and book xn with its species.
The
earliest German textbook on metaphysics was published by the
94.
According
to
Thomasius
1705, pp.
75—6.
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